THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI Edited by N. Elias & Translated by E. Denison Ross. 1898 Ebook Version 1.0 Edited and Presented By Mohammed Murad Butt KARAKORAM BOOKS Read! In the name of thy Lord Who creoteth Preface Its been a pleasure to present this book in a digitized form , for all lovers of history of the central asian states as well as the Mughals This book being of a rare desposition and no digital copy being available till date, the readers would appericiate the efforts made in bringing out this book, in the further editions i would be adding a number of relevant Minature Paintings throught the book to make it more attractive and relevant, in that context if any of the esteemed readers have some minature paintings to share in context to the book it would be the tribute to the great personality of Mirza Haider I have put pictures in the Kashmir Section of relevant places which fit the descreption of Mirza Haider, currently i am working on a second version of the book with necessary maps and more pictures and the exact places he travelled to give our readers a more vivid experience, and which i believe would further enhance our vision to under this great personality , also if any suggestions and ways to improve this work will be highly appreciated . Pictures and suggestions can be sent to: muradbutt2009t@gmail.com Your contributions to this effort, will make further editions of this book very attractive and rich. Karakoram Books Mohammed Murad Butt Place Srinagar Kashmir Dated 28 th November 2009 Eid ul Zoha ITtifiaOMWWreHflimHWlllTtflBinitl * iiimilllWrilllHIilWillWMIlllWIIIII MII'll IMIIWIil III I— llf liilliilWUHIIIII CONTENTS PART I. THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. PROLOGUE CHAPTER I. Beginning of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi II. The Early History of Tughluk Timur III. The Conversion of Tughluk Timur Khan to Islam IV. Extracts from the Zafar-Ndma— Expedition of Tughluk Timur Khan into the Kingdom of Mavara-un-Nahr V. Intrigues of Timur with Amir Haji Barlas— His return from the banks of the Jihun and his meeting with the three Princes VI. Tughluk Timur Khan's Second Invasion of Mavara-un-Nahr VII. The Return of Tughluk Timur Khan to his own Capital VIII. Ilyas Khwaja Khan IX. Return of Amir Husain and Amir Timur to Taikhan and Badakh-shan, and the Treaties between them X. Timur's passage of the River at the Stone Bridge, and the flight of the Army of Jatah XL The Dream of Amir Timur, which he looks upon as a good omen, and which induces him to make War on Ilyas Khwaja Khan XII. Battle of Amir Husain and Amir Timur with the Army of Jatah. Victory of the Amirs over the Jatah XIII. Conference [Kuriltai] between Amir Husain and Amir Timur; and the raising of Kabil Shah Oghlan to the rank of Khan XIV. The Battle of the Mire XV. Siege of Samarkand by the Army of Jatah XVI. The last days of Ilyas Khwaja Khan, and the events that took place after his Death— The Domination of Kamar-ud-Din XVII. History of Kamur-ud-Din XVIII. The Third Invasion of Jatah (that is to say Moghulistan) by Amir Timur XIX. Marriage of Amir Timur with the Princess Dilshad Agha XX. Amir Timur's Third Expedition into Khwarizm, and his return owing to the Revolt of Sar Bugha, Adilshah and Bahram Jalair XXI. Amir Timur's Fourth Expedition into Jatah (that is, Moghulistan) XXII. The Death of Prince Jahangir XXIII. Amir Timur sends an Army against Kamar-ud-Din XXIV. Amir Timur's Fifth Expedition into Jatah (that is, Moghulistan) XXV. The Last Days of Amir Kamar-ud-Din XXVI. The Commencement of the Reign of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluk Timur Khan XXVII. Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan XXVIII. Shir Muhammad Khan, son of Muhammad Khan XXIX. Early Life of Vais Khan XXX. Amir Sayyid Ali and Stories relating to him XXXI. Epitomised account of what passed between Shir Muhammad Khan and Vais Khan XXXII. The Khanship of Vais Khan XXXIII. Amir Khudaidad and his Journey to Mekka XXXIV. The Martyrdom of Vais Khan XXXV. Ruin of [the party of] Irazan after the Death of Vais Khan XXXVI. Reception of Yunus Khan and Irazan, in Samarkand, by Mirza Ulugh Beg XXXVII. Khanship of Isan Bugha Khan, son of Vais Khan, after the Ruin of Irazan XXXVIII. Amir Sayyid Ali's Expedition to and Reduction of Kashghar XXXIX. The Quarrels of Isan Bugha Khan with his Amirs XL. The Commencement of the Khanship of Yunus Khan XLI. Detailed account of the Proceedings of Yunus Khan XLII. Arrival of Yunus Khan in Moghulistan XLIII. Rule of Mirza Saniz in Kashghar after the Death of his Father, Mir Sayyid Ali XLIV. Khanship of Dust Muhammad Khan XLV. Second Return of Yunus Khan from [the Court of] Sultan Abu Said XL VI. Events which followed on the Death of Dust Muhammad Khan; the Supremacy of Yunus Khan, and the Murder of Buruj Oghlan XL VII. Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din and his capture of the Khan XL VIII. Concerning what passed between Yunus Khan and the Kings of Mavara-un-Nahr, after the murder of Shaikh Jamal Khar XLIX. Rule of Muhammad Haidar Mirza in Kashghar L. Beginning of the Reign of Aba Bakr Mirza LI. Account of the Mirzas of Khotan LII. Capture of Khotan by Mirza Aba Bakr and the Extirpation of the Mirzas of Khotan LIII. The Stratagem of Aba Bakr, by which he caused Muhammad Haidar Mirza to expel his own Amirs LIV. Yunus Khan goes to help Muhammad Haidar Mirza against Mirza Aba Bakr, who defeats them both. LV. Yunus Khan's Second Expedition against Yarkand, and Defeat at the hands of Mirza Aba Bakr LVI. Early days of Sultan Mahmud Khan, son of Yunus Khan LVII. The War that arose out of a difference between Yunus Khan and Muhammad Haidar Mirza in Aksu LVIII. Muhammad Haidar Mirza attacks Mirza Aba Bakr in Kashghar, and is taken Prisoner by him LIX. Yunus and the Moghul Ulus enter Tashkand. Peace is established between the Timuri Sultans LX. End of Yunus Khan's Life LXI. War between Sultan Ahmad Mirza and Sultan Mahmud Khan LXII. Arrangement for the marriage of my Father into the Khan's Family LXIII. Events in Tashkand during the Rule of Sultan Mahmud Khan. The Last Years and Death of the Khan LXIV. Sultan Ahmad Khan LXV. Mansur Khan (may his sins be pardoned!) LXVI. Shah Khan, son of Mansur Khan LXVII. Sultan Said Khan, son of Sultan Ahmad Khan LXVIII. Concerning the laudable virtues and rare attainments of Sultan Said Khan LXIX. Abdur Rashid Khan, son of Sultan Said Khan LXX. End of First Part of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi CONTENTS PART II THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. PROLOGUE CHAPTER I. Beginning of Part II., which contains what took place among the Moghul Ulus, the Uzbeg and the Chaghatai II. Reign of Yunus Khan; account of his Life and list of his Offspring III. End of the Reign of Yunus Khan. List of his sons. The Reign of Sultan Mahmud Khan and the reason of his ruin IV. Epitomised account of the Martyrdom of Sultan Mahmud Khan and his children V. The rest of the History of Mirza Muhammad Husain Kurkan VI. History of Shahi Beg Khan VII. Birth and Parentage of Babar Padishah: his connection with the Moghuls; and his Early History VIII. Beginning of the Story of Sultan Said Khan, and the sufferings he endured at the outset of his career IX. Flight of Muhammad Husain Kurkan from before Shahi Beg Khan into Khorasan; with Incidental Biographical Notices X. Babar Padishah's Expedition into Khorasan. Troubles and contentions in Kabul XL Babar Padishah's journey into Khorasan, and his return from Khorasan to Kabul XII. Brief account of Babar Padishah's sojourn in Kabul, and a few Stories connected therewith XIII. Expedition of Shahi Beg into Khwarizm. His Conquest of that country. His return to Mavara-un-Nahr, and march into Khorasan XIV. The reason why Muhammad Hasain Kurkan surrendered himself to Shahi Beg Khan. His Martyrdom and that of Sultan Mahmud Khan XV. Some of the Author's own Adventures XVI. Hazrat Maulana Muhmmad Kazi XVII. Return to the History XVIII. Advent of Sultan Said Khan in Andijan. His capture and escape to Baber Padishah in Kabul XIX. Mirza Khan's Life in Badakhshan. The Author goes from Badakhshan to Kabul XX. Expedition of Shahi Beg Khan against the Kazak, and the beginning of his decline XXI. The beginning of hostilities between Shahi Beg Khan and Shah Ismail. Death of the former at the hands of the latter XXII. Arrival of the news of the defeat of Shahi Beg Khan by Shah Ismail. March of the Emperor from Kabul to Kunduz XXIII. Brief account of the proceedings of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, and details of the Conquest of the country of Farghana XXIV. Babar Padishah learns the success of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, and sends Sultan Said Khan to his aid in Andijan XXV. Accession of Babar Padishah to the Throne of Mavara-un-Nahr XXVI. The Khan's Journey to Andijan and events that occurred there XXVII. Short account of Mirza Aba Bakr XXVIII. The evil deeds and wicked ways of Mirza Aba Bakr XXIX. Ubaid Ullah Khan marches against Bokhara. Is met by Babar Padishah. A Battle and the events that ensued XXX. Account of my Uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza XXXI. Personal Adventures of the Author XXXII. Account of Sultan Said Khan after his defeat by Suyunjuk Khan XXXIII. Account of the Kazak and their Sultans: the Origin of their Name and their End XXXIV. Events that followed the Battle with Suyunjuk Khan; also Sultan Said Khan's Journey to the Kazak and to Kasim Khan XXXV. Account of the Miracles of Maulana Muhammad Kazi XXXVI. Some further Details in the same Connection XXXVII. Short account of Shah Ismail's End XXXVIII. Account of the Shaibani who have reigned in succession in Mavara-un-Nahr, down to the present day XXXIX. Reasons for Sultan Said Khan quitting Farghana and repairing to Kashghar XL. Description of Kashghar XLI. Extract from the Jahdn-Kushdi XLII. The Martyrdom of Imam Ala-ud-Din Muhammad of Khotan, at the hands of Kushluk XLIII. Return to the General Narrative XLIV. Battles of Sultan Said Khan with the Army of Mirza Aba Bakr at Kashghar XLV. March of Sultan Said Khan against Yarkand, and several matters in the same connection XL VI. Taking of Yangi-Hisar: the key to the Conquest of the Kingdom of Kashghar XL VII. Decline of Mirza Aba Bakr; facts connected therewith, and the End of his Dominion XL VIII. The Conquest of Kashghar XLIX. Story of the Amirs who went in pursuit of Mirza Aba Bakr L. Conclusion of the Story of Mirza Aba Bakr's Offspring LI. History of the Khan after the Conquest of Kashghar LII. Arrival of Aiman Khwaja Sultan from Turfan to wait on the Khan LIII. The Khan (in spite of past ill-treatment) craves an interview with Mansur Khan and submits to him LIV. Transactions of Mansur Khan LV. Birth of Iskandar LVI. Rebuilding of Aksu and negotiations of the Ambassadors of Mansur Khan and the Khan LVII. Death of Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Kazi LVIII. Meeting of Mansur Khan and Sultan Said Khan, and conclusion of Peace between them LIX. The Khan's return after the Peace — Subsequent events and visit of Babajak Sultan LX. The Khan's Holy War against Sarigh Uighur and the reason for his turning back LXI. The Kirghiz Campaign and the capture of Muhammad Kirghiz LXII. Daulat Sultan Khanim, daughter of Yunus Khan, comes from Badakhshan to Kashghar LXIII. Celebration of the Marriages of Aiman Khwaja Sultan and Shah Muhammad Sultan LXIV. Beginning of the quarrels between the Khan and Mirza Khan. The Khan's First Invasion of Badakhshan LXV. The Khan's second interview with Mansur Khan LXVI. Conclusion of the affairs of Babar Padishah. Death of his brother. Cause of the insubordination of his Amirs LXVII. Settlement of Moghulistan and the Kirghiz. Beginning of Rashid Sultan's career LXVIII. Extracts from the Jahdn-Kushdi of Ala-ud-Din Muhammad Juvaini LXIX. Return to the thread of the History LXX. The Khan's Repentance LXXI. How the Khan, wishing to become a Darvish, intended to abdicate the Throne, and how he was dissuaded LXXII. Khwaja Taj-ud-Din LXXIII. Khwaja Taj-ud-Din is allowed to return to Turfan. The Khan makes peace with the Kazak-Uzbeg. Other contemporary events LXXIV. Birth of Sultan Ibrahim, son of Sultan Said Khan LXXV. The Khan's Second Invasion of Andijan LXXVI. Last Visit of the Khan to Moghulistan. The Moghuls are brought to Kashghar from Moghulistan. Other contemporary events LXXVII. Reasons for Baba Sultan's Flight. The conclusion of his Story LXXVIII. Shah Muhammad Sultan, and conclusion of his Story LXXIX. Rashid Sultan and the Author lead a Holy War into Balur LXXX. Second Expedition of the Khan into Badakhshan, and the causes of certain contemporary events LXXXI. Causes of the Rupture between the Khan and Aiman Khwaja Sultan LXXXII. The Khan becomes a disciple of Khwaja Khavand Mahmud LXXXIII. Genealogy and Life of Hazrat Khwaja Khavand Mahmud Shahab-ud-Din LXXXIV. Journey of Hazrat Makhdumi into India and certain matters connected therewith LXXXV. Miracles of Khwaja Nura LXXXVI. The End of Khwaja Nura's Biography LXXXVII. Conclusion of Babar Padishah's History LXXXVIII. Invasion of Tibet by the Khan LXXXIX. Description of the position, mountains, and plains of Tibet. An account of the Customs and Religion of the Inhabitants XC. Account of the curiosities of Tibet XCI. Tibet and the Customs of its People XCII. The Khan makes a Holy War on Tibet XCIII. Arrival of the Author in Tibet and subsequent events XCIV. Arrival of the Khan in Tibet, following the Author. His entrance into Balti. Journey of the Author to Kashmir XCV. The Khan's experiences in Balti XCVI. The Author's arrival in Kashmir and events connected therewith XCVII. Description of Kashmir XCVIII. Further Wonders XCIX. Extract from the Zafar-Ndma C. The Conversion of Kashmir to Islam, and a short account of the Musulman Sultans of Kashmir CI. Account of the Religious Sects of Kashmir CII. Return to the main Narrative OIL Retreat from Kashmir and subsequent events CIV. Return of the Khan from Maryul to his capital, Yarkand; and the Author's Mission to Ursang CV. The Death of the Khan and an Epitome of his Life CVI. Events in Kashghar after the Khan's death CVII. Account of Muhammadi Barlas who was Amir-ul-Umara to Rashid Khan CVIII. March of the Author towards Ursang. The slaying of his brother Abdullah Mirza. Details of the Expedition CIX. Sufferings in Tibet, and the Death of the Author's cousin, Mahmud Mirza CX. The Author crosses from Tibet to Badakhshan CXI. Humayun Padishah, son of Babar Padishah, and his downfall CXII. The Battle of the Ganges CXIII. Flight of the Chaghatai from Hindustan to Lahur CXIV. Origin of the Author's Expedition to Kashmir CXV. The Author conquers Kashmir. Adventures of the Chaghatai after their departure from Hindustan CXVI Parting of the Author from Humayun Padishah. Conquest of Kashmir. Contemporaneous events and Conclusion Index APPENDICES. Appendix A. Extract from a paper entitled: The Square Silver Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir, by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, M.R.A.S., &c. Appendix B. The Karawanas Appendix C. Chronological Table of Events Appendix to the Re-issue PROLOGUE. IN THE NAME OF GOD, THE MERCIFUL, THE CLEMENT! IT is fitting that the opening of a royal history, and the beginning of a book of victory and good fortune, should be the praise and glory of that Monarch, the length and breadth of whose kingdom, (according to the words: "Say— verily God is the holder of the Empire,") is defended and preserved from change and decay, and whose palace is securely guarded from the evil of destruction and ruin. "He setteth upon the throne whomsoever He will," is a testimony to His glorious unity; "He deposes whomsoever He will," is a proof of the permanence of His kingdom. [Verses] : And all that is 'twixt earth and sky, The sun and moon, the east and west; From India to far Turkistan, The mighty conquerors of the earth Have girt the belt of service on, Prepared to do their Lord's behest. The splendour of His greatness is beyond the reach of the contentions of friends or adversaries, and the glory of His omnipotence is exempt from the pretentious claims of passionate and dissentient men. The kings of the earth place the forehead of helplessness and impotence upon the dust of submission and humility, at the palace of His glory; and the Khakans, powerful as the heavens, standing upon the threshold of the portal of His divinity, stretch forth the hand of humility, supplication and devotion. "Amma bad." Let it not be concealed from the minds of the wise that the Koran, which is the greatest of the miracles of Muhammad, is divided into three sections. The first contains the declaration of the Unity of God; the second the statutes of the Holy Law of Muhammad, and the third historical matter, such as the lives of the Prophets. Thus, we see, one-third of this book (none but the clean shall touch it) is intended to teach the history of past generations; and therein lies the clearest proof of the excellence of the science of history. Moreover, all are agreed concerning the utility of this science; and most nations, nay, all the peoples of the world, have studied it, and have collected and handed down traditions of their forefathers, of which they give ample proofs and upon which they rely. For instance, the Turks, in their literary compositions and in their transaction of business, as well as in their ordinary intercourse, employ a speech based upon the traditions and chronicles of their ancestors. Consequently I, the least of God's servants, Muhammad Haidar, son of Muhammad Husain Kurkan— known familiarly as Mirza Haidar— notwithstanding my ignorance and want of skill, felt it my duty to undertake this difficult task. For much time has already passed since the Khakans of the Moghuls were driven from the towns of the civilised world, and have had to content themselves with dwellings in the desert. On this account they have written no history of themselves, but base their ancestral records upon oral tradition. At this present date — 951 [1544 A.D.] — there remains not one among them who knows these traditions, and my boldness in attempting this difficult work is due to the consideration that, did I not make the venture, the story of the Moghul Khakans would be obliterated from the pages of the world's history. The more I considered the matter, the more conscious I became of my inability to write an elegant and ornate preface. [Verses.] . . . For this reason, and in order to give my book an auspicious opening, I transcribed the Prolegomena to the Zafar-Ndma of Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, as far as the "Amma bad." This Zafar-Ndma contains a history of the Moghuls and their Khakans, from Chingiz Khan to Tughluk Timur Khan, but of the successors of this latter no mention is made, except where the context required it. I began my history with the reign of Tughluk Timur Khan for three reasons. (1.) That which had happened before the time of Tughluk Timur Khan had been already recorded, but no account had been written of events which took place after his time, and which, not being contained in any history, ought to be written. But to write of the times preceding Tughluk Timur Khan, when we have already that other excellent history, the Zafar-Ndma, would be like digging a well on the margin of the Euphrates. (2.) None of his successors have attained to so great a degree of pre-eminence, or acquired so extensive a dominion, as Tughluk Timur Khan. (3.) He was one of the Moghul Khakans who were converted to Islam, and during his reign the Moghuls, having withdrawn their necks from the yoke of Unbelief, entered into that state of freedom in Islam enjoyed by all Musulmans. For these reasons, this history is dedicated to his illustrious name and his most noble memory. And for three chief reasons, out of many, I have called this book the Tdrikh-i-Rashidil 1. It was Maulana Arshad-ud-Din who converted Tughluk Timur to Islam, as will be recounted hereafter. 2. Although before the time of Tughluk Timur, Barak Khan, and after Barak Khan, Kabak Khan, had become Musulmans, neither these Khakans nor the Moghul people had had a knowledge of the Rushd, or "True Road to Salvation," but their natures had remained base, and they had continued in the road that leads to Hell. But a full knowledge of the Rushd fell to the lot of the enlightened Tughluk Timur and his happy people. And inasmuch as the beginning of this history will deal with this matter, the suitability of the title Rashidi is evident. 3. Since at the present date, Abdur Rashid, the last of the Moghul Khakans, is reigning, and since this book has been dedicated to, and written for, him, the reason for the title, Tdrikh-i- Rashidi is [still more] apparent. CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK. It is divided into two Parts [Daftar]. Part I. — From the beginning of the reign of Tughluk Timur Khan to the time of Abdur Rashid, who is still reigning. Part II. — Concerning myself and what I have seen and known of the Sultans and Khakans of the Uzbeg, the Chaghatai and others; and, in fact, everything that happened during my lifetime. I thank God that He has, in His graciousness, made me absolutely independent of the Moghuls. For though the Khakans of that tribe are of my own race, nay, are my own cousins, I received very bad treatment at their hands— a matter of which I shall speak in the Second Part. [Verses.] ... The ancestors of my mother and of my father's mother have, for several generations back, been related, on the paternal side, to the Khakans. At the age of sixteen,* having just been left an orphan, I went to the court of Sultan Said Khan, who by his fatherly kindness, greatly alleviated my grief; he showed me so much attention and favour, that I became an object of envy to his brothers and sons. I passed twenty-four years at his court, living a life of luxury and splendour, and acquiring, under his instruction and guidance, many accomplishments and much learning. In the arts of calligraphy, reading, making verses, epistolary style [inshd] painting and illuminating I became not only distinguished, but a past-master. Likewise in such crafts as seal- engraving, jeweller's and goldsmith's work, saddlery and armour making; also in the construction of arrows, spear-heads and knives, gilding and many other things which it would take too long to enumerate: in all of these, the masters of each could teach me no more. And this was the outcome of the care and attention of the Khan. Then again in the affairs of the State, in important transactions, in planning campaigns and forays [Kazdki], in archery, in hunting, in the training of falcons and in everything that is useful in the government of a kingdom, the Khan was my instructor and patron. Indeed, in most of the above-mentioned pursuits and studies he was my only instructor. Although I have received from his sons the worst possible treatment, I will return them good for evil; and whether the Khan's son accept this small work or reject it, I will, all the same, dedicate it to him, in order that he may have a remembrance of me and that the world may have a remembrance of him. And the title of this book is derived from his illustrious name, which is: Khakan bin ulkhakan ussultan bin ussultan almutawakkil ala Ullah al Malik Almumin abul muzaff ar Abd-ur-Rashid Khan bin Sultan almabrur, wa Khakan almaghfur assaid ash-shahid abul Fath Sultan Said Khan. [Verses.] . * * * * * Here are omitted one or two Muhammadan legends such as are usually found in Musulman histories, and a quotation from the Kashf-ul-Hujub. They have no bearing on the author's history. TARIKH-I-RASHIDI PART I CHAPTER I. BEGINNING OF THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. ONE day when Tughluk Timur Khan was feeding his dogs with swine's flesh, Shaikh Jamal-ud- Din was brought into his presence. The Khan said to the Shaikh: "Are you better than this dog or is the dog better than you?" The Shaikh replied: "If I have faith I am the better of the two, but if I have no faith this dog is better than I am." The Khan was much impressed by these words, and a great love for Islam took possession of his heart. Tughluk Timur Khan was the son of Isan Bugha Khan, son of Dava, son of Barak Khan, son of Kara Isun, son of Mutukan, son of Chaghatai Khan, son of Chingiz Khan, son of Yusukai, son of Birtan, son of Kabal, son of Tumana, son of Baisanghar, son of Kaidu, son of Dutumanin, son of Buka, son of Burunjar Khan, son of Alankua Kurkluk (which means an immaculate woman). Of her the Prolegomena of the Zafar-Ndma tells the following story: One day a brilliant light shone into her mouth, and thereupon she felt within her a kind of pregnancy— just in the way that Miriam, the daughter of Omran, became pregnant by means of the breath of Gabriel. And neither of these things is beyond the power of God. [Verses.] . . . The object of this book is not to tell such tales as these, but simply to point out that Burunjar Khan was born of his mother, without a father. All histories trace the genealogy of his mother, Alankua Kurkluk, back to Japhet son of Noah (upon them be peace), and detailed accounts of all her ancestors are given in these histories. But I have not accorded them a place in this one, for it would take too long; moreover, I have, in this work, limited my subject to events that took place after the conversion to Islam of the Moghuls, and have said nothing of their history previous to that time. CHAPTER II. THE EARLY HISTORY OF TUGHLUK TIMUR. I HAVE heard from trustworthy Moghul sources (and my father and my uncle used also to relate) that Isan Bugha Khan/ the father of Tughluk Timur Khan, had for his favourite wife a certain Satilmish Khatun; while he had also another wife whose name was Manlik. Now the Khan had no children, and Satilmish Khatun was barren. The Khan, on a certain occasion, went on an expedition with his army. According to an old Moghul custom, the favourite wife has the allotment and disposal of a man's wives, keeping back or giving him whichever of them she pleases. Satilmish Khatun learnt that Manlik was with child by the Khan, and, being envious, gave her in marriage to Dukhtui Sharawal, who was one of the great Amirs. When the Khan returned from his expedition he asked after Manlik. Satilmish Khatun replied: "I have given her away to some one." The Khan then said: "But she was with child by me," and he was very wroth; but as this was a usual practice among the Moghuls, he said nothing. Soon after this, Isan Bugha Khan died, and there was no Khan left of the tribe of Moghul. Every man acted for himself, and ruin and disorder began to creep in among the people. Amir Bulaji Dughlat,* an ancestor of the humble narrator, determined on discovering a Khan, and restoring order to the State; so he sent a certain Tash Timur to find Dukhtui Sharawal, and to obtain what information he could, concerning Manlik and her child; telling Tash Timur that if it were a boy, he was to steal the child away and bring it back with him. Tash Timur replied: "It is a very long and tedious expedition, and fitting preparations for the journey must be made. I beg of you to supply me with six hundred goats, that we may first drink their milk and then kill and eat them, one by one." Amir Bulaji complied with his wishes and supplied him with all that was necessary. Tash Timur then set out. He journeyed for a long while in Moghulistan, and by the time he came upon the party of Dukhtui Sharawal, there was but one goat remaining, and that was a brown one [kabud]. On his inquiring after Manlik* and her child, they replied that she had borne a son, and that she had a second son by Dukhtui Sharawal:* the name of the Khan's son was Tughluk Timur, and the name of the son of Sharawal was Inchumalik.* Finally Tash Timur succeeded in carrying off Tughluk Timur, and returned to the Amir with him. Bulaji belonged to Aksu. When Chaghatai Khan apportioned his kingdom, he gave Mangalai Suyah to Urtubu, who was the grandfather of Amir Bulaji. Mangalai Suyah is the equivalent of Aftab Ru, or "sun-faced." It is bounded on the east by Kusan and Tarbugur; on the west by Sam, Gaz and Jakishman, which are situated on the confines of Farghana; on the north by Issigh Kul, and on the south by Jorjan and Sarigh-Uighur. This territory is called Mangalai Suyah, and it was subject to Amir Bulaji. In his time it contained many large towns, the most important of which were Kashghar, Khotan, Yarkand, Kasan, Akhsiket, Andijan, Aksu, At-Bashi and Kusan.* and Hiuen Tsang tells us: "From the town of the Su-Yeh river as far [west] as the Ki Shwang Na country, the land is called Su-li, and the people are called by the same name" (Beal's Si Yu Ki). Ki Shwang Na is usually identified with Kesh, in Mavara-un-Nahr, and if that be correct it would mean that most of Western Turkistan and a great part of Mavara-un-Nahr went, in the seventh century, by the same name as the city (and perhaps district) of Kashghar, though the latter place stood altogether apart from the tract of country between the Chu and Kesh. Thus, whether it is in any way possible, that Hiuen Tsang's Su-Yeh, Su-Sa, or Su-li can be connected with Mirza Haidar's Suyah must remain extremely doubtful. If Mr. Watters' reading of Su-Sa instead of Su- Yeh is the right one, such a suggestion could not hold good. (See China Rev., as below.) A curious passage, it may be noted here, occurs in the Geographical Dictionary of the Arab author Yakut, as translated by Thonnelier. He writes: "Farghanah . . . confinant avec le Turkestan du cote du district de Ha'ital, lequel fait face au soleil levant, a droite du voyageur qui se rend au pays des Turks." This passage would be too obscure, in any case, to throw light on the question at issue. It is remarkable only as an instance, in this particular region, of regarding a certain tract, or province, as "facing the sun." With regard to the limits given for Mangalai Suyah, the only boundary that the author defines by names that appear to be unknown at the present day, is the western one. Sam, Gaz (or the two may be read together as Sdmgaz) and Jdkishmdn are indeed subject to some variants, but however read, I can find no place to answer to any of them on the western confines of Farghana, unless it be a small town, or village, marked on Ritter and Oetzel's map of 1841, as Sam Seirak, and placed on the Angren, tributary of the Syr, about midway between Khojand and Tashkend. The exact situation of these places is of little importance, as the author sufficiently indicates that all Farghana was included, when he mentions the names of Akhsiket and Kdsdn. The first of these two does not exist nowadays, but it is known to have stood near the site of the present Namangan, while Kdsdn is again somewhat farther westward, and consequently not far from the western confines of the province. Among the other limits, none leave any doubt except in detail. Kasan and Tdrbugur on the east, are both well-known towns on the main road leading from Kashghar towards Karashahr and China, though called nowadays Kuchar and Bugur respectively. The position oijorjdn is also readily recognised, under the modern spelling of Chdrchdn, or Chdrchand; while the country of the Sdrigh Uighur (or Yellow Uighur), though long forgotten, may be placed with moderate certainty to the eastward of Chdrchdn, or south and somewhat west of Lake Lob. Farther on in his history (pp. 348-9), Mirza Haidar alludes to this country again, as lying very much in this position. Dr. Bretschneider has some interesting notes on the subject of the Sarigh Uighur taken from Chinese sources, and places their country "somewhere north of Zaidam, on the southern verge of the stony desert." They would in any case have dwelt on, or beyond, the south-eastern confines of Eastern Turkistan. (For Hiuen Tsang, see Beal's Si Yu Ki, i., p. 26; Thon-nelier, Diet, de Geogr. de I'Asie Cent., p. 29; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i., p. 263; Mr. T. Watters in China Review, xix., No. 2, 1890, p. 117.) From all these towns, Amir Bulaji selected Aksu as a residence, and it was in Aksu that Tash Timur found him. As he still had with him the one brown [kabud] goat, he received the surname [lakab] of Kuk Uchgu, which is now borne by all his descendants. As they neared Aksu, they fell in with a party of merchants, and while they were crossing a pass, the Khan [Tughluk Timur] fell down a fissure in the ice. Tash Timur, at this, raised a loud cry for help, but he could make no one hear him, for the caravan had crossed the pass and had arrived at a halting ground. Tash Timur went to one of the merchants, whose name was Begjik, and told him what had befallen the Khan; the merchant communicated this to some of his companions, and several of them set out with Tash Timur to the place where the Khan had disappeared. Begjik descended into the chasm and found the Khan uninjured, and then and there formed a friendly agreement with him. After that, by way of precaution, he said apologetically to the Khan: "If you go up first they will not pull me up at all; let me go first and they must perforce pull you up after." Again, proffering many apologies, he called out to them to throw down the rope, which they did, and he went up first, and afterwards they pulled up the Khan. All then went on to Aksu. Amir Bulaji raised Tughluk Timur to the rank of Khakan, and in course of time he ruled not only the whole of Moghulistan, but also much of the country of Chaghatai, as shall be related hereafter. CHAPTER III. THE CONVERSION OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN TO ISLAM. MAULANA KHWAJA AHMAD (may God sanctify his soul) was descended from Maulana Arshad-ud-Din. He was exceedingly pious and much esteemed and revered. He belonged to the sect of Khiva] as (may God sanctify their spirits). For twenty years I was in his service, and worshipped at no other mosque than his. He led a retired life, devoting his time to religious contemplation, and he used to recite the traditions of his sect in a beautiful manner; so much so, that any stranger hearing him was sure to be much impressed. From him I heard that it was written in the annals of his forefathers concerning Maulana Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud, the brother of Hafiz-ud-Din, an elder of Bokhara (who was the last of the Mujtahids, for after the death of Hafiz-ud-Din there was never another Mujtahid), that during his interregnum, Chingiz Khan assembled the Imams of Bokhara, according to his custom, put Hafiz-ud-Din to death, and banished Maulana Shuja'ud-Din Mahmud to Karakorum. [The ancestors of] Maulana Khwaja Ahmad also were sent there. At the time of a disaster in Karakorum,* their sons went to Lob Katak, which is one of the most important towns between Turfan and Khotan, and there they were held in much honour and esteem. I was told many particulars concerning all of them, but I have forgotten them for the most part. The last of the sons was called Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din, an austere man who dwelt in Katak. On a certain Friday, after the prayers, he preached to the people and said: "I have already, on many occasions, preached to you and given you good counsel, but no one of you has listened to me. It has now been revealed to me that God has sent down a great calamity on this town. A Divine ordinance permits me to escape and save myself from this disaster. This is the last sermon I shall preach to you. I take my leave of you, and remind you that our next meeting will be on the day of resurrection." Having said this, the Shaikh came down from the pulpit. The Muazzin [crier to prayer] followed him and begged that he might be allowed to accompany him. The Shaikh said he might do so. When they had journeyed three farsdkhs they halted, and the Muazzin asked permission to return to the town to attend to some business, saying he would come back again immediately. As he was passing the mosque, he said to himself: "For a last time, I will just go and call out the evening prayer." So he ascended the minaret and called the evening prayer. As he was doing so, he noticed that something was raining down from the sky; it was like snow, but dry. He finished his "call," and then stood praying for a while. Then he descended, but found that the door of the minaret was blocked, and he could not get out. So he again ascended and, looking round, discovered that it was raining sand, and to such a degree that the whole town was covered; after a little while he noticed that the ground was rising, and at last only a part of the minaret was left free. So, with fear and trembling, he threw himself from the tower on to the sand; and at midnight he rejoined the Shaikh, and told him his story. The Shaikh immediately set out on his road, saying: "It is better to keep at a distance from the wrath of God." They fled in great haste; and that city is, to this day, buried in sand. Sometimes a wind comes, and lays bare the minaret or the top of the dome. It often happens also, that a strong wind uncovers a house, and when any one enters it he finds everything in perfect order, though the master has become white bones. But no harm has come to the inanimate things.* In short, the Shaikh finally came to Bai Gul,* which is in the vicinity of Aksu. At that time Tughluk Timur Khan was in Aksu. When he had first been brought there he was sixteen years of age. He was eighteen when he first met the Shaikh, and he met him in the following way. The Khan had organised a hunting-party, and had promulgated an order that no one should absent himself from the hunt. It was, however, remarked that some persons were seated in a retired spot. The Khan sent to fetch these people, and they were seized, bound and brought before him, inasmuch as they had transgressed the commands of the Khan, and had not presented themselves at the hunt. The Khan asked them: "Why have you disobeyed my commands?" The Shaikh replied: "We are strangers, who have fled from the ruined town of Katak. We know nothing about the hunt nor the ordinances of the hunt, and therefore we have not transgressed your orders." So the Khan ordered his men to set the Tajik free. He was, at that time, feeding some dogs with swine's flesh, and he asked the Shaikh angrily: "Are you better than this dog, or is the dog better than you?" The Shaikh replied: "If I have faith I am better than this dog; but if I have no faith, this dog is better than I am." On hearing these words, the Khan retired and sent one of his men, saying: "Go and place that Tajik upon your own horse, with all due respect, and bring him here to me." The Moghul went and led his horse before the Shaikh. The Shaikh noticing that the saddle was stained with blood (of pig) said: "I will go on foot." But the Moghul insisted that the order was that he should mount the horse. The Shaikh then spread a clean handkerchief over the saddle and mounted. When he arrived before the Khan, he noticed that this latter was standing alone in a retired spot, and there were traces of sorrow on his countenance. The Khan asked the Shaikh: "What is this thing that renders man, if he possess it, better than a dog?" The Shaikh replied: "Faith," and he explained to him what Faith was, and the duties of a Musulman. The Khan wept thereat, and said: "If I ever become Khan, and obtain absolute authority, you must, without fail, come to me, and I promise you I will become a Musulman." He then sent the Shaikh away with the utmost respect and reverence. Soon after this the Shaikh died. He left a son of the name of Arshad-ud-Din, who was exceedingly pious. His father once dreamed that he carried a lamp up to the top of a hill, and that its light illumined the whole of the east. After that, he met Tughluk Timur Khan in Aksu, and said what has been mentioned above. Having related this to his son, he charged him, saying: "Since I may die at any moment, let it be your care, when the young man becomes Khan, to remind him of his promise to become a Musulman; thus this blessing may come about through your mediation and, through you, the world may be illumined." Having completed his injunctions to his son, the Shaikh died. Soon afterwards Tughluk Timur became Khan. When news of this reached Maulana Arshad-ud-Din, he left Aksu and proceeded to Moghulistan, where the Khan was ruling in great pomp and splendour. But all his efforts to obtain an interview with him, that he might execute his charge, were in vain. Every morning, however, he used to call out the prayers near to the Khan's tent. One morning the Khan said to one of his followers: "Somebody has been calling out like this for several mornings now; go and bring him here." The Maulana was in the middle of his call to prayer when the Moghul arrived, who, seizing him by the neck, dragged him before the Khan. The latter said to him: "Who are you that thus disturb my sleep every morning at an early hour?" He replied: "I am the son of the man to whom, on a certain occasion, you made the promise to become a Musulman." And he proceeded to recount the above related story. The Khan then said: "You are welcome, and where is your father?" He replied: "My father is dead, but he entrusted this mission to me." The Khan rejoined: "Ever since I ascended the throne I have had it on my mind that I made that promise, but the person to whom I gave the pledge never came. Now you are welcome. What must I do?" On that morn the sun of bounty rose out of the east of divine favour, and effaced the dark night of Unbelief. Khidmat Maulana ordained ablution for the Khan, who, having declared his faith, became a Musulman. They then decided that for the propagation of Islam, they should interview the princes one by one, and it should be well for those who accepted the faith, but those who refused should be slain as heathens and idolaters. On the following morning, the first to come up to be examined alone was Amir Tulik, who was my great grand-uncle. When he entered the Khan's presence, he found him sitting with the Tajik, and he advanced and sat down with them also. Then the Khan began by asking, "Will you embrace Islam?" Amir Tulik burst into tears and said: "Three years ago I was converted by some holy men at Kashghar, and became a Musulman, but, from fear of you, I did not openly declare it." Thereupon the Khan rose up and embraced him; then the three sat down again together. In this manner they examined the princes one by one. All accepted Islam, tillit came to the turn of Jaras, who refused, but suggested two conditions, one of which was: "I have a man named Sataghni Buka,* if this Tajik can overthrow him I will become a Believer." The Khan and the Amirs cried out, "What absurd condition is this!" Khidmat Maulana, however, said: "It is well, let it be so. If I do not throw him, I will not require you to become a Musulman." Jaras then said to the Maulana: "I have seen this man lift up a two year old camel. He is an Infidel, and above the ordinary stature of men." Khidmat Maulana replied, "If it is God's wish that the Moghuls become honoured with the blessed state of Islam, He will doubtless give me sufficient power to overcome this man." The Khan and those who had become Musulmans were not pleased with these plans. However, a large crowd assembled, the Kafir was brought in, and he and Khidmat Maulana advanced towards one another. The Infidel, proud of his own strength, advanced with a conceited air. The Maulana looked very small and weak beside him. When they came to blows, the Maulana struck the Infidel full in the chest, and he fell senseless. After a little, he came to again, and having raised himself, fell again at the feet of the Maulana, crying out and uttering words of Belief.* The people raised loud shouts of applause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their heads and became Musulmans. The Khan was circumcised, and the lights of Islam dispelled the shades of Unbelief. Islam was disseminated all through the country of Chaghatai Khan, and (thanks be to God) has continued fixed in it to the present time. EXTRACTS FROM THE ZAFAR-NAMA. CHAPTER IV. EXPEDITION OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN INTO THE KINGDOM OF MAVARA-UN-NAHR. 2 * SINCE the country of Mavara-un-Nahr, owing to the events above related, was in a state of disruption and confusion, Tughluk-Timur Khan (son* of Dava Khan, a descendant of Chaghatai Khan), King of Jatah, to whom by right of descent this country belonged, having called together his officers and courtiers, and having made ready an army, set out, in a manner becoming a great conqueror, towards Mavara-un-Nahr. This was in the month of Rabi Assani, 761 of the Hajra, [March A.D. 1360] corresponding to the year of the Mouse [Sichkan] of the Tartar cycle. Thirty years had elapsed between the death of Tarmashirin* and this event— and during this period there had reigned eight khans of the race of Chaghatai. When Tughluk Timur Khan arrived at Chanak Bulak, which is near the river of Khojand, in the plains of Tashkand, he consulted with his princes and generals, and they decided that the wisest plan would be for Ulugh Tuktimur, of the tribe of Karait,* Haji Beg of the tribe of Arkenut,* and Begjik of the tribe of Kanghali,* to go forward and reconnoitre. The three princes hastened to carry out these orders, and when they had crossed the river of Khojand, Amir Bayazid Jalair, together with his people, joined them, and they all proceeded together in the direction of Shahr-i-Sabz. Amir Haji Barlas having collected troops from Kesh, Karshi, and that neighbourhood, set out to oppose these combined forces. But on reconsideration, judging the plan to be unwise, he turned with his own force towards Khorasan, before the two armies had come into conflict. CHAPTER V. INTRIGUES OF TIMUR WITH AMIR HAJI BARLAS -HIS RETURN FROM THE BANKS OF THE JIHUN AND HIS MEETING WITH THE THREE PRINCES. [Arabic verses]: Judgment is preferable to the valour of heroes; The former is the first of virtues, the latter stands second; But when these two are united in one person, That person can attain the highest summits of fame. [Persian verses]: With judgment thou canst put a whole army to rout. One man with a sword can kill as many as a hundred men.* The events about to be related, all testify to the truth of these statements. For when Amir Haji Barlas heard of the advance of the army of Jatah, he abandoned his own country and set out for Khorasan. He crossed the desert and arrived at the River Jihun. Amir Timur* saw well that if he continued in this policy of self-preservation, his native country would go to ruin, and his inherited dominions would fall into confusion, for in that same year his father Amir Tragai had died. [Verses] : His father was dead and his uncle had flown: The people were exposed to the ravages of a stranger. Its enemies had placed the tribe in danger: It was become as an eagle without wings or feathers. Under these circumstances, although he had not passed the age of twenty five, and his intelligence had not yet received the enlightenment of great experience, Amir Timur determined upon setting these affairs in order, and with this intent took counsel with Amir Haji, saying: "If the kingdom remains without a head, great evils will most surely come upon it, and the people will be entirely annihilated by the violence and perfidy of enemies." [Verses] : A kingdom without a head is like a body without soul; Certainly a body without a head is as good as destroyed. "Since you wish to proceed into Khorasan, I think I had better return to Kesh, and when I have comforted and encouraged the inhabitants of that place, I will go thence to the court of the Khan. I will confer with the princes and nobles of the State, so that this country and the people, who have been entrusted to our care by God, may come to no harm."* Having thus spoken he departed. Amir Haji was fully convinced that the words of Amir Timur were divinely inspired, and therefore accepted all his decisions and approved all his plans. When Amir Timur arrived at Khuzar, he met Haji Mahmud Shah Yasuri, who was acting as guide to the advance body of the army of Jatah. The troops were advancing with all possible haste, whetting the teeth of their lust for plunder and desire for booty, and sewing themselves purses in expectation of the treasure and wealth to be found in that country. Amir Timur succeeded in arranging an amnesty with the generals of this force, saying: "Wait here while I go and see the princes and, with them, determine upon some reasonable and advisable plan." The wise words of that prince were as heavenly utterances, and had such an effect on the soldiers, that, in spite of their eagerness to advance, they remained where they were. Amir Timur passed safely on, and when he reached Kesh he met the three Amirs of Jatah, who had themselves just arrived there. After friendly greetings had been exchanged, they expressed to him their satisfaction at hearing that he was going to submit himself to the Khan; and they appointed him governor of the district, which had formerly belonged to Amir Karachar— that is to say, the district round about Kesh, together with its dependencies; with the result that, by his wise conduct, the torrent of distress and calamity which threatened to overwhelm this country was turned aside, and the people again enjoyed that repose which they had lost all hopes of recovering. [Verses] ... In the opinion of the most ignorant people, it seemed that a great piece of good fortune had befallen Amir Timur, but Fate had still a thousand successes in store for him. After this, Amir Timur took leave of the princes and threw the shadow of his protection and care upon the tribe. He commanded troops to be collected between Shahr-i-Sabz and the River Jihun, and in a short time, having mustered a very large army, set out, together with Amir Yasuri. At this time a dispute arose among the princes of Jatah, who having withdrawn all their troops from Mavara-un-Nahr, returned to the headquarters of Tughluk Timur Khan. After that, Bayazid Jalair, with the whole of his following, joined the side of Amir Timur and Amir Khizar Yasuri. CHAPTER VI. TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN'S SECOND INVASION OF MAVARA-UN-NAHR. WHEN desire for the government of Mavara-un-Nahr a second time seized the skirt of Tughluk Timur Khan's enthusiasm, he prepared an innumerable army and, in the month of Jamad-alavla of the year 762 (A.D. 1361), corresponding to the year of the Ox in the Tartar cycle, he again marched for that country. When he arrived at Khojand, Amir Bayazid Jalair came to offer him his services. Amir Bayan Salduz also, as a sign of his obedience, went forward as far as Samarkand to meet the Khan, and Haji Barlas, although at the time of the Khan's first invasion he had opposed him, trusting to Providence, now presented himself before him. In the meanwhile the Khan had given orders to his men to capture Amir Bayazid and put him to death. Amir Haji Barlas, fearing a similar fate, fled towards Kesh. He got together some of his own tribe and led them across the Jihun, but they were attacked by the Kashmir* regiment of the Jatah army, who were pursuing them, and a battle took place, in which Jugham Barlas was killed, and Amir Haji retired to Khorasan. On his arrival at Khorasha, which is a village of Buluk-i-Juvin,* a dependency of Sebzvar, he was seized by a band of brigands and, together with his brother Idegu, was killed. After the conquest of Khorasan (which event made Amir Timur feel himself in some way avenged) and after some of them* had been put to death, that village became a fief of the heirs of Amir Haji, and up to the present time the inhabitants thereof are their subjects and agents. Among the Amirs at the court of Jatah was a certain Amir Hamid, of the tribe of Kurlukut,* who was distinguished above his peers at the court by his wisdom and common sense. He had free access to the Khan, and whatever he proposed in the way of advice or approval, was acceptable. At this time he began to praise and extol the virtues of Amir Timur to the Khan, and he begged the Khan to restore to the prince, the territory that was his by right of inheritance. The Khan lent a favourable ear to his entreaties, and a messenger was immediately despatched to fetch Amir Timur. The prince accordingly came to the Khan, received from him the warmest welcome, and was appointed Governor of Kesh and Tuman,* together with their dependencies. In the winter of that year, the Khan determined to make war upon Amir Husain,* and set out against him. Amir Husain, for his part, also raised an army and led it as far as the River Vakhsh. Here he pitched his camp. When the Khan had passed the Iron Gate* and arrived near to where Amir Husain was encamped, the two armies came in sight of one another and were preparing to engage, when Kaikhosru of Khatlan, together with his men, left the side of Amir Husain and joined the army of the Khan, thus breaking the order of battle of the former.* When Amir Husain perceived this, he turned and fled. The victorious Khan went in pursuit of him, and crossing the Jihun, penetrated as far as Kunduz. His troops pillaged all the country round about, as far as the mountains of Hindu Kush, and spent the following spring and summer in that region. CHAPTER VII. THE RETURN OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN TO HIS OWN CAPITAL. ON the approach of autumn, the Khan set out for Samarkand, and on the journey gave orders for Amir Bayan Salduz to be killed, according to the code of the Moghuls.* When he reached Samarkand, he had the whole of Mavara-un-Nahr under his command and rule, and all the nobles and princes of the country were compelled to swear allegiance to him. Some, however, whom he suspected of treachery, he treated as he had treated Amir Bayan Salduz. Others, whom he found he could rely on, he bestowed favours and distinctions upon. He entrusted the government of the conquered districts to his son Ilyas Khwaja Oghlan, and he assigned to him a number of the amirs and soldiers of the army of Jatah, over whom he appointed Begjik. Amir Timur was charged with the most important duties in the administration of the State, under the orders of the young prince; and when the Khan had assured himself of the sagacity of Amir Timur, he handed over the whole direction of the State to him, and returned to his own seat of government. Tughluk Timur, in short, again left the country of Mavara-un-Nahr. He had given supreme authority over all the princes and people of Jatah, to Amir Begjik, and had deputed Amir Timur to look to the welfare of the people. But Amir Begjik did not obey the instructions of the Khan, for not only did he exercise tyranny and violence, but even attempted open revolt [against the Khan]. When Amir Timur saw that the orders of the Khan were not being complied with, and that, in consequence, the State would fall into disorder, he did not think fit to stay any longer in the country, but fled, with the intention of discovering Amir Husain. Since he could learn no news of the whereabouts of Amir Husain, he turned towards the deserts.* In short, the substance of what we find in the Moghul traditions is, that Tughluk Timur Khan's dominions extended as far as Samarkand, and even further, but no precise facts have come down to us. Amir Bulaji, who has been already mentioned as having raised Tughluk Timur Khan to the Khanate, sought nine privileges for himself from the Khan, which privileges had been granted to his ancestors by Chingiz Khan, and which my family have inherited. I have seen them myself. They were written in Kunduz, in the Moghul language, and I mention this circumstance because, by it, the Moghuls prove that the Khan's rule extended as far as Kunduz. It is stated, in the Zafar-Ndma, that the Khan died in the year 764. The Moghul traditions say that Tughluk Timur, at the age of 16, was brought from [the] Kalmak [country] by Amir Bulaji, as has been related; at the age of 18 he became Khan, at the age of 24 he became a Musul-man, and died at the age of 34. He was born in the year 730. CHAPTER VIII. ILYAS KHWAJA KHAN. THE Moghuls have preserved no traditions concerning this Ilyas Khwaja Khan, but I have heard my father mention his name, and the Zafar-Ndma makes occasional mention of him, in connection with other events. These passages I have transcribed in substance. CHAPTER IX. RETURN OF AMIR HUSAIN AND AMIR TIMUR TO TAIKHAN AND BADAKH SHAN, AND THE TREATIES BETWEEN THEM. THE two princes then proceeded to Kunduz, and there collected some troops from the tribe of Boldai.* Thence they marched towards Badakhshan, and when they arrived at Taikhan,* they concluded a peace with the Kings of Badakhshan and effaced every trace of bitterness of feeling. From there again they went to Arhang,* where they crossed the river onto the side of Sali- Sarai,* and advanced towards Khatlan; then, having traversed the desert, they arrived at a place called Gulak,* where they encamped. In accordance with the words "and we have ordained the night as a time for repose," they retired to rest. After Amir Timur had taken off his clothes, with the intention of going to bed, and had withdrawn his blessed feet from the fatiguing companionship of his boots, Amir Husain sent a person to beg him to come to him, and when he arrived, he found, among those present in the assembly, Pulad Bugha and Shir Bahram. Amir Husain began to make complaints of Shir Bahram to Amir Timur, saying: "We are now close upon the enemy; this is not the time for him to abandon us; it is not acting in an honourable way." Amir Timur did his best to induce Shir Bahram not to desert them, but without success, and this latter set out for Biljavan* In the meanwhile, the news was confirmed that Tughluk Salduz and Kaikhusru were advancing with the army and many of the Amirs of Jatah, and besides these there were assembled, between Jala* and the "Bridge of Stone" [Pul i Sangin],* Timur son of Bubakan, Sarik, Shengum, Tughluk Khwaja brother of Haji Beg, Kuj Timur son of Begjik, and other commanders of thousands [tuman] and regiments [kushun] with fifty thousand men, though more than six thousand had deserted the royal camp. But Amir Timur placed firm trust in the assistance of God, and comforted his men with the verse, "How many armies small in number, have overcome infinite hosts, by the permission of God," which he seemed to hear repeated in his car by a voice from the unseen world. [Verses] : Though the ocean of the world be full of alligators, And desert and mountain full of tigers, If a man have good fortune for a friend, Not a hair of his head will be touched. With two thousand brave men, he marched out to meet the enemy, and the opposing forces met on the Stone Bridge. A battle ensued which lasted from early morning till nightfall; and during all that day these brave and experienced warriors fought, until they had no strength left to continue. Moreover the inequality of the forces was great. Amir Timur, considering the situation, saw that victory could not be with his side, if the sword of valour were not brightened with the polish of good counsel, and he understood that if the arrow of courage were not let fly from the thumb-stall of deliberation, its whistling would not sound to them as news of triumph. These things he pondered in his mind, until the reed of assurance and conviction, painted a picture of welfare and safety upon the tablet of his enlightened intelligence. CHAPTER X. TIMUR'S PASSAGE OF THE RIVER AT THE STONE BRIDGE, AND THE FLIGHT OF THE ARMY OF JATAH. AMIR TIMUR ordered Amir Musa, Amir Muvayid Arlat and Uchkara Bahadur, with a force of 500 picked men, to wait for the enemy near the Stone Bridge, while he himself, with 1500 men, swam the river at midnight and took up his position on the mountains. On the following day, the sentinels of the enemy saw, by their footprints, that they had crossed the river during the night; and they were very much perturbed in consequence. When night set in, Amir Timur commanded his soldiers to light a great number of fires on the summits of the highest of the mountains; and at the sight of these fires the enemy were seized with fear and terror, so that they lost heart and fled. Thus did God, without the trouble of a battle, scatter this numerous army, which was in the proportion of ten warriors to one of their opponents. "Verily God giveth the victory to whomsoever He will." The enemy being thrown into flight and confusion, Amir Timur rushed down the mountain with his army, like a raging lion or a mighty boiling torrent, and pursued them as far as Gujarat* —falling upon them with his life-taking sword and his soul-biting lance, till the road was covered with the heaps of their slain. In this place he halted, victorious and happy, while Amir Husain with the rest of the army continued the pursuit. This victory helped to spread the fame of Amir Timur and much encouraged his troops. Feeling the reality and importance of the advantages he had just secured, Amir Timur again set out with two thousand men; and when he arrived at Kuhlagha,* the people of Kesh and the districts round about, fleeing from the army of Jatah, kept coming to him in detachments, with offers to serve him if he would protect them. Out of the two thousand men Amir Timur had brought with him, he selected three hundred as his own special bodyguard. With these he advanced, commanding the rest to stay behind. He then sent on two hundred of these men, under the Amirs Sulaiman Barlas, Chakui B arias, Bahram Jalair, Jalaluddin Barlas, Saifuddin and Yultimur, to Kesh, telling them to divide into four squadrons, and ordering every man to suspend from either side of his horse, a large leafy branch, in order that much dust might be raised and so cause the governor of Kesh, if he saw them, to beat a retreat.* They carried out his orders exactly, so that when they entered the plains of Kesh, the governor, frightened at the sight of so much dust, took to flight, and they entered the town, where they occupied themselves with the appointment of officers and the like. Thus the boundless favour of God descended in such a manner upon this king, that by means of sparks of fire he was able to put an army to flight, and with dust to conquer a town. [Verse] : The evil eye was distant from him, for greater successes than these it is impossible to conceive. At that time Ilyas Khwaja Khan was encamped at Tash Arighi, which is four farasangs distant from Kesh; he had round him his nobles and princes and an innumerable army. About this time Tughluk Timur Khan died. Ulugh Timur and Amir Hamid came to announce the news to Ilyas Khwaja Khan and to bring him back to his tribe, that he might rule in his father's stead. Mean while, Amir Timur, with one hundred chosen men, having marched all the night, came to Khuzar, and when day broke, the people of that town learnt the arrival of that royal prince and hastened out to kiss the ground in obeisance to him. He then combined the troops of Khuzar and Kesh, and put Khwaja Salibari in command of the rearguard. With this mighty army he set out for Chekadalik, and on arrival there, pitched his camp. At that place too, he was joined by Muhammad, son of Salduz, with seven regiments, and he remained there seven days. In the meanwhile, Amir Husain arrived with his own forces, and with those that Amir Timur had left behind at Kuhlagha. Shir Bahram also, who had separated from them in the desert [or plain] of Gulak, in order to visit his own people, now rejoined them, after an absence of forty- three days. They then all set forth together, under the command of Amir Timur and Amir Husain, in the direction of Khuzar, and on their arrival there, visited the tomb of Khwaja Resmes,* in the name of whose blessed spirit they made a solemn alliance and swore eternal friendship. CHAPTER XL THE DREAM OF AMIR TIMUR, WHICH HE LOOKS UPON AS A GOOD OMEN, AND WHICH INDUCES HIM TO MAKE WAR ON ILYAS KHWAJA KHAN. THE Prophet (upon whom be the peace of God) said: "True dreams are one of the forty-six gifts of prophecy," and the explanation of this tradition is that when the all-knowing, all-powerful God (may He be exalted and magnified), places upon the forehead of some great person the distinctive mark of His favour, He so enlightens him that He causes him to understand the secrets of the invisible world, reveals unto his human spirit the things that are to come to pass, and makes him aware of occurrences that have not yet taken place. Joseph was informed, by revelation, of the coming of his father and brothers several years before that event took place. And Muhammad, Prince of the Prophets, had revealed to him the conquest of Mekka. In the same way, as Amir Timur was one day reflecting upon the straits he was in, and the smallness of his army in comparison with that of the enemy, and considering what would be the best line of action, he fell asleep, and heard a voice say to him, in eloquent language: "Be of good cheer and grieve not, for God has given you victory." When he awoke from his slumber, he asked, "Did anyone speak?" All present replied, "Indeed not!" So he was convinced that the words were spoken by a voice from heaven, and that the sweet-scented breeze of good news had blown from the rose-garden of God's graciousness and favour. His confidence in the assistance of God was absolute, and he went to Amir Husain with fresh enthusiasm and renewed vigour, telling him what had happened. The good tidings were spread about among all the troops, and they were much encouraged; their obedient hearts blossomed out, as do the rosebuds with the zephyr of the morn. CHAPTER XII. BATTLE OF AMIR HUSAIN AND AMIR TIMUR WITH THE ARMY OF JATAH. VICTORY OF THE AMIRS OVER THE JATAH. AMIR HUSAIN and Amir Timur, having offered up praise and thanksgiving to the Padishah of Padishahs (may His name be exalted), mounted their horses and began to make preparations for battle. They divided the army into two parts; Amir Husain commanded the right wing, and raised the victorious standard, while Amir Timur led the left wing of his troops, who were so accustomed to victory. Having arranged all this, and having put the army into order of battle, they went forward. The enemy meanwhile were at Tash Arighi, and they, in the same manner, divided their forces into two parts; Ilyas Khwaja Khan and Amir Hamid commanding the left wing, and Amir Tuk Timur and Amir Begjik the right. The opposing armies, having drawn themselves up in order of battle,* attacked one another with vigorous onslaught. [Verses]: The world and time ranged themselves on his side, You would have thought he was about to overcome the universe. Nor the shining sun nor the moon looked more brilliant than did his army. His troops on a sudden raised a loud cry And their spear points made the clouds bright. The fighting began at a place called Kaba Matan, and clamour and shouting filled the vault of the heavens. The first attack was made upon the soldiers of Amir Timur, by the scouts of the enemy, who were boasting of the superiority of their army in numbers, and were burning for the fray. But Timur, keeping his foot as firmly fixed upon the spot where he was standing, as was his kingdom upon its foundations, seized his bow and arrow and made his left arm like an Alif and his right arm like a Dal* [Verses] . . . And his soldiers, in imitation of their king, discharged their missiles into the souls of the enemy, just as the starry army of the moon let fly their shooting stars; and the reed of the arrow— according to the words "we have ordained them as missiles against the evil spirits" — made such writing with the blood of the scouts, that not one of them remained alive. . .* Among those slain were Tuk Timur, a Beg, brother of Begjik, Daulat Shah, and two princes besides, who were both of them leaders of the other army. [Verses]: Of all these daring men not one was left, But all fell wretchedly, of life bereft. The two armies then rushed upon one another, and blood flowed from the enemy as if it were tears from a thousand eyes. [Verses]: They charged one another like great mountains; The desert became a sea of blood; You would have said that tulips had Sprung up on the face of the earth. 4 The attacks and charges of the veteran warriors grew more frequent, and the waves of the ocean of combat increased. Amir Timur, in accordance with the blessed promise (thanks be to God, who has aided and blessed us), was able to overcome and put to rout this enormous army, in comparison with which his own was but as a drop of rain. "And there is no victory but from God." Amir Ilyas Khwaja, Amir Begjik, Iskandar Oghlan, Amir Hamid and Amir Yusuf were taken prisoners. But the generosity, common to all Turks, was favourable to the Khan, for the soldiers who had captured him, when they recognised him, without saying anything to their leaders, mounted him and Begjik on horseback and set them at liberty. But the other captives they kept bound. On the same night, Amir Timur continued his march until he reached the River Yam, in order to cut off the retreat of the enemy, of whom many had been killed. [Verse]: From their blood, the water of the stream became like wine. Amir Chagu and Amir Saifuddin, at his command, marched against Samarkand. They conquered this town in the beginning of the year 765 of the Hajra [A.D. 1363], corresponding to the year of the Crocodile [Lui] of the Tartar cycle. Amir Timur, who was attended by success in all his endeavours and desires, bastened to hold counsel with Amir Husain and Shir Bahram, and then set out in pursuit of the enemy. Having crossed the river at Khojand, he fixed his royal camp at Tashkand, and there, in order that his good fortune might not be quite perfect, he was afflicted with a few days' sickness. [Verses] . . . Both Amir Timur and Amir Husain were for a short time a prey to a malady in that place. But they were soon released from the house of sickness; and the illustrious Princess Uljai Turkan arrived in safety from Kar.* [Verse]: Bilkis again returned to Sulaiman. Amir Timur then resolved to return, and therefore recrossed the river at Khojand. Being seized with a desire to hunt, he threw out a ring of beaters round a large extent of country, and Amir Husain did the same thing in a place called Dazak Bulbul. They set out from opposite directions towards Akar Kamar. Several days were spent in pleasure and amusement, according to the words, "Seize the opportunity while you may," and then they returned in safety to Samarkand. At the joyful advent of this augmenter of happiness and decorator of kingdoms, the people of that district were illumined by the protecting dust of the royal prince, so that the evils of the buffetings of events, which had crept in among high and low, were cured by the healing properties of his humanity and encouragement. CHAPTER XIII. CONFERENCE [KURILTAI] BETWEEN AMIR HUSAIN AND AMIR TIMUR; AND THE RAISING OF KABIL SHAH OGHLAN TO THE RANK OF KHAN. WHEN the countries of Mavara-un-Nahr and Turkistan, together with all their dependencies, had been delivered from the domination and oppression of the people of Jatah, no one of the chief princes or more important generals would submit to the orders and commands of another;* for all the chiefs of tribes, making boast of the large number of their subjects and followers, wished to retain independence and would suffer no control. For it has been said: A number of people without a central unity to direct them, will perish, and a kingdom without a ruler to give laws to the inhabitants, and prevent them transgressing the same, will most certainly fall into a state of disorder. [Verses]: A world without a leader is like a body without a head. A headless body is worth less than the dust of the road. Under these conditions, Amir Husain and Amir Timur took counsel together, and determined that it would be advisable to set up, as Khan, one of the descendants of Chaghatai Khan, while for the execution of this plan they convoked an assembly of all the chiefs and princes, in the year 765 of the Hajra [A.D. 1363-4], to discuss the settlement of the affairs of the State. They finally determined to appoint Kabil Shah Oghlan as Khan. He was the son of Durji, son of Ilchikadi, son of Dava Khan. In order to avoid the trials and troubles of public life, he had taken to ways of poverty and solitude, and had clothed himself like a darvish. They resolved to divest him of his poor garments, and to array his noble figure in the richly-embroidered robes of the Khanship. To this end: [Verses]: They prepared a splendid banquet, That what was small might become great. They sought the whole world over For gold and silver and gifts. They succeeded in placing Kabil Shah Oghlan upon the throne; and, as was customary among the Turkish Sultans, he was presented with a goblet.* [Verses]: All the mighty rulers and proud princes, at one time Bent the knee nine times in obeisance to him. Amir Haidar Andarkhudi* was given over to Zinda Hasham, who executed him on that same night. [Verses] ... When the country had once again been brought under the rule of Amir Timur, he made a great display of his liberality and hospitality, and gave a great feast in honour of Amir Husain. His own stewards prepared the banquet. Amir Timur showed much favour to his own special subjects, and bestowed suitable presents on Amir Husain. [Verses]: He gave him the most magnificent gifts, Such as horses, swords, helmets and belts. Since the father of Amir Haidar was on the most friendly terms with Amir Timur, he was invited to the feast; for his intelligence had received brightness from the polish of experience of long years. With him and Amir Husain, he discussed the advisability of setting Amir Hamid and Iskandar Oghlan at liberty; and Amir Husain (in spite of the words [Verses] : When your enemy falls into your hands Keep him at a distance, lest he hurt you again and you will repent) out of consideration for the noble-mindedness of Amir Timur, did not refuse his entreaty, but gave sanction for the two prisoners to be released. As soon as Amir Husain had set out for Sali-Sarai, his residence in his own province, Amir Timur sent Amir Daud and Amir Saifuddin to release the two prisoners, and to bring them back with all respect and honour; but Bayazid and Aiman, who had the custody of Amir Hamid and Iskandar Oghlan, on seeing the two messengers, thought they had come to kill Amir Hamid, and therefore hastened to put him to death, one giving him a blow with a mace and the other striking him with a sword. Such was the end of Amir Hamid. When Amir Husain heard of this, he said: "The work of the servant was better than the work of the master," and at once sent a messenger in search of Iskandar Oghlan, to kill him. [Verse]: Against the arrow of destiny there is no shield. During the winter of that year, Amir Husain and Amir Timur devoted their attention to the internal affairs of the State, so that the country attained a condition of perfect peace and prosperity. CHAPTER XIV. THE BATTLE OF THE MIRE. 1 * FROM the garden abounding in thorns and adorned with flowers, the sweet zephyr reached to nostrils of those whose souls had been sent upon the battle-field of misfortune and grief. They heard the good tidings that God often crowns our best endeavours and most fervent wishes with calamities and hardships. [Verses] . . . Happiness often results from the traces left by misfortune, and a state of equanimity and success often has its origin in distress and failure. [Verses.] ... The course of events in the time of Amir Timur is a proof and example of the above truths. For when the winter (during which he had devoted his time to the peaceful administration of the affairs of his State) had passed, and spring at length arrived; (When the warrior spring had raised the standards of the tulips and had led out his army of green plants into the plains of gardens and meadows, [Verses]: The morning breeze led out his army towards the fertile plains And made ready the weapons and arms of war. He made spears of the buds and shields of the roses, The spearpoints he made from sharpened thorns) [When spring set in] news came that the hosts of Jatah were again on their way towards this country [i.e., Mavara-un-Nahr] . Amir Timur began at once to collect his army together, and sent to inform Amir Husain of the report. The latter ordered Pulad Bugha and Zinda Hasham, son of Muhammad Aperdi, and Malik Bahadur to collect their forces and set out with all possible speed to join Amir Timur. They met, and at once marched together against the enemy. On their arrival at Akar,* they inspected the cavalry and beasts of burden, and remained there several days to take advantage of the excellence of the pasturage. Departing thence, they cressed the River Sihun* and encamped [on the opposite side]. Amir Husain hastened on in the direction of the enemy, with a large body of men, till he came to the banks of the river, where he caught sight of some of their outposts. Amir Timur now removed his camp to the river-side, between Chinaz and Tashkend, and commanded his men to fortify their tents, which they did with great care. Meanwhile Amir Husain crossed the Sihun with his whole army, and halted in the entrenchments [murchdl] destined for his troops. The enemy had also encamped on the same side of the river, having reached it at early morn. Amir Timur and Amir Husain once more advanced, and as soon as the scouts of the two forces came in sight, preparations were made for battle and each army was arrayed in fighting order. Amir Husain commanded the right wing, and Tirlanji Mat led the rearguard; his vanguard was under the command of Uja Betu Irdi,* Shir Bahram, Pulad Bugha, Farhad Aberdi, Malik Bahadur, and many other valiant soldiers. Amir Timur, who was the soul of the whole army, led the left wing, and he appointed Amir Sar Bugha, with the tribe of Kipchak, to the rearguard, and Timur Khwaja Oghlan to the vanguard. Close at his side he kept Amir Chagu, Amir Saifuddin, Amir Murad Barlas, Abbas Bahadur, and many other brave men of the sword. In this order they attacked the enemy, but in pursuance with the words: "It is an evil day for you when you boast of your own strength or numbers," they were not spared from an unexpected punishment, for the army of Jatah, which, in spite of its superiority in numbers, had been defeated at Kaba Matan, now that they found their opponents exceeded them in numbers, had recourse to magic, and sought aid from the Jadah stone, which possessed supernatural properties.* [Verses]: The army of Jatah had not strength for the fight, So they sought help from the magic stone. With the stone of Jadah, who was a magician, They filled the world with wind and rain, The clouds roared with thunder and the winds howled. A thunderbolt fell upon the earth. Although the sun was in Orion, a host of dark clouds suddenly filled the sky. The thunder resounded and the lightning flashed. The elements rushed out from the ambush of destiny into the open plain of the ether, and the thunderclaps re-echoed round the azure vault of heaven. The arrows of lightning were shot out, in all directions, from the bow of the thunder-clouds, and the rain shot down its whistling darts. It seemed as if the Fates had again become a prey to the love of rebellion and confusion. Such a quantity of water descended from the eyes of the stars, that the Deluge seemed to occur a second time. And the voice of Noah was again heard to pray for the cessation of the waters of heaven. The beasts of the field began to swim about in the water like fishes; and the feet of the horses stuck so fast in the mire, that the skin of their bellies adhered to the crust of the earth, while the damp caused their bones to become bare. They were afflicted with Asterkha, and began to lose their flesh and become paralytic, their bones being loosened. The feathers of the arrows fell out: the notches came off; while clothes and accoutrements became so heavy with the damp, that neither cavalry nor infantry were able to advance. In consequence of all this, our host* lost their confidence and courage. But the army of the enemy, remaining where they were, covered themselves over with felt, and as far as they were able, preserved their clothes and arms from the violence of the rain. When our army came up to them, they threw aside their felt coverings and offered battle with fresh horses and uninjured arms; then the combat began in good earnest. [Verses]: The cries and shoutings of the two armies Fill the whole world, right and left. The spheres ring again with the cries of the heroes and the sound of the kerrandi* Amir Timur, by the aid of God, made a charge with the left wing, and overcame the right wing of the enemy, which was led by Shenkummuyan, brother of Amir Hamid; and when Ilyas Khwaja Khan saw this, he fled in confusion. But meanwhile fortune had deserted the right wing of our army, for the enemy's left, led by Sharawal and Haji Beg, attacked and overcame our right; they drove Tilanji* and Zinda Hasham back to where Amir Husain was posted, and the body-guard of the latter being terrified, turned and fled. But Pulad Bugha and Shir Bahram stood their ground and displayed the utmost courage. Haji Beg continued the attack and out- flanked our right. Farhad and Orong Timur* were astounded at the sight of this. But Amir Shams-ud-Din, on the other hand, having withdrawn the hand of bravery from the sleeve of temerity, made, with his men, a great display of courage. And now the fuel of the ardour of Amir Timur took fire; he seized his sword [Verses] : And made such sparks fly from it that The sun in comparison seemed dark. He charged down like a roaring lion. [He wore] his iron helmet, bearing the crest of a dragon. He charged the enemy with seventeen regiments [kushun]; the wind of his onslaught threw fire and fear upon the harvest of their stability, so that Amir Shams-ud-Din, terrified at the fierceness of Timur's attack, was obliged to turn the reins of power from the field of battle, and to set the face of helplessness and defeat in the direction of flight. This success of Amir Timur gave Amir Husain an opportunity to re-assemble his troops, and having done so, he stood his ground. [Verses] : From the victory of this host-crushing Shah The army received new life into its body. Amir Timur sent his servant Taban Bahadur to Amir Husain, saying: "It is time for the Amirs to advance. Let us, together, make such a charge that we may cause an earthquake among the proud princes of the enemy: so that they may lose all power to resist us and all strength to oppose us." But in proportion as the power of Amir Timur rose, so did the star of felicity of Amir Husain begin to decline, and his happiness to approach the evening of distress, according to the text, "God doth not work any change in the people, until they have altered their own individual selves." During this period, his nature underwent a great change; he lost his former stability of character, and began to adopt evil habits and practise evil deeds. [Thus] when Taban Bahadur came before him, Amir Husain abused him much in words, and then struck him so violently that he fell to the ground. Amir Timur then sent Malik and Hamdami, who were two of Amir Husain's adherents, to tell their master that he must most certainly come, in order that no time should be lost; but Amir Husain, having heard the message, began to abuse the messengers and let loose upon them the tongue of violence and menace; then he added: "Did I run away that you should thus press me to advance? Whether you are victorious or whether the enemy carry the day, there is not one of you shall save his soul from my avenging hand." Thereupon Malik and Hamdami, much enraged, left his presence and hastened to Amir Timur, to whom, on their arrival, they said, "It is no use your persisting in the fight." Amir Timur was persuaded by them and did not oppose their advice, but withdrew the hand of intention. Since the ranks of both armies had been so much broken that the left wings of the opposing forces were facing one another, each soldier encamped [lay down to rest] where he happened to find himself. [Verses] : The soldiers of both armies lay down to rest And did not stir from their places till day had broken. During that night Amir Husain sent several times to request that Amir Timur should come to him, but the prince would not give ear to his entreaties. [Verses.] . . . When, on the following morning, the two hosts again joined in battle, the army of Jatah was routed and fled. Our troops were pursuing, when they suddenly caught sight of the standard [Tugh or Tuk] of Amir Shams-ud-Din, who had separated himself with a large body of soldiers from the rest of the army. Thereupon the pursuers abandoned their object and turned to attack Shams-ud-Din, while the defeated army again rallied and made a violent onslaught upon our men. Thus our side, after it had gained a victory, was in its turn defeated, and in their haste to get away, many of our men perished in the mud and swamps. The enemy pursued them and put numbers of them to the sword, so that there remained nearly ten thousand slain of our forces on the field of battle. This battle took place on the 1st day of Ramazan of the year 766 of the Hajra [A.D. 1365], corresponding to the year of the Serpent (Yihan) of the Moghul cycle; and astrologers have shown that this event coincided with the tenth conjunction of the triple aerial conjunctions in the Scorpion. This I only mention, that my history may be complete, but I do not wish to infer that events are caused by celestial influences, for "God alone has influence over creation." After this defeat, the princes retired to Kesh. All the chiefs of tribes began to cross the Jihun with their people. Amir Husain said to Amir Timur: "It would be expedient for you to cross the river with your household and troops"; but Timur replied, "Others may cross if they like, but as for me, my patriotism will not permit me to leave my country to the molestation of foreigners. I will again collect an army and attack the enemy." Amir Husain then left him and retired to Sali-Sarai; then he made all his people cross the Jihun, and taking an out-of-the-way route, he reached a place called Shibartu, where he halted. From that place he despatched spies, intending, if these brought news of the approach of the army of Jatah, to take flight at once towards Hindustan.* As soon as Amir Husain had departed from Kesh, Amir Timur turned his mind to preparations for meeting the enemy. He mustered twelve regiments and sent forward eight of them, under the command of Timur Khwaja Oghlan, Charuchi,* and Abbas Bahadur, to reconnoitre the country round Samarkand. But on the way Charuchi took to drinking much wine, and the liquor made a strong impression on him: as has been said [Arabic]: Wine is like the wind: When it passes over a perfume, it becomes fragrant: but becomes tainted when it passes over a corpse. He became intoxicated and began to talk wildly, and very much frightened Daud Khwaja and Hindushah by saying: Such a one (meaning Amir Timur) purposes to send somebody to seize you, to take you before Amir Husain, and to have you killed without delay. [His companions] consequently were much alarmed, and running away, gave themselves up to the enemy. When they reached Kukung, they met the reconnoitring party of the army of Jatah, under the command of Kapak Timur, son of Ulugh Tokatmur Sharawal, and Angirchak, son of Haji Beg. They offered to act as guides to them and brought them to the place where Timur Khwaja Oghlan, Charuchi and Abbas were stationed; these they put to flight, together with all their forces. When Amir Timur heard all this, he knew that he must be patient yet a little longer, and that impetuosity was of no avail. He crossed the river at Amuyah* and went and encamped at Balkh, where he again assembled his scattered tribe. He called to his side Tuman Kapak Khan and Tuman Bughai Salduz; he also appointed a certain number of men to defend the banks of the river, and get what news they could of what was passing on the other side. Timur Khwaja Oghlan was punished for his misconduct, and from this point Fortune continued to favour Amir Timur. [Verses.] . . . CHAPTER XV. SIEGE OF SAMARKAND BY THE ARMY OF JATAH. IN the meanwhile, the army of Jatah reached Samarkand. Now at that time, this town had no citadel, but Maulana-Zada Samarkandi, Maulana Khardak Bukhari and Abu Nasr Kului Naddaf influenced the people of Samarkand to defend and fortify the town; and, despite their want of a princely leader, they offered stout resistance to the besiegers. They were bent on saving their city from the domination and tyranny of the people of Jatah. But when the inhabitants were beginning to tire of their efforts and to lose perseverance, God came to their aid and caused a pestilence to appear among the horses of the cavalry of Jatah, so that three- fourths of them died. Consequently, the besiegers were obliged to retire, and the great majority of them returned on foot, with their quivers strapped to their backs. Since the people of Samarkand had so well defended their State, and had offered such determined opposition to their enemies, those among them who had most power became inflated with pride, and tried to obtain precedence over their equals by stirring up sedition and rebellion in the town. At the time of the retreat of the Jatah army, Amir Timur had sent Abbas Bahadur to Kuhlagha* to spy out the land of Jatah, and when he was informed of the events above related— of the state of the people of Jatah and of the retreat of their army— he sent to Amir Husain to inform him also of the state of affairs, and to advise him to proceed in the direction of that country. When Amir Husain heard the news which the messenger brought, he was beyond measure pleased, and immediately set out from Shibartu towards Sali-Sarai. Amir Timur, having caused his household and people to cross the river, had sent them to their native land, and had started himself on horseback to meet Amir Husain. They met in the plain of Baklan,* and having embraced one another in the most respectful manner, they held a long discussion about what had already happened, as well as about the future. It was finally decided that they should proceed together towards Samarkand early in the following spring. Then Amir Timur returned, crossed the Jihun, and encamped at Karshi. Karshi is so-called because Kapak Khan built a palace at [that spot which is] 2 1/2 farasangs distance from Nakhsheb, and in the Moghul language a palace is called Karshi. There Amir Timur remained during that winter; and he caused to be erected on the spot a citadel [Hisar], which was completed by the end of the winter. CHAPTER XVI. THE LAST DAYS OF ILYAS KHWAJA KHAN, AND EVENTS THAT TOOK PLACE AFTER HIS DEATH. -THE DOMINATION OF KAMARUDDIN. THERE are no traditions or stories extant among the Moghuls relating to Ilyas Khwaja Khan. We learn, however, from the Zafar-Ndma, that it was upon him that the Khanship devolved after the death of Tughluk Timur Khan. During his reign, there took place his victory of the battle of the Mire, the siege of Samarkand and the abandonment thereof, on account of the epidemic which fell among his horses. He only survived these events a very short time. But an account of the events immediately following the death of Tughluk Timur Khan, as recorded in Moghul tradition, will be given below. For, although knowledge of what happened after the death of Ilyas Khwaja Khan is with God only, we know, from Moghul traditions, what occurred after the death of Tughluk Timur Khan. From these sources we learn that there were five brothers: (1) Amir Tulik, who has been mentioned in connection with the conversion of the Khan to Islam; (2) Amir Bulaji; (3) Amir Shams-ud-Din, who is mentioned in the Zafar-Ndma as having taken part in the battle of the Mire (which passage I have copied into this book); (4) Amir Kamar- uddin, of whom I shall speak later; (5) Amir Shaikh-i-Daulat, of whom no traces remain. After Amir Tulik's death, the office of Ulusbegi was given to Amir Bulaji, and when this latter followed his brother to the dwellings of eternity, the office of Ulusbegi devolved upon his son Amir Khudaidad. But Amir Kamaruddin, going down on his knees before the Khan, said to him: "The office of my brother should first come to me, for his son is only seven years of age and is not fit for the duties attached to the position." Tughluk Timur Khan would not pay any attention to him, but appointed the then seven-year-old Amir Khudaidad to the office. Kamaruddin was a violent man, and was angry at being superseded by a child of seven; but he could do nothing. When, subsequently, the Khan died he revolted. The Zafar-Ndma, on the other hand, says that he raised a rebellion after the death of Ilyas Khwaja Khan. However this may be, it appears that on the death of the Khan, Kamaruddin gave vent to that rancour which he had so long cherished in his breast, and (according to Moghul traditions) put to death in one day, eighteen sons of the Khan, and assumed the style of Khan for himself. The country of Moghulistan fell into a state of disorder. One of Tughluk Timur Khan's sons, who was still at the breast, being concealed by Amir Khudaidad, and his mother, Mir Agha, was spared. Kamaruddin sent everywhere in search of him, but they were successful in hiding the child from his spies. Kamaruddin devoted his attention to the affairs of the State, but in consequence of the hostility of the Amirs, there was disorder and strife in the country. Moreover, the invasion of Moghulistan, which Amir Timur and his army undertook at that time, was a serious obstacle to internal progress. Meanwhile Amir Khudaidad sent Khizir Khwaja Khan from Kashghar to the hills that are between Kashghar and Badakhshan, that he might be safe from the machinations of Kamaruddin; which matter shall be presently related, but first of all it will be well to give an account of Kamaruddin and his times. CHAPTER XVII. HISTORY OF KAMARUDDIN. IT has already been said that Kamaruddin tried to assume supreme authority, but that he met with determined opposition from the Amirs. Thus it was that Kumzah, together with Uzbeg Timur (who was of the tribe of Karait), went over to the side of Amir Timur. Then Amir Timur raised an army, and himself remaining within his own dominions, sent Amir Bahram Jalair, Khitai Bahadur, and Shaikh Ali Bahadur to the territory of Almatu.* On reaching the banks of the river Aishah Khatun they attacked the men of the Karait.* After this battle, having concluded a peace, they returned. But Amir Timur not approving the peace, invaded the country in person. This expedition is related in the Zafar-Ndma as follows: — The successful Amir Timur, who when he had once undertaken any business was never content till he had carried it through to the end, was dissatisfied with the gentle way in which his generals had treated the enemy, in watering the plains of enmity and warfare with peace. For this reason he sent royal mandates in all directions for troops to be collected [verses] ... A victorious and veteran army assembled before the palace of the Shah— an army countless as the sand of the desert. When he had passed Sairam and Yangi* in safety, with his victorious standard, the enemy fled before him, and he reached a place called Sangarighaj,* when many prisoners and much booty fell into the hands of his conquering host. At Adun Kuri,* Amir Musa and Zinda Hasham, in spite of all the former benefits they had received from Amir Timur, again began to devise plans of treason and deceit, and with treacherous designs conspired together, [taking into their confidence] the son of Khizir Yasuri, named Abu Ishak. They took a solemn oath that when they reached Kara Saman they would by some stratagem seize the 'Lord of the Conjunction' while hunting, and they laughed over the thought of their foolish plan. The Khanzada Abu Maali Turmadi and Shaikh Abu Lais of Samarkand, who were already sworn enemies of Amir Timur, now joined in this conspiracy. But some one happening to get knowledge of the affair, informed Amir Timur thereof. Thereupon his majesty summoned the offenders to appear before him. They were brought in [and thrust] upon their knees, and on being interrogated, were found guilty of high treason and rebellion. But as the Queen Sarai Mulk Khanim* was the niece of Amir Musa, and because the chaste Princess Akka Begi had been promised in marriage to him, Amir Timur said to him: "Although the crime you have committed is a grave one, nevertheless as we are relations, I will forgive you and take no vengeance upon you. [Verses] . . . Your connection with me and your white beard have given you hope of life. Were it not for these, I should give the command for your evil- intentioned head to be severed from your body." And to the Khanzada he said: "As your family is connected with the household of the Prophet (upon all of whose descendants be peace) I shall not consent to your receiving any ill-treatment; you must however quit this country." He commanded Abu Lais to make the pilgrimage to the Hijaz. The son of Khizir Yasuri, being the brother of the wife of Amir Saifuddin, appealed to the clemency of the 'Lord of the Conjunction/ and so escaped from the abyss; thus the tablet of his soul was cleansed of its sins with the pure water of royal beneficence and mercy. A royal mandate was issued, ordering Zinda Hasham to be conveyed, bound, to Samarkand, and there closely confined. When Amir Timur returned to his seat of government [Samarkand] he gave the governorship of Shibarghan, and the position which had been held by Zinda Hasham, to Bayan Timur, son of Ak Bugha. CHAPTER XVIII. THE THIRD INVASION OF JATAH (THAT IS TO SAY MOGHULISTAN) BY AMIR TIMUR. ON Thursday, the first day of the month of Shaban of the year 776 of the Hajra [A.D. 1375], Amir Timur, having collected an army, marched out towards Jatah— which is equivalent to Moghulistan. On the route he encamped at the Rabat-i-Kataan, when the coldness of the weather caused the sun suddenly to withdraw behind the veil of the clouds, and much rain and snow began to fall. [Verses]: No one ever yet saw so much snow. The world looked like a morsel in the snow's mouth. The violence of the storm deprived the soldiers of their strength, and they were soon no longer able to look after their horses, because of the risk they ran of losing their own lives; in this way many of the men died and a quantity of horses perished. Amir Timur, being moved to pity at this sad state of affairs, commanded them to break up the camp and return to Samarkand, where they remained about two months, until the rigour of the season had in some measure abated. On Monday, the 1st of the month Shawal, at the beginning of the year of the Hare (Tushkan), he again led out his army against the country of Jatah— which is equivalent to Moghulistan. He sent Amir Zada Jahangir forward to reconnoitre; and to accompany him he sent Shaikh Muhammad Bayan Salduz and Adilshah, to whom he had entrusted the tribe of Jalair, on the death of the latter's father, Bahram Jalair. Having passed Sairam, they came to a place called Jarun, where they seized one of the soldiers of the army of Jatah and sent him on to Amir Timur. When he was asked for news of Kamaruddin, who was of the tribe [Umdk] of Dughlat, he related that Kamaruddin had collected an army and was then stationed at Keuk Tubeh,* waiting for Haji Beg, but that no news of the advance of Amir Timur had reached Kamaruddin. Timur then ordered the reconnoitring party to hasten forward, while he himself soon after followed them. When Kamaruddin heard of these doings, he withdrew his army to an inaccessible spot called Birkah-i-Ghurian* [the Pond of the Ghuris] . In that place there are three very deep ravines, through which flow three great rivers. Kamaruddin having crossed two of these valleys with his army, pitched his camp in the third, protecting the approaches thereto with barricades and entrenchments. But Prince Jahangir marched forward at the head of his experienced soldiers, to the sound of the drums and war-trumpets. After they had wounded and killed many of the enemy with their arrows, they came to close quarters with them, and when night fell, all the enemy took to flight; so that on the morrow not a single man of the army of Jatah— that is to say, Moghulistan— was found in the camp. But our victorious soldiers followed in their pursuit, and put to death many of those heretics. When the sun had risen, Amir Timur arrived on the spot with the rest of the army. He thereupon sent Amir Sayyid Daud, Husain and Uch Kara Bahadur in pursuit of the enemy. In accordance with his orders, they followed the course of the river, and Husain was drowned in the river. On reaching the enemy's country they began to ravage and pillage, and seized many of their horses. But they spared those Hazaras who submitted, and having disarmed them sent them on to Samarkand. Amir Timur advanced as far as Baitak* with the purpose of meeting the enemy, while he sent Amir Zada Jahangir with one regiment to look for Kamaruddin, that he might defeat him and take him prisoner. The prince accordingly set out with a body of men, and laid waste the country of Uch and Firman.* He came upon Kamaruddin in the mountains, and pursued him beyond the limits of his own country; he also captured much booty and took many prisoners. Among the latter were Tuman Agha, the wife of Kamaruddin and her daughter, Dilshad Agha. The prince sent news of his success to Amir Timur, who during fifty-three days had not moved from Baitak. When, however, this joyful intelligence reached his ears he immediately set out for Kara Kasmak, which hill he ascended and awaited the happy return of his son Jahangir. On his arrival, the latter, having respectfully kissed Amir Timur's feet, presented him with a quantity of booty, horses and sheep, after which he obtained for Dilshad Agha the honour of saluting the Emperor. [Verses.] . . . Amir Timur, on leaving this encampment, descended to Atbashi and thence proceeded to Arpa Yazi,* where he spent a few days in festivity and rejoicing. There, too, Mubarakshah Makrit, who was a commander of 9000, and one of Timur's oldest friends, showed his respect for the Amir by causing a grand festival {tax) to be organised in his honour. And he so gained Amir Timur's good graces that he obtained for his son, Khudaidad, the succession to the honours and titles of Salar Oghlan and of Husain, who had both perished in the late war. CHAPTER XIX. MARRIAGE OF AMIR TIMUR WITH THE PRINCESS DILSHAD AGHA. AMIR TIMUR, in accordance with the text of the Koran: "Thou shalt marry whatever woman thou p leases:, even unto the number of four women," set the eye of his favour upon Dilshad Agha, and resolved to marry her. The officers of the Court made preparations for grand festivities. Wine and song and instrumental music were not wanting, and the whole ceremony was conducted with the greatest pomp and magnificence. The revels having been brought to a close, Amir Timur broke up his camp, and crossing the Yazi Daban,* went and pitched his royal tents at Uzkand. Here he received his eldest sister Kutlugh Turkan Agha, who, accompanied by several princes and nobles, had arrived from Samarkand; she had the honour of kissing the Emperor's feet, and took part in the festivities which were now again renewed at the Court. From Uzkand they proceeded to Khojand, when Adilshah, being obliged to show his submission, organised feasts and merry-making in honour of Amir Timur, and made him presents of horses in order that his homage might gain the Amir's approval. His heart, however, was of another colour, for he had really the design of taking him by surprise in the midst of the rejoicings. But Amir Timur (whom God used to watch over continually) by his happy intuition, observed signs of this hidden treason, and detected the evil intentions of the conspirators by their movements. He thereupon rose from the banquet, mounted his horse and returned to his camp. At the time when he was advancing to attack Kamaruddin, Shaikh Muhammad Bayan Salduz, Adilshah Jalair and Turkan Arlat had resolved to seize Amir Timur whenever an occasion should present itself. But their schemings were of no avail against one who was so carefully watched over by the Eternal: and thus he reached his capital without accident. He then disbanded his soldiers, while he himself went to take up his winter quarters at Zanjir Sarai, which is two marches to the west of Karshi. During the winter Adilshah arrived, and having paid his respects at the palace, confessed to the Amir the evil designs he and the other conspirators had had against him. When Timur heard this, he was wise enough to pretend not to have heard, and showed Adilshah great favour. When the winter had passed, he issued an order for his soldiers to muster, with the object of making another war upon Khwarizm. All the generals, princes, and soldiers having assembled round his palace, he ordered them to seize Shaikh Muhammad Bayan Salduz and to put him on trial. After his case had been heard, his guilt being clear, he was handed over to the brother of Harimulk Salduz, a relation of his own, whom he had unjustly killed with his sword. The brother avenged Harimulk by killing Shaikh Muhammad in a like manner. Ali Darvish, son of Bayazid Jalair, was also put to death after being found guilty; while the government of the Tuman of Salduz, together with the administration of justice and police [Sabt], was entrusted to the brave Ak Timur Bahadur. CHAPTER XX. THIRD EXPEDITION OF AMIR TIMUR INTO KHWARIZM, AND HIS RETURN ON ACCOUNT OF THE REVOLT OF SAR BUGHA, ADILSHAH AND BAHRAM JALAIR. IN the beginning of the spring of the year of the Hajra 777 [A.D. 1375], or the year of the Crocodile (Lui) of the Tartar cycle, Amir Timur, being encouraged by his former good fortune, determined to make an expedition into Khwarizm, preferring war to feasting. [Verses] . . . Having, therefore, appointed Amir Ak Bugha Governor of Samarkand, and having sent Amir Sar Bugha, Adilshah Jalair, Khitai Bahadur, Ilchi Bugha and other commanders of thousands, with 30,000 horsemen, to Jatah (which is equivalent to Moghulistan), he gave them express orders to seek diligently for Kamaruddin, and to kill him wherever they might find him; he then raised his own victorious standard and set out for Khwarizm with a numerous army. On reaching a place on the banks of the Jihun, called Sihpayah, he saw Turkan Arlat approaching on the other side of the river. The latter, however, feeling that the end of his life had come, did not deem it advisable to advance, but fled back with his men to Kuzruan.* Amir Timur thereupon sent Pulad after him with a few men. They marched day and night, and having passed Andkhud they came up to the fugitives at Faryab,* which is on a river, where Turkan, with his brother Turmish and their men, taking up their position on the bank of the river, offered them fight. The enemy stood like lions at first, but they were at length defeated and compelled to take to flight, the victorious army following close upon their heels. Pulad alone came up to Turkan. His horse being fatigued, Turkan dismounted and ran forward on foot; he then struck Pulad's horse with the shaft of an arrow, and before the latter could rise from the ground, aimed at him another arrow, which only passed through Pulad's helmet. Then Pulad, becoming more furious,* made a bold rush at him, and they wrestled together for some time, till at last Pulad got the upper hand, and crying out, "Long live Amir Timur!" struck Turkan to the ground. He then cut off his head and returned in triumph. Aman Sarbadal, who had gone in pursuit of Turkan's brother, Turmish, came up with him, overcame him, and severed his head from his body. His corpse became meat for the wild beasts, while the heads of the two were taken before Amir Timur. Of those Amirs whom Timur had sent into Jatah (that is to say, Moghul-istan), * Sar Bugha and Adilshah, when they found the country empty,* prepared another plan of revolt; they seized Khitai Bahadur, and Ilchi Bugha, while Hamadi, whom Amir Timur had made Governor of Andakan [Andijan], allied himself with them. Having collected their tribes, namely, the Jalair and the Kipchak, they set out against Samarkand, and began to lay siege to it. But the inhabitants defended themselves so successfully with arrows and darts, that they could not surround the town. Amir Ak Bugha, who was governor of the town, wrote of this matter to Timur, who having passed Kat* had just attained Khas, when this news reached him. He immediately made preparations to return, and, having sent forward his son Jahangir, in command of the vanguard, he himself followed with a large army. When he reached Bokhara he put his men into fighting order, and went and encamped at Rabat-i-Malik. Prince Jahangir came up with the enemy at a place called Karmina, where a battle took place. The air was filled with the sound of cymbals, and much blood was shed. But the Prince Jahangir, relying on the aid of the eternal God, at length overcame the enemy, who fled into the deserts of Kipchak, where they put themselves under the protection of Urus Khan.* Timur Beg, finding himself victorious, returned in peace to his capital. He then divided the tribe of Jalair between his Amirs, and appointed his son Omar Shaikh Governor of Andakan [Andijan]. Adilshah and Sar Bugha remained in the service of Urus Khan. But at length their thirst for rebellion again got the better of them, and once, while Urus Khan was absent at his summer quarters, they ran away, and drawing the sword of treachery from the sheath of infidelity, made war on Uchibi, a lieutenant of the Khan, and killed him. They then fled to the court of Kamaruddin in Jatah (that is, Moghulistan) and tried to stir up in him a spirit of revolt. CHAPTER XXI. AMIR TIMUR'S FOURTH EXPEDITION INTO JATAH (THAT IS, MOGHULISTAN). AFTER Sar Bugha and Adilshah had attached themselves to Kamaruddin, they used every possible means to rekindle in him the old fire of enmity which he naturally cherished against Amir Timur. Kamaruddin finally led an army into the country of Andakan, where the Hazara of Kudak, deserting Omar Shaikh, joined the side of the enemy. But Omar Shaikh, having taken up a fortified position in the mountains, sent a messenger whose name was Dashmand, to Amir Timur to tell him that the enemy had arrived with a large army, and that they had overrun the whole of Andakan. Amir Timur was much enraged when he heard this, and immediately set out with all haste for that country. When Kamaruddin heard of the advance of Amir Timur he retired from the place where he was encamped, and having caused his household and tribe to leave Atbashi, he hid himself, with 4000 cavalry, in a place of ambush. When Amir Timur reached that spot, being quite unaware of the trap [which Kamaruddin had] laid for him, he sent forward the whole of his force in pursuit of the enemy. There stayed behind, however, of the army, 5000 cavalry and several brave generals, such as Amir Muayad, Khitai Bahadur, Shaikh Ali Bahadur and Ak Timur. Khitai Bahadur and Shaikh Ali Bahadur discussed how the enemy could best be destroyed. They determined to display the utmost bravery and audacity, and thereupon set out in pursuit of the foe, so that finally there did not remain more than 200 men with Amir Timur. Kamaruddin, now seizing his opportunity, rushed out of his ambuscade with his 4000 cavalry, sword in hand, bent on avenging himself on Amir Timur. But Timur recalling to mind the words of the Koran: "How many small armies have overcome great hosts by the help of God!" was in no way disturbed or alarmed, but encouraged his men and opened his heart to them, saying: "Victory is from the Giver of all good gifts: not from the multitude of soldiers is it to be obtained. Your sole duty is to acquit yourselves like men; for should you show even the smallest sign of cowardice or hesitation we are lost." No sooner had he said these words than he turned his charger against the enemy, and full of trust in god, entered the fray. [Verses.] . . . After the fight was over, Timur avowed that it was only by the aid of Heaven that such a mere handful of men could have overcome a force of four thousand cavalry, bent on vengeance... [Verses and rhetoric] ... One day after this event, he fell asleep, and there appeared to him, in a dream, Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din Kilij (upon whom be the mercy of God). Amir Timur advanced towards him with great reverence, and asked him to pray to God for the recovery of his son Jahangir, whom he had left on the bed of sickness at Samarkand. The Shaikh answered, "God be with you"; but of his son he said nothing. When Timur awoke from his dream, he felt convinced that his wishes concerning his son were not fulfilled, and was so distressed about Jahangir's safety that he despatched Bu Kutlugh, his private secretary, with a letter (from Sang), that he might obtain correct news of his son. As soon as his secretary had started, he had another disturbing dream about Jahangir, and became more anxious than ever, saying to his courtiers: "I sadly fear I am for ever separated from my son; do not hide the truth from me any longer." But they, going down on their knees, took a solemn oath, saying: "Thy servants have absolutely no news of this matter, and have heard nothing of your son's condition." Departing thence, they again met with Kamaruddin at Sang Zighaj; a fight took place, and they again put him to flight. Amir Uch Kara followed close after him, and when [the pursuers] had gone a little way, Kamaruddin, being surrounded by the Amir's soldiers, turned round with eight of his followers. His horse was killed under him by an arrow, and he himself only just managed to escape on foot, covered with wounds. In the same fight Pulad received an arrow wound in the hand; by chance, also, a fire broke out, and the efforts which Pulad made to extinguish it, so increased the inflammation of his wound that he died. CHAPTER XXII. THE DEATH OF PRINCE JAHANGIR. AMIR TIMUR having left Atakum, crossed the Sihun and arrived at his capital, Samarkand, where he found [Verses]: The people wearing clothes of black and grey And tears of sorrow streaming from their eyes. And all had sprinkled dust upon their heads And as a sign of mourning beat their breasts. They came in haste to greet their lord the king, Their heads they bared, and on their necks they hung Black felt and sackcloth, thus they left the town Filling the air with moans and lamentations. "What pity that Jahangir, just and good, Should thus be carried off in early youth, As is a flower by the cruel wind." When Amir Timur heard these wailings he could no longer doubt but that his forebodings had been correct. The death of his son, which he now learned, caused the whole world for him to become black; his cheeks were continually wet with tears, and life became almost unbearable to him. The kingdom, which should have been overjoyed at the return of its mighty monarch, was become, instead, a place of desolation and mourning. The whole army, clothed in black and grey, sat down in mourning. The generals put dust upon their heads, and their eyes were filled with the blood of their hearts. Though the Emperor was greatly overcome by grief at the loss of his son, his noble intelligence fully realised that this world is but transitory, and that every being must inevitably perish at some time — that we must "Verily all return unto God." These considerations brought healing to the wounds of his sorrow. He, moreover, instituted many pious works, and ordered alms to be distributed in the form of food to the poor and indigent. His son's body was carried to Kesh, where it was buried, and over the grave a beautiful building was raised.* The prince was twenty years of age when he died. He left behind him two sons, one called Mirza Muhammad Sultan, by his wife Khanzadah, and the other, Mirza Pir Muhammad, by his wife Bakhtimulk Agha, daughter of Ilyas Yasuri. This second son was born forty days after his father's death, which happened in the year 777 of the Hajra [A.D. 1375-6], the year of the Crocodile (Lui) of the Tartar cycle. When Prince Saifuddin* heard of this sad event, he became weary of life, and begged Amir Timur to allow him to retire to the Hijaz. CHAPTER XXIII. AMIR TIMUR SENDS AN ARMY AGAINST KAMARUDDIN. 3 * AMIR TIMUR was so much afflicted by the death of his son, that he neglected almost entirely the affairs of the State. [Verses]: What value has this world compared with heaven? Upon the other world my mind is set. Why should I, for a meagre clod of earth, Be forced to keep my spirit bound in chains? Why for the sake of living our short life, Should I be made to run the whole world o'er? But the chief men among his nobles and princes came to him, and having done him obeisance, said: "The Almighty Creator and wise disposer of the affairs of the universe has appointed kings on the earth to protect the sons of men, and administer justice to them." [Verses]: But if the mighty King do fall asleep, His State will surely sink into corruption; And if the Sultan's sword be not kept bright, The mirror of religion will grow dim. The Sultan is the Shadow of the Giver of All Light, And from his Shadow should the world become both fair and bright. ****** If the desire of their noble sovereign was to please God, nothing could be more acceptable in the eyes of the Preserver of Mankind, than the administration of justice and care for his subjects, for the most perfect and wisest of all men (upon whom be the most excellent prayers) said that he preferred one hour of his life, which should be spent in the administration of justice, to sixty or seventy years spent in worship. Amir Timur accepted favourably the counsels of his servants, feeling that it was purely out of affection for himself, that they had addressed these words to him, and he thereupon began again to turn his attention to the affairs of the State. He also reassembled his troops and prepared them for an expedition. At this time, news arrived that Adilshah Jalair was wandering about the hills of Karajik, with a few other persons; whereupon Amir Timur despatched Barat Khwaja Kukildash and Ilchi Bugha, together with fifteen horsemen, in search of Adilshah and his party. They set out from Samarkand in the night, and when they reached Otrar a few chosen men were despatched to the mountains to look for Adilshah. They eventually found him in a place called Aksuma, when they seized him and put him to death, in accordance with the Yasak. Aksuma is a column [mil], built on the summit of the mountains of Karajik, to serve as a watchtower (didah bdni) whence one may look out over the plains of Kipchak.* Sar Bugha also, who having deviated from the high road of reason, had become rebellious and fled, now, after two years' absence, being led by the true guide of the intelligence, returned again to court. He was pardoned by the merciful monarch, and received the government of his own tribe and country. Soon after this, Amir Timur saw fit to send his son Omar Shaikh against Kamaruddin, and with him he also sent Amir Ak Bugha, Khitai Bahadur and other Amirs, commanding them to do their utmost to sweep the enemy from the face of the earth. Thus intent on making a great effort, they set out with all possible speed. In the desert of Kuratu they came upon Kamar- uddin, and by the aid of the Almighty, their swords of emerald hue became ruby-coloured like pomegranates, with fighting, and the faces of their opponents grew amber-coloured with fear. Their charges were so fierce that at length the enemy had to fly, scattered in all directions. When Kamar-uddin had fled, the victorious army pillaged all his country and returned home laden with booty. CHAPTER XXIV. AMIR TIMUR'S FIFTH EXPEDITION INTO JATAH (THAT IS, MOGHULISTAN). No sooner had these victorious troops returned from their attack on Jatah (or Moghulistan), than Amir Timur resolved to make yet another expedition into that country, that same year. He sent forward, as an advance party, Muhammad Beg, son of Musa (who, on account of his connection by marriage with Amir Timur, had a high opinion of himself), Amir Abbas and Ak Timur Bahadur. Marching, in obedience to orders, day and night, they came up with Kamaruddin at Bugham Issigh-Kul, and after a fierce fight, put him to flight. They then ravaged his country, and took his men prisoners. Amir Timur himself pursued Kamaruddin as far as Kuchkar.* At this place news reached the Emperor's ears that Toktamish Oghlan,* having lost his faith in Urus Khan, had come in hopes [of good treatment] to pay his respects at court. The Emperor at once commanded the Amir Tuman, Timur Uzbeg, to go and meet Toktamish with all possible honour and ceremony, and accompany him back. Amir Timur returned from the direction of Inaghu and alighted at Uzkand.* Thence he reached Samarkand in safety. On his arrival at the capital, Toktamish Oghlan was brought before him by Timur Uzbeg and others of the nobles. Amir Timur received him with affection, and with all the honour due to a prince, none of the prescribed ceremonies being neglected; for after he had given a great feast in Toktamish Oghlan's honour, he loaded him and his retinue with magnificent presents, such as gold and jewels, robes of honour and girdles; arms, armour, horses, camels, tents, cymbals (his), chargers, slaves, standards, and such like things; and as a proof of the extent of the love he bore him, the Emperor paid him the honour of calling him his son. END OF EXTRACTS FROM THE ZAFAR-NAMA. CHAPTER XXV. THE LAST DAYS OF AMIR KAMARUDDIN. I HAVE heard from certain Moghuls that, towards the end of his life, Kamaruddin was afflicted with dropsy.* While he was in this state news came, one day, that Amir Timur was approaching with his army; but Kamaruddin was too weak to mount his horse or to hold the bridle. So his people carried him into the depths of the jungle, and left him there with two of his concubines, and provisions for a few days. The rest then fled. After the invading army had withdrawn, and the scattered inhabitants had returned, they sought for Kamaruddin in the jungle, but not a trace of him or of his attendants, either dead or alive, could be found. Thus were the people released from his oppression.* After his disappearance Amir Timur's mind was set at rest with regard to Moghulistan, and he made no sixth invasion of that country. In fine, the Moghuls enjoyed peace and rest. CHAPTER XXVI. THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REIGN OF KHIZIR KHWAJA KHAN, SON OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN. IT has been mentioned above, that Tughluk Timur Khan's youngest son was Khizir Khwaja Khan, and that while he was yet at his mother's breast, he had been saved from the cruelty and enmity of Kamaruddin by Mir Agha, the mother of Amir Khudaidad. When Khizir Khwaja Khan attained the age of twelve years, [his friends] still fearing Amir Kamaruddin, removed him from Kashghar. Amir Khudaidad wished him to be accompanied by a few trustworthy men, but Mir Agha opposed this plan, saying: "Do not send any of your own servants, for when the boy becomes Khan, base born people [such as they] will become influential, and then they will prove enemies to yourself and your children. They will imagine that the people do not pay them sufficient respect, but say among themselves, 'These are only servants.' For this reason rather send others than your own retainers— send strangers." So twelve men were sent with him, of whom every one eventually became an Amir, and many of their descendants are alive now. Among their number was Arjirak, from whom are descended the Amirs of Itarji; Tajri of Khwarizm, from whom are sprung the Amirs of Kunji; while another was of the tribe of Chalish Siadi [or Sayyadi]; and his sons also became Amirs, with the style [lakab] of Kushji, but they are also called Kukildash.* These persons all attained the rank of Amir, as did also the remainder of the twelve. In short, they conducted Khizir Khwaja Khan up to the hills, which lie between Badakhshan and Kashghar. But as the spies of Kamaruddin got news of his hiding-place, he was obliged to abandon it and take flight to the hills of Khotan. Then again fearing discovery, he passed on from this place to Sarigh Uighur,* Jurjan,* and Lob Katak,* in which regions he remained twelve years. On the death of Kamaruddin, search was made for Khizir Khwaja Khan, and Amir Khudaidad sent some people to fetch him from where he was in hiding. As soon as he was brought in, Khudaidad called the people together and raised him to the Khanship. Thus did the splendour of the Khan come to illumine the sovereignty of the Moghuls, so that the affairs of Moghulistan prospered. The Khan then concluded a peace with Amir Timur, who formed an alliance with him by marrying Tavakkul Khanim,* a maiden from the royal haram. During his reign the Khan undertook a holy war [ghazdt] against Khitai. He, in person, attacked and conquered Karakhoja and Turfan, two very important towns, situated at the border of Khitai, and forced their inhabitants to become Musulmans, so that at the present time it is called "Dar al Islam"* As a seat of the Moghul Khakans this country stands next in importance to Kashghar. It is moreover related that, in that campaign, this country was divided up in the manner ordained by the Holy Shariat. And there fell to the lot of the Khan, one piece of satin and one grey cow.* The Khan's object in doing this, was the glorification of the realm of Islam. It is related in the Zafar-Ndma, that as soon as Amir Timur had satisfied his lust for conquest in the north, south and west, he prepared an expedition against the countries lying to the east, especially against Khitai, which is the most important of them; and a long description is given of the [projected] expedition, the substance of which is that he mustered an army of eight hundred thousand men, supplying them with provender sufficient for seven years — as was the custom in the armies of Irak and Rum.* As the country lying between Khitai and Mavara-un- Nahr was but little cultivated and thinly populated, he ordered each man to take, in addition to other supplies, two milch-kine and ten milch goats, telling them that when their supplies should be exhausted, they were to milk these animals; and when, in turn, the milk should come to an end, they were to convert the animals themselves into provisions. Having completed these preparations, Amir Timur set out from Samarkand, and for that winter took up his quarters [kishldk] in Turkistan. While there, he sent to ask Khizir Khwaja Khan if it would be possible to cultivate the ground [in Moghulistan], in order to furnish supplies for the army.I have frequently heard my father (upon whom rest the mercy of God) relate that in the beginning of the spring the new kimiz* had come in, and on that day, according to an ancient Moghul custom, a great feast had been prepared. As Amir Khudaidad was on the point of offering a cup of kimiz to the Khan, one of the chief nobles announced the arrival of an ambassador from Amir Timur, and stated the purport of his mission. [The noble] added: "It is much to be regretted that we have not power to resist him, and that we should be compelled to pay him tribute." At these reflections, the cup of kimiz fell from the hands of the Khan, whereupon Amir Khudaidad said: "You must now drink of the cup of tranquillity (rahat), in conformity with this couplet: To grieve over what has not yet come to pass is taking sorrow in anticipation. 'Tis better that I should defer to the morrow the things of to-morrow." Then he added: "It has been said that if an apple be thrown up to the sky, God has had time to bestow a hundred blessings before it descends again. Ere another year be passed, how many thousand favours may He not confer! This consideration ought to bring you comfort." Scarcely had he done speaking, when they saw advancing rapidly from the shore of Lake Karias, a man mounted on a black horse, and clothed in white robes. He rode on as far as the executioner's tent, where it is customary to dismount. This man, however, rode on without stopping, right past the station of the guards who were sitting in a line. The chamberlains [yasavul]* ran up from every side to try and stop him in his course, but he did not slacken his speed till he came up to where the Khan was standing. Then he called out in a loud voice: "Amir Timur is no more, he has died at Otrar!" Having uttered these words he again rode off at full speed. Many horsemen were sent after him, but none could overtake him; and no other intimation of the news was received. However, after an interval of forty-five days, information came that Amir Timur had died at Otrar; so there no longer remained any doubt about the matter, and the Khan was relieved of all anxiety and distress. The Khan was born before the year 770 of the Hajra, and the above recorded events took place in 807* of the Hajra. But it is not known how long the Khan survived Amir Timur — God knows best.When the Khan ascended the throne of the Khanate, the foundations of the State, which, under the usurpation of Kamaruddin and the ascendency of Amir Timur, had been much shaken, were once more strengthened and consolidated. Old customs and rights, which had fallen into disuse or oblivion, were revived, while the affairs of the kingdom and the business of the nobles were restored to order. Among other matters that received attention was the restoration to his rights of Amir Khudaidad. For in the reign of Chingiz Khan there had been granted to the ancestors of Amir Khudaidad the following seven privileges [mansab]:* 1. Tabl (or the drum). 2. Alam (or the Standard), the former being called in Turki "nakdra," the latter "tumdn high." 3. Two of his servants might wear the "Kushun-tugh." Kushun-tugh is synonymous with "chdpdr high." 4. He might wear the Kur* in the councils of the Khan, though it is a custom among the Moghuls that no one but the Khan may carry his quiver in his hand. 5. Certain privileges in connection with the Khan's hunt.* 6. He was to be an Amir over all the Moghuls, and in the firmans* his name was to be entered as "Sirdar of the Ulus of Moghuls." 7. In the presence of the Khan, the other Amirs were to sit a bow's length further than he from the Khan. Such were the seven privileges bestowed upon Urtubu by Chingiz Khan. When Amir Bulaji had brought Tughluk Timur Khan from the land of Kipchak, and had set him on the throne of the Khanate, he, in return for his services, received in addition to the seven privileges above enumerated, two others, so that he enjoyed nine in all. The first of the new privileges was, that he should have the power of dismissing or appointing Amirs of Kushuns (that is, Amirs who had one thousand followers) without applying to, or consulting with, the Khan; and the second was as follows: Bulaji and his descendants should be permitted to commit nine crimes without being tried. On committing the tenth offence, trial should be conducted under the following conditions: — The accused should be set upon a white two-year-old horse; under the hoofs of the horse, nine folds of white felt should be placed— as a token of respect— and he should in that position address the Khan, while the Khan should speak to him from an elevation. When the interrogatory and investigation had been conducted in this fashion, if the offence should be a mortal one, and the other nine crimes should also be proved against him, two Amirs should stand by and watch him while his veins were opened and all his blood drawn from his body. Thus he should perish. Then the two Amirs, wailing and lamenting, should carry his body out.* These nine privileges were contained in a firman issued under the seal of Tughluk Timur Khan, which I once saw myself. For it was handed down in our family, and ultimately came into the hands of my father (upon whom be the peace of God). It was however destroyed or lost, in the disturbed times of Shahi Beg Khan.* It was written in the Moghul language and character, and bore the date and place of the year of the Hog, at Kunduz; which goes to prove that Tughluk Timur Khan's rule extended as far as Kunduz. No one alive now knows anything about the reign of that Khan, but I have copied into this history the account of it given in the Zafar-Ndma. Since Khizir Khwaja Khan had been saved from the yawning abyss of Kamaruddin's violence, and had been placed upon the throne of the Khans, by the aid of Amir Bulaji's son, Amir Khudaidad, he rewarded the latter Amir by superadding three privileges to the nine existing ones; making the prerogatives of Amir Khudaidad twelve in number. Thus: 10. That on the occasion of festivals, when the Khan's chamberlains [yasdvul] arranged the ranks, one of the chamberlains of Amir Khudaidad, taking part in the proceedings, should stand on the right hand side, holding the Khan's cup: another on the left side, should hold the cup of Amir Khudaidad, and those two cups were to be exclusively reserved for the Khan and Amir Khudaidad. 11. That he should set his seal on all firmans that might be issued, but that the Khan's seal should be set above his. 12. [No 12th mansab is mentioned in any of the texts]. Such were the twelve prerogatives [mansab] for which a firman was granted to Amir Khudaidad, after whose death they descended to his son Amir Muhammad Shah Kurkan. When this latter died, they devolved on Amir Sayyid Ali Kurkan, the son of Muhammad Shah's brother, and after Sayyid Ali to Muhammad Haidar Mirza Kurkan his son, and after him to his son Muhammad Husain Mirza Kurkan, father of the present writer Muhammad Haidar, known familiarly as Mirza Haidar. After the martyrdom of my father, my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, attached himself to Sultan Ash-Shahid-Sultan Said Khan; the Khan Said Shahid confirmed all these privileges to my uncle. The particulars of the matter are recorded in the Second Part of this Tarikh-i-Rashidi. These privileges (that is to say, the first [seven] of them) were in force from before the year 625 of the Hajra, which is the date of Chingiz Khan,* down to the death of the Khan and the murder of my uncle, the date of which was the 1st of Moharram, 940 of the Hajra* When this calamity took place and the Khanship came to Sultan Rashid, the customs of our forefathers were exchanged for other, and very different, practices. Praise be to the gracious Creator, in that when my turn arrived to be created, he made me a free man and independent of the Khans, for the great "mansab" He has granted me, is but an atom of those boundless favours which are the salvation of this world and the next. In the same way that thou hast made me materially free, make me also spiritually independent and prosperous! [Verses] : Oh! God, make all the world my ill-wishers, And keep me apart from them all. Keep my heart from worldly matters, And cause me to have but one purpose and aim in life. CHAPTER XXVII. MUHAMMAD KHAN, SON OF KHIZIR KHWAJA KHAN. THIS Muhammad Khan was the son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, who had, besides Muhammad Khan, other sons; among these were Sham-i-Jahan Khan and Nakhsh-i-Jahan Khan.* After Isan Bugha Khan, excepting Tughluk Timur Khan, there was no one left in the country of the Moghuls who was of the first rank of Khakans. This fact I have already mentioned. After the death of Tughluk Timur Khan, Amir Kamaruddin murdered all Tughluk's sons, so that there was no one left but Khizir Khwaja Khan. (This I have also already stated.) This last Khan left many sons and grandsons; the details of the lives of all of them have not, however, been preserved in the Moghul traditions. In fine, I have recounted what I considered worthy of belief regarding the history of the ancestors of the Khakans. But I have not been able to learn any details concerning their uncles and cousins. Consequently I have only mentioned the sons of Khizir Khwaja Khan, as for example, Muhammad Khan: for in him the race of Moghul Khakans came to an end. Muhammad Khan was a wealthy prince and a good Musulman. He persisted in following the road of justice and equity, and was so unremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign most of the tribes of the Moghuls became Musulmans. It is well known what severe measures he had recourse to, in bringing the Moghuls to be believers in Islam. If, for instance, a Moghul did not wear a turban [Dastdr], a horseshoe nail was driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common. (May God recompense him with good.) In the Moghul records it is stated that Amir Khudaidad himself raised six Khans to the Khanate, and this Muhammad Khan was one of the number. Muhammad Khan built a Rabat on the northern side of the defile of Chadir Kul. In the construction of this building he employed stones of great size, the like of which are only to be seen in the temples [Imdrdt] of Kashmir. The Rabat contains an entrance hall 20 gaz* in height. When you enter by the main door, you turn to the right hand along a passage which measures 30 gaz. You then come to a dome which is about 20 gaz, and beautifully proportioned. There is a passage round the dome, and in the sides of it; and in the passage itself are beautiful cells. On the western side there is also a mosque 15 gaz in height, which has more than twenty doors. The whole building is of stone, and over the doors there are huge solid blocks of stone, which I thought very wonderful, before I had seen the temples in Kashmir.* In the time of Muhammad Khan, the learned Mirza Ulugh Beg was reigning in Mavara-un- Nahr by the appointment of his father, Mirza Shah Rukh; he was the founder of the famous observatory and the author of the astronomical tables called Zij Kurkdn. Mirza Shah Rukh was king of Khorasan and Irak. The dates of his birth and death are not known, but if we refer to other dates, we find that he must have died before 860 of the Hajra. (But God knows best.)* CHAPTER XXVIII. SHIR MUHAMMAD KHAN, SON OF MUHAMMAD KHAN. MUHAMMAD KHAN, also, had several sons, two of whom were Shir Muhammad Khan and Shir Ali Oghlan. Shir Muhammad Khan succeeded his father, and as long as he governed, the people were peaceful and prosperous. During his reign, his brother Shir Ali Oghlan died at the age of eighteen, and thus never attained to the rank of Khan. He, however, left one son, Vais Khan by name, between whom and Shir Muhammad Khan there arose great disputes, as will be related below. Shir Muhammad Khan, who was also a contemporary of Mirza Shah Rukh, enjoyed a longer reign than Muhammad Khan. CHAPTER XXIX. EARLY LIFE OF VAIS KHAN. SULTAN VAIS KHAN was the son of Shir Ali Khan;* after the death of his father, he was in the service of his uncle, Shir Muhammad Khan. After a time he began to find this condition irksome, and therefore fled from the court, and took to the life of a robber [Kazdki]. Many distinguished Moghul youths volunteered to follow him. Among this number was my grandfather Mir Sayyid Ali. I am the grandson of Vais Khan, on my mother's side. Amir Sayyid Ali is my paternal grandfather,* and this Amir Sayyid Ali was the son of Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, son of Amir Khudaidad. I think it is fitting in this place to give the history of Amir Sayyid Ali. CHAPTER XXX. AMIR SAYYID ALI AND STORIES RELATING TO HIM. As has been already mentioned, Amir Khudaidad lived in Moghul-istan in the service of the Khans. His native country was Kashghar, which had been given as a fief [akta'a] to his ancestors, by Chingiz Khan. This matter however will be referred to in the Second Part, when I speak of the country of Kashghar. Amir Sayyid Ahmad* had an impediment in his speech, and only those who were accustomed to hear him speak, could understand him. He was also hard of hearing, so that it was necessary to speak very loudly to him in order to make him understand. His father sent him to Kashghar as governor, which position he retained for a considerable time, till at length Khwaja Sharif, one of the nobles of Kashghar, became very powerful and all looked to him for help and advice. Khwaja Sharif was a noble-minded man, but he was displeased with Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, so he handed over the government to Mirza Ulugh Beg, while Amir Sayyid Ahmad fled from Kashghar to his father, and soon afterwards died. Amir Ali, the son of Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, lived with his grandfather, Amir Khudaidad, who loved him better than all his other children; for he was without rival in stature and strength as well as in courage, talent and understanding. He used to be called Sayyid Ali Alif* When Amir Sayyid Ali took the daughter of Isan Bugha Khan for his son Muhammad Haidar Mirza (as will be related below), he marked his joy by striking a nail into a wall, which I have myself seen. If one man stand upright, and a second, placing his feet on the first, also stand upright and stretch out his hand, he will not reach the nail by about an ell [gaz]. On this account* Amir Khudaidad loved Amir Sayyid Ali better than all his children. At this time a certain Ahmad Mirza, one of the Timuri Mirzas of the line of Mirza Shah Rukh, having fled [from his own country] had come [to Moghulistan]. He had [with him] a sister, for whom Amir Sayyid Ali conceived a great affection; so much so that Amir Khudaidad and others begged her to become Amir Sayyid Ali's wife. She, however, refused, saying: "I cannot stay in Moghulistan, but if he will accompany me to my own country, it can be arranged." She then immediately set out for her own country, accompanied by Amir Sayyid Ali. When she arrived at Andijan, Mirza Ulugh Beg despatched a man to kill Ahmad Mirza, and himself married his sister, at the same time throwing Amir Sayyid Ali into prison at Samarkand, where he remained one year. Here he fell sick of dysentery, and when on the point of dying, Amir Ulugh Beg sent for the doctors, whose remedies, however, were all without effect. One day somebody brought some kumiz. The Mirza implored the doctors, saying: "As the medicines have done me no good, I should much like to try a little kumiz, for which I have a great craving." They at last agreed [to grant his request] as a desperate experiment, saying: "It will very likely give him strength." They then gave him as much kumiz as he wanted, and from that moment he began to show signs of recovery. On the following day they gave him some more, and he became perfectly well. About this time, Mirza Ulugh Beg was going to wait on his noble father Mirza Shah Rukh. Amir Sayyid Ali being quite recovered, Mirza Ulugh Beg ordered a horse and arms to be given him, that he might accompany him to Khorasan. His object was to show off Amir Sayyid Ali to the people of Khorasan, as if he would say: "This is the sort of booty we take in Moghul-istan." One night when the Mirza was in his tent, the torchbearers were passing by, and he saw Amir Sayyid Ali with his bow, which was fourteen spans long— longer than that of anybody else. The Mirza thought to himself: "If this man wishes to aim his arrow at me, who will be able to prevent him?" He became very nervous, and immediately sent for Amir Sayyid Ali and said to him: "This journey into Khorasan must be very irksome and unpleasant to you. You can return to Samarkand: when I get back I will give you leave to go to Moghulistan; and you shall be the intermediary between myself and Shir Muhammad Khan, so that matters may be settled in a peaceable way." So he gave him leave to return, and sent a man to accompany him. He also wrote to the Governor of Samarkand, telling him to treat him with every mark of respect. But he sent a secret message to the governor telling him to keep Amir Sayyid Ali in prison. When Amir Sayyid Ali arrived at Samarkand with his companion, he gathered from the behaviour of the latter that he was not going to be well treated. When they had entered the town, his companion placed him in a house, and himself went before the governor. No sooner was he gone than the Amir left the house, on foot, and proceeded to Tashkand. When the man returned to the house from visiting the governor, he found the Amir's horse, and arms, and servants, but the Amir himself had disappeared. They inquired after him from his servants, who replied that he had just departed on foot. They then searched carefully for the Amir, but could not find him. Meanwhile the Amir had fallen in with some Kalandars on the road, and having dressed himself as one of them, arrived in safety at Tashkand. The Kalandars gave the Amir the name of Ashtar Abdal, and bestowed on him some of the provisions out of their wallets. Thus, in the guise of a Kalandar, he reached Taraz, which is another name for Yangi,* where he was recognised by the Shaikh of the "Shrine of the Companions of the Cave," which is called in Moghulistan "Mamlakat Ata."* The Shaikh sent his son Shadika with the Amir, and caused him to be conducted into Moghulistan and brought before Amir Khudaidad. This Shaikh Shadika became one of the Amir's intimates, and gained the title [lakab] of Vafadar [the Faithful]. There are descendants of his still alive, but they have not attained to any celebrity. At the time when the Amir re-entered the service of his distinguished relation, Amir Khudaidad, Vais Khan had separated from his uncle Shir Muhammad Khan, and had taken to highway robbery. Amir Khudaidad said to Amir Sayyid Ali: "I think you had better go and join Vais Khan, for if you stay here you may come to some harm." He then selected sixty young men and despatched them with Amir Sayyid Ali, to Vais Khan. The Amir served the Khan well, and obtained in return the Khan's sister, Uzun Sultan Khanim, in marriage. Countless were the laudable actions which Amir Sayyid Ali performed whilst in the service of the Khan. They would, however, take too long to relate. I have mentioned a few of them in my account of Vais Khan. CHAPTER XXXI. EPITOMISED ACCOUNT OF WHAT PASSED BETWEEN SHIR MUHAMMAD KHAN AND VAIS KHAN. WHEN Vais Khan, as has been related above, fled from his uncle Shir Muhammad Khan, a number of people attached themselves to him, and they took to plundering in, and on the confines of, the territory of Shir Muhammad Khan; especially in the neighbourhood of Lob Katak and Sarigh Uighur. It is related that when Uzun Sultan Khanim was given in marriage to Amir Sayyid Ali, this latter, in order to procure food for the feast, went out hunting, and returned, having killed two stags [Gavazan], which were eaten at the banquet. From this, one can form some idea of the splendour of the marriage festivities. But [Vais Khan] finding little scope for activity in that country, [left it and] went to Turkistan. At that Amir Shaikh Nuruddin, son of Sar Bugha Kipchak, one of Amir Timur's greatest generals, was Governor of Turkistan. With him [the Khan] had some intercourse, and since he was at enmity with Shir Muhammad Khan, he gave his daughter Daulat Sultan Sakanj,* in marriage to Vais Khan. He also gave the Khan much assistance in his attacks on Shir Muhammad Khan, and for a long time there was continual conflict between Vais Khan and his uncle, the latter being as a rule, victorious. One of these encounters took place at a spot in Moghulistan called Karang Kaingligh. Vais Khan, after a long and rapid march, surprised Shir Muhammad Khan in his camp at midnight. [The assailants] were four hundred strong. When the alarm was raised, Shir Muhammad Khan threw himself into a ditch, while Vais Khan, surrounding the camp, searched till dawn for Shir Muhammad Khan, slaying all whom he met. Yet, notwithstanding their search and the violence they used towards the people in the camp, no trace of Shir Muhammad Khan was to be found. When day broke they fled. Then Shir Muhammad Khan came out of the ditch, and his men having again collected round him, he set out in pursuit of Vais Khan, who only saved himself after a hundred narrow escapes. In fine, this hostility continued between them until the natural death of Shir Muhammad Khan, whereupon Vais Khan succeeded to the Khanate. CHAPTER XXXII. THE KHANSHIP OF VAIS KHAN. WHEN his turn came, Vais Khan showed himself to be religiously inclined; he was moreover distinguished among his race for his bravery. Since he had forbidden the Moghuls to attack Musul-mans, he made war against the infidel Kalmaks; and though he was frequently defeated by them, he persisted in hostilities against them, not wishing to relinquish the holy war [jahdd]. He was twice taken prisoner by them. The first occasion was in a battle at a place called Ming Lak, where the Khan, having been seized, was led before Isan Taishi. This latter thought to himself: "If he is really a descendant of Chingiz Khan, he will not do me obeisance, but will look upon me as an inferior." When the Khan was brought in, he dismounted (for he was on horseback) and [Isan Taishi] advanced towards him with great respect [Sar-Zadah].* But the Khan turned away his face and did not raise his hands. Isan Taishi was then convinced, and treating the Khan with much honour, set him at liberty. The Khan, on being asked afterwards why he had not done obeisance [to Isan Taishi] replied: "If Isan Taishi had treated me in a lordly manner, I should, out of fear for my life, have approached him with reverence. But since he came towards me with bowed head, it occurred to me that the hour of my martyrdom had arrived; and it is not fitting for a Musulman to do homage to an infidel, or to countenance his actions, therefore I did not salute him." It was the Khan's faithful observance of his religion that saved him from the abyss. On another occasion, he fought a battle with this same Isan Taishi at a spot called Kabaka, on the confines of Moghulistan. Here, too, he suffered defeat. His horse being shot under him by an arrow, the Khan was obliged to continue on foot. He was on the point of being captured, when Amir Sayyid Ali, dismounting from his horse, gave it to the Khan, while he threw himself on his face on the ground. The infidels, thinking him dead, shot an arrow at his head. When they came near enough, the Amir contrived to lay hold of one of them (who happened to be a man of some distinction), and lifting him up by his coat, turned him from side to side as a shield against the arrows, running all the while by the side of the Khan's bridle, so that it was impossible to shoot an arrow at the Amir. In this way he continued fighting and carrying the man by his clothes for a whole farsdkh, till they came to the River Ailah. He then threw the Kalmak into the water, and seizing the bridle of the Khan's horse, entered the stream, which came up to his chest. Several men were drowned. The Khan's horse began to swim, while the Amir held up its head, and thus safely conducted the Khan, mounted and armed, across the river. Many men were drowned on that day. It is related that the Khan had with him, on that occasion, two cousins, Hasan Sultan, who wore red armour, and Lukman Sultan, who wore blue [kabud]. They were both drowned on entering the stream. Amir Sayyid Ali, keeping hold of the Khan's bridle with one hand, did his best to save these two men with the other, but could not reach them. The Khan declared he could distinguish their red and blue jackets deep down in the water. Vais Khan gave Amir Sayyid Ali five presents* —one for each [of the following] acts. (I.) He had given his horse to the Khan and had himself remained on foot. (II.) He had seized the Kalmak. (III.) He had used him as a shield for a whole farsdkh* (IV.) He had brought the Khan fully armed and mounted across the River Ailah.* (V.) Although he had hold of the Khan, he twice stretched out his hand to save the drowning men. The Khan then added: "I know that the Amir has such strength that if one of my cousins had been able to seize him by the hand, the Amir would have saved him too, and brought him across the water." In consideration of these five actions, he gave the Amir five Aimdks as a reward. 1. Turkat. 2. Hibat Shira Sut. 3. Uzbeg, a tribe of Khotan. 4. Darugha, also a tribe of Khotan. 5. Kukanit, also a tribe of Khotan.* Sultan Vais Khan had another combat with Isan Taishi, in the vicinity of Turfan, and was again defeated and taken prisoner. Isan Taishi said [to Vais Khan, on his being brought before him] : "This time I will only set you free, on your giving me your sister Makhtum Khanim, as a ransom." There being no help for it, Makhtum Khanim was given to him, and the Khan was set at liberty. It is commonly reported that the Khan had sixty-one engagements with the Kalmaks: once only was he victorious; on every other occasion he was put to rout. (But God alone knows the truth.) I have frequently heard from Maulana Khwaja Ahmad that the Khan was a very powerful man, and that he used, every year, to go hunting wild camels in the country round Turfan, Tarim, Lob and Katak, which places I have spoken of in the Second Part. When he killed a camel he would skin it with his own hands, and take the wool to his mother Sultan Khatun; the Khatun would spin it and make it into shirts and breeches for him, which he wore with sumptuous robes outside. In Turfan water is very scarce, and it was the Khan himself who irrigated the land. He did not get his water from any stream, but having dug a deep well, drew from it a supply of water for irrigation. Khidmat Maulana told me the following story of his uncles, who used to say: "We have often seen the Khan, during the hot season, with the help of his slaves, drawing water from the well in pitchers [kuzah], and pouring it himself over the land." His agriculture was carried out on such a small scale, that the produce of it never attained the value of an ass's load; but this served him for a yearly supply of food. He was a disciple of Maulana Muhammad Kashani, who was a disciple of Hazrat Khwaja Hasan (may God perfume his tomb), and Khwaja Hasan was a disciple of Hazrat Kutb-i- Masnad Arshad Khwaja Bahauddin Nakhshband* (may God bless his spirit). Being a king did not prevent Vais Khan from passing his time in such studies [as theology]. During the reign of this prosperous Khan, Amir Khudaidad went on a pilgrimage to Mekka. Moghul records state that Amir Khudaidad raised six Khans to the Khanship, "with his own hand." They were as follows: — Khizir Khwaja Khan (whom we have mentioned), Sham-i-Jahan Khan, Nakhsh-i- Jahan Khan, Muhammad Khan, Shir Muhammad Khan, and lastly Vais Khan. CHAPTER XXXIII. AMIR KHUDAIDAD AND HIS JOURNEY TO MEKKA. I HAVE already told the history of Amir Khudaidad in part; but in this chapter I have to relate the rest of his deeds and his death. All the Moghul traditions are agreed as to the country over which he was Amir. I remember hearing from my father (upon whom be the grace of God) and from my uncles (may the pardon of God be on them) that their father had 24,000 families under him. He was Amir before the year 765 of the Hajra [A.D. 1363-4] and he made his journey to Mekka before the year 850 of the Hajra [A.D. 1446-7]. He was Amir for ninety years.* He exercised absolute power over the whole of Kashghar, Yarkand, Khotan, Aksu, Bai, and Kuchar. In spite, however, of all this, he was never a wealthy man, and during most of his life had not even a horse to ride. When travelling from place to place, the people of the country used to furnish him with a horse. And in the army it was just the same. He spent much of the revenue of his State in releasing and ransoming Musulman prisoners. In those days the Moghuls were constantly attacking Turkistan, Shash and Andijan, and carrying off Musulmans as prisoners. The Amir would buy these prisoners from the Moghuls, and supply them with provisions and transport to enable them to return home. He used also to provide them with tents, in which they had room to kneel down and say their prayers. In the performance of good actions such as these, and pious works, did the Amir pass his life. There are also many miracles attributed to him. One of them, that was related to me by Khidmat Maulana Khwaja Ahmad, I will quote here. Khwaja Zahid of Kashghar was a great and pious man.* Amir Khudaidad sent a person from Moghulistan to beg for one of Khwaja Zahid's handkerchiefs. The Khwaja's wife, however, thought that it was not fitting to send the Khwaja's handkerchief to a Moghul in Moghulistan, and that it would be a sin to do so. Therefore she sent one that was not the Khwaja's. When it was brought to the Amir, he, with much praise-giving, wiped his face therewith. But the next moment he returned it to the messenger, saying: "If this is, in truth, the handkerchief of the Khwaja, I have no need of it." So the messenger returned and gave it back to the wife of the Khwaja. At this she was much astounded and told the Khwaja what had passed. Khwaja Zahid reproved his wife, saying: "The Amir is one of 'this sect;'* why did you act thus?" Thereupon the Khwaja sent his own handkerchief. When the messenger delivered it over to the Amir, he, having wiped his face with it, said: "Verily this is the kerchief of the Khwaja— and I have faith in the Khwaja." Many miracles, such as this, are recorded of the Amir. At last when the Amir reached the age of ninety-seven, he was possessed of a very strong desire to make the pilgrimage to Mekka. But in spite of much entreaty, Vais Khan refused his consent to this step. The Amir secretly sent to Mirza Ulugh Beg, saying: "If you will come, I will disable the Moghuls and deliver them into your hands." Now, as Mirza Ulugh Beg had suffered much annoyance from the Moghuls, and was continually engaged in repressing them, he immediately mounted his horse and set out [for Moghulistan]. When he reached a famous town in Moghul-istan called Chu,* the Amir having deserted his own troops, joined Mirza Ulugh Beg; and, in consequence, the Moghuls were scattered in every direction. When the Amir met Mirza Ulugh Beg, he said to him: "I committed this act because I could not obtain leave to go to Mekka: this was my excuse for coming over to you, but now I don't see fit to go." They then left that place, the Mirza treating the Amir with all possible honour and respect. When they reached Samarkand, Mirza Ulugh Beg said to Amir Khudaidad: "There is no one who knows so much about the Turah* of Chingiz Khan as you do; I beg you to tell me all its regulations, as I have a great desire to know all about it." The Amir replied: "We have completely discarded the infamous Turah of Chingiz Khan, and have adopted the Shariat [or Muhammadan Law]. If, however, Mirza Ulugh Beg, in spite of his common sense and good judgment, approves the Turah of Chingiz Khan, I will teach it him, that he may adopt it and forsake the Shariat." The Mirza was much perturbed at these words, and did not learn the Turah. In short, the Amir went to Mekka. When my father (God have mercy on him) went to Khorasan, as I have mentioned in the Second Part, he found there one of the generals of Sultan Husain Mirza, named Sultan Ali Barlas, who was a very old man, being nearly one hundred years of age. He had been held in great honour by the Mirza. My father questioned him concerning his ancestors and their times. He replied: "My father's name was Shah Husain Barlas. He was one of the Moghul Barlas, and a distinguished Mir. Amir Khudaidad travelled with him from Moghulistan." When my father heard this story, he became greatly interested and begged [the Barlas] to narrate the whole history. The latter began: "I was quite a boy when Mir Khudaidad undertook his pilgrimage to Mekka, and my father accompanied him, for he was in the service of the Amir. We fled from Moghulistan and wandered from town to town, till we set out upon the journey to visit the holy town of Mekka; when we had been a few days on our return journey, the Amir asked where Medina was; they told him that Medina lay in a different direction. At this the Amir was much distressed, and said: T have come a great distance and suffered many privations; yet I have not made the tawdf [circuit] of the garden of the Prophet (may the peace and prayers of God be upon him); and it is a long journey home again.' "He then gave all his servants and porters leave to return home with the caravan, sending with them many letters and messages for his children in Moghulistan. One of these letters has passed down from father to son into my possession, for it had always been carefully preserved in our family. In short, the Amir and his wife started for Medina, unencumbered, making an Arab go in front to guide them. My father sent me with him too, so I was of the Amir's party. After a long journey we arrived at Medina. The Amir made the tawdf of the garden of the Prophet (upon whom be the most excellent of prayers), and we passed the night in the house of a darvish. As night came on a great change manifested itself in the Amir. He called my father (i.e., Shah Husain Barlas) and said to him: 'Read me the chapter called Ya-sin;' when my father came to the verse 'Mislahum Bald/ the Amir expired. We were all astounded at this occurrence. With the break of day, many of the nobles and people of Medina came to the house, asking: 'Did not some one die here last night?' and when we told them, they began to condole with us, and said: 'We have this night seen the Prophet in our sleep, and he said to us: a guest has come to me to-night; he had made a very long journey to visit me, and he has died here during the night: bury him at the foot of the tomb of the Commander of the Faithful, Osman.' Then the Prophet drew a line with the end of his stick. As soon as we awoke, we went and found that a line had been drawn there. Happy the man who has been honoured with such a favour! The nobles of Medina buried the Amir at the feet of Osman, with great honour. On the following night the wife of the Amir died also, and she was buried near where her husband had been laid." When Sultan Ali Barlas reached this point in his narrative, my father showed signs of great happiness; whereupon they questioned him as to the cause of his delight. My father replied: "This Amir Khudaidad was my grandfather." Sultan Ali Barlas immediately got up and having embraced my father, said: "What I have told you is true. But no news of the death of the Amir ever reached Moghulistan, for on our return journey we settled down for some time in Irak, and then in Khorasan, and no one brought the news into Moghulistan. Thanks be to God that I have been able to give this news to you, and tell you what a noble death Amir Khudaidad died." Moghul tradition says that when Amir Khudaidad went to Mekka, his rank and titles were given, by Vais Khan, to the Amir's eldest son Mir Muhammad Shah. CHAPTER XXXIV. THE MARTYRDOM OF VAIS KHAN. A SHORT time after the departure of Amir Khudaidad for Mekka, and the accession of Mir Muhammed Shah to his father's rank and titles, Vais Khan's destiny was achieved. It came about in the following way. Satuk Khan— one of those men upon whom Amir Timur had conferred the title of Khan— had been placed within four strong walls in the centre of the town. The place is called nowadays, in Samarkand, Hiydt-i-Khdn [the walls of the Khan].* It is a large place and each division of it has a separate name. One of them is the Hauz-i-Bostan-i-Khdn [the reservoir of the Khan's garden], which is one of the loveliest spots in Samarkand. In the days of Amir Timur, Yusurghatmish Khan* occupied this place; he, however, went away to Irak, and Sultan Mahmud Khan was appointed to the Hiyat-i-Khan in his stead. All the mandates [manshur] of Amir Timur bear the name of these two Khans. So also the mandates of Mirza Ulugh Beg bear the name of Satuk Khan. Mirza Ulugh Beg removed this Satuk Khan from the Hiyat-i-Khan, and put some one else in his place, whom he also made Khan. He then sent Satuk Khan into Moghulistan. Vais Khan was in Issigh Kul, at Bakabulung.* I have heard Maulana Khwaja Ahmad say: "Khwaja Abdul-Karim, my cousin, who was on very intimate terms with Vais Khan, used to relate that one Friday, just before the service, Vais Khan, who had performed his ablutions and had been shaved, came to me and asked: 'Of what is my head, in its present state of cleanliness, worthy?' I replied: 'A jewelled crown.' He said: 'No, it is worthy of martyrdom.' He had scarce uttered those words when a messenger came running up, to say that Satuk Khan had arrived. Vais Khan immediately ordered them to sound the drums, while he himself began to put on his armour. The men who were near at hand quickly gathered round him, and they set out to meet the enemy. There was a stream running between them. When the two forces came in contact, the Khan himself charged forward, and wished to make his horse jump the stream, but the horse sank up to his head [in the mud] on the bank of the river. One of the servants of Mir Muhammad Shah (Jakir by name) was such a good archer that he had not a single rival in the whole tribe, and for this reason the Khan had begged him of Mir Muhammad Shah, for his own service. At the moment when the Khan fell from his horse, Jakir arrived on the spot, and mistaking the Khan for one of the enemy, aimed an arrow at the waist of the Khan, who on being struck rolled over on his back. Then Jakir recognised the Khan, and threw himself upon him.* When the news reached Satuk Khan, he set out for the spot and, on his arrival, lay the Khan's head upon his breast, but the last breath of life had fled." The Moghul tribe were in the greatest disorder and, moreover, refused to obey Satuk Khan; so that this latter could no longer remain in Moghulistan, but retired to Kashghar. Here he was overpowered by Karakul Ahmad Mirza, who was a grandson of Amir Khudaidad. Soon after this, Mirza Ulugh Beg sent an army to Kashghar. They seized Karakul Ahmad Mirza and carried him off to Samarkand, where they cut him in half. CHAPTER XXXV. RUIN OF [THE PARTY OF] IRAZAN AFTER THE DEATH OF VAIS KHAN. AFTER the death of Vais Khan, the tribe of the Moghuls fell into great disorder. But they became more tranquil when they learnt the news of the death of Satuk Khan. Vais Khan left two sons, Yunus Khan and Isan Bugha Khan. Yunus Khan was the elder, and [at his father's death] was thirteen years of age. There arose a dispute among the princes [as to who should succeed]. There were two men named Irazan Barin and Mirak Turkoman, who had first of all been in the service of Amir Khudaidad, and afterwards in that of his son Mir Muhammad Shah; but at the death of Vais Khan, these two men had separated themselves from Mir Muhammad Khan [Shah?], by force of arms, and having attached themselves to Yunus Khan, began to stir up rebellion in his favour; while the rest of the people were on the side of Isan Bugha. But as most of the generals were on the side of Isan Bugha Khan, it became impossible for the party of Yunus to remain in Moghulistan. So Irazan and Mirak Turkoman, together with thirty thousand households and Yunus Khan, set out for Samarkand, while Isan Bugha Khan and the rest of the Moghuls remained in Moghulistan. ■ ^ CHAPTER XXXVI. RECEPTION OF YUNUS KHAN AND IRAZAN, IN SAMARKAND, BY MIRZA ULUGH BEG. WHEN Mirza Ulugh Beg heard of the approach of Irazan Barin and Mirak Turkoman, he set out from Samarkand to meet them. On their arrival, he promised to supply them with provisions, and said: "Every household must come into the fort separately, where the members will have their names written down; each Moghul will receive an ass's load of provisions and then pass on." Thus, hopeful of supplies, the people entered, but when they arrived at another door they were obliged to wait. Then their chiefs were killed and the rest of them were taken prisoners. Of all that entered the fort no one came out again to tell his story. Mirza Ulugh Beg finished this business in a few days, and then despatched Yunus Khan, with a fifth of the spoil, to his father Mirza Shah Rukh. The Khan was kindly treated— more like a son than a prisoner. He was sent to Maulana Sharaf-ud-Din Yazdi, that under him he might continue his studies. Many of the Maulana's verses and Kassidas are dedicated to the Khan. He spent altogether twelve years with the Maulana, in the acquirement of science and letters. In fact, as long as the Maulana lived he remained with him, but on the death of the latter, he quitted Yazd and made a journey through Irak, Arabia and Fars. He was twenty-four when the Maulana died, and he returned to Moghulistan, as pddishdh, at the age of forty-one, as will be mentioned below (if God will). CHAPTER XXXVII. KHANSHIP OF ISAN BUGHA KHAN, SON OF VAIS KHAN, AFTER THE RUIN OF IRAZAN. AFTER Mirak Turkoman and Irazan had carried off Yunus Khan to Samarkand, the whole of Moghulistan became subject to Isan Bugha Khan: all the Amirs offered to serve him, and thus the affairs of the Khan made great progress. Amir Sayyid Ali was untiring in his efforts to help the Khan, and as soon as the latter was firmly established on the throne, Amir Sayyid Ali begged him for permission to go to Kashghar. For, as I have already related, Khwaja Sharif of Kashghar had given that place to Ulugh Beg Mirza, and had expelled Mir Sayyid Ahmad, the father of Amir Sayyid Ali. Mirza Ulugh Beg had, in the first place, appointed Amir Sultan Malik Duladai to be Governor of Kashghar, and after him Haji Muhammad Shayistah, and after him Pir Muhammad Barlas. Amir Sayyid Ali pointed out that it was a very fitting opportunity for him to go to Kashghar, and added: "I will see if I cannot restore to our family its old possession, of which for forty years it has been deprived. If I fail I shall merit your scorn." The Khan thereupon gave his consent. CHAPTER XXXVIII. AMIR SAYYID ALI'S EXPEDITION TO, AND REDUCTION OF, KASHGHAR. AT this time, the greater part of Mangalai Suyah was under the administration of the Dughlats. But Andijan and Kashghar had fallen to the government of Samarkand; while Issigh Kul, from the numerous vicissitudes to which it had been exposed, was sinking into disruption; the rest of the country, however, was still in the hands of the Dughlat Amirs. Just at this period the brothers and cousins of Amir Sayyid Ali were [governing] in Aksu, Kus and Bai. Amir Sayyid Ali came to Aksu, and leaving his family there, proceeded to Kashghar. When the Amir arrived in Aksu, a great conflict arose between himself and his two brothers, Mumin Mirza and Sayyid Mahmud Mirza. The Amir came off victor, in the end, after having killed many of his relations. About this matter there are many conflicting traditions. It appears, at all events, that he first got the upper hand of his relatives and then set out for Kashghar. He had 7000 men in his following. When he arrived within the territory of Kashghar, Haji Muhammad Shayistah repaired to a place called Uch Barkhan, which is about three farsdkhs distant from Kashghar, to oppose him, with 30,000 cavalry and infantry. But at the first attack of the Amir, Haji Muhammad Shayistah took flight. The Moghuls started, in hot haste, after the Chaghatai, who in order to gain greater freedom in their flight, threw aside their armour before the enemy were able to overtake them, and uttered cries of distress. For this reason the battle was called "Salai Begum," that is to say, "Mir-i-man biandazam," or "I throw down my Mir." This was one of the most famous battles ever fought in that country, and formed an epoch in its history. The people of Kashghar enabled the fugitives to creep into the citadel, while the Amir laid waste and pillaged all without, and then departed with the spoil. The following year, when the corn was ripe, the Amir returned, and no one dared to leave the city. Haji Muhammad Shayistah fortified himself in the citadel, while the Amir ravaged the whole country round. He laid siege to, and captured, one of the neighbouring fortresses, called Alaku, and again retired. Then Khwaja Sharif went to Samarkand to implore the assistance of Mirza Ulugh Beg. While he was there, the Mirza one day asked him: "Are there any donkeys in Kashghar?" Khwaja Sharif replied: "Since the Chaghatai have come, there are a great number of donkeys." Khwaja Sharif took Pir Muhammad Barlas with him to Kashghar, while Mirza Ulugh Beg withdrew Haji Muhammad Shayistah to Samarkand. When Pir Muhammad Barlas arrived in Kashghar, the people gave him the surname [lakab] of Bangi, but they derived no benefits from him,* and Khwaja Sharif began to despair of the Chaghatai. When the Amir advanced against Kashghar for the third year in succession, the people of that country addressed a complaint to Khwaja Sharif, saying: "We have lost the crops of two successive years; if we lose this year's crop too, there will be a famine in our country." On the Amir's arrival in Kashghar, the people of that town, having bound Pir Muhammad Barlas, gave him up to the Amir.* The Amir thereupon divested Pir Muhammad Barlas of his mantle of life, and entered the town of Kashghar, where he administered justice to the people. He governed the country during twenty-four years; and under him the State was so prosperous and happy, that he is talked of to this day. During all this time, the Amir paid so much attention to agriculture and the breeding of cattle and sheep, that when he died, leaving three sons and two daughters, one of his sons, Muhammad Haidar Mirza, my grandfather, received as his share 180,000 sheep. I once heard from Khwaja Fakhruddin, a merchant of noble birth and pleasant of speech, that the Amir occupied himself with hunting during three months every winter. No one but soldiers were allowed to take part in the royal hunt. But as many soldiers as the Amir was able to provide for, used to join in the party, and during those three months, each one was supplied with meat and flour, which was distributed to them at the different halting-places [manzil]. On some days as many as 5000 sheep were given out, together with a proportionate amount of flour and barley and hay. Some years, 3000 persons were in attendance on the Amir, and each one was given his provisions. The inhabitants of the different villages were always anxious for the Amir to come to stay in their village, and the hunting party, on its arrival, would make them participate in their own store of good things. Fakhruddin used to relate that on one occasion, when they had alighted in our village, which is Artuch,* the Amir's master of the hunt [Mir- shikdr] having brought some flour, gave it to a poor woman to bake, promising her, as a wage for her work, one of the six loaves, which were to be made from the flour he had supplied her with; but when the woman brought the loaves, he refused to give her one of them, saying: "I supplied the flour and the wood and the salt; what have you deserved of me?" At that moment the Amir happened to be passing by on horseback. He stopped and asked the woman what her trouble was: the woman laid her complaint before the Amir, who then questioned the master of the hunt. As this latter acknowledged the truth of the poor woman's story, the Amir said to him: "Why did you not bake your own bread, instead of troubling this woman?" The Amir then sent to a blacksmiths-shop for some pincers, and caused all the wretched man's teeth to be drawn from his head. I have repeated this tale as a proof of the Amir's justice. There are still existing in Kashghar, many sacred edifices and charitable institutions, which were founded by the Amir. During the twenty-four years of his government, many important events occurred, which shall hereafter be related in detail. CHAPTER XXXIX. THE QUARRELS OF ISAN BUGHA KHAN WITH HIS AMIRS. WHEN Yunus Khan left the country, the whole tribe submitted to Isan Bugha Khan, and for a few years the country enjoyed repose. The Khan, however, by reason of his youth, was but lightly esteemed by his Amirs. One of the Amirs, a certain Timur of the Uighur tribe of Turfan, had enjoyed the special favour of the young Khan; the other Amirs being annoyed at his elevation, and at the small degree of attention they themselves received, could no longer contain their wrath, and one day, in the presence of the Khan, seized the unfortunate man and cut him in pieces. After this there was a division among the Amirs, and the Khan, much alarmed at what had taken place, fled. When this news reached Amir Sayyid Ali in Kashghar, he at once set out for Moghulistan. He found the Khan at Ak Kabas, and, accompanied by a few men, carried him off to Aksu, of which town he made him governor.Meanwhile the Moghul Amirs were acting each in his own way. Mir Muhammad Shah had taken up his abode in Atbashi, but after some correspondence and promises of friendship, between himself and his nephew Amir Sayyid Ali, he joined the Khan in Aksu; he was beloved and esteemed to the end of his life. Another was Mir Karim Bardi, who was also a Dughlat. He built a fort on the frontier of Moghulistan, on the side of Andijan and Farghana. It stood on the summit of a hillock at a place called Alabugha, and its ruins are still to be seen. He spent his time in ravaging and plundering Andijan and the Musulmans. Mir Hakk Bardi Begjik went to dwell in a place called Kui Sui, which is in Issigh Kul. Here he built a fort, and put his wives and family on the island in Issigh Kul,* that they might be safe from the attacks of the Kalmaks. Having done this, he went forth to lay waste Turkistan and Sairam. The Amirs of Jaras and of the tribe of Barin went to join Amasanji Taishi, son of Isan Taishi, who was [chief] in the land of the Kalmaks,* while Kaluji and Balghaji and several families joined Abulkhair Khan* in Turkistan. The Amirs of Kunji and several others wandered, in confusion and disorder, over the desert plains of Moghulistan. But when Isan Bugha Khan had become firmly established in Aksu, first of all Mir Muhammad Shah came to him [and submitted], and after that, others returned to him in numbers. The Khan, too, repenting of his former deeds, began to treat his people with great kindness. As soon as he had regained complete authority, he made a simultaneous attack upon Sairam, Turkistan and Tashkand, and having devastated these countries, returned home. This expedition took place before the year 855 of the Hajra [1451]. A second time also, he made a similar foray into this country. At that time Sultan Abu Said Mirza was pddishdh of Mavara-un- Nahr. He pursued the Khan and overtook him in Yangi,* which in books of history is called Taraz. The Moghuls fled without offering battle, and Sultan Abu Said Mirza returned to his own country [Mavara-un-Nahr]; but when he had taken Khorasan, he repaired to that country.* Isan Bugha Khan went to Andijan, where Mirza Ali Kuchuk, having been put in command by Mirza Sultan Abu Said, had fortified the citadel. The Khan had troops enough to enable him to surround the citadel with a triple line of men. He ran mines in every direction. The outer fort was taken. . .* Finally peace was concluded, and many complimentary presents given [pishkash]. The Khan having taken possession of the whole district of Andijan, departed. There are to this day in Kashghar, descendants of the men who were made prisoners in this war, and they are Moghuls.* When Sultan Abu Said Mirza heard this news, he was at a loss to know how he could put a check on Isan Bugha Khan. For if he advanced into Moghulistan, the Khan would withdraw to the farthest extremities of the country, whither it would be impossible for the army of Samarkand to follow him, and when the army should retreat the Khan would follow after it.* Again it was out of the question to be always sending people to oppose him; for Isan Bugha's strength and numbers generally proved obstacles to the Amirs who were sent. All this time Mirza Sultan Abu Said was intent upon an expedition against Irak, but on account of the trouble and annoyance caused him by Isan Bugha Khan, he was not able to carry out his plan of marching into Irak. So he sent to summon Yunus Khan, the elder brother of Isan Bugha Khan, from Irak, where, as has been already mentioned, Yunus was living at that time; he then despatched Yunus Khan against Isan Bugha Khan, in order that while the two brothers were engaged in fighting one another, his own country might enjoy a little peace. The Moghul Amirs who had separated from [Isan Bugha] Khan and all those who, having built castles, would not yield obedience to him, the Khan did not oppose in their proceedings, in the hope that they would again return to [their allegiance to] him. At that time Abulkhair Khan exercised full power in the Dasht-i-Kipchak. He had been at war with the Sultans of the race of Juji; while Jani Beg Khan and Karai Khan fled before him into Moghulistan. Isan Bugha Khan received them with great honour, and delivered over to them Kuzi Bashi,* which is near Chu, on the western limit of Moghulistan, where they dwelt in peace and content. On the death of Abulkhair Khan the Ulus of the Uzbegs fell into confusion, and constant strife arose among them. Most of them joined the party of Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan. They numbered about 200,000 persons, and received the name of Uzbeg-Kazak.* The Kazak Sultans began to reign in the year 870 [1465-66] (but God knows best), and they continued to enjoy absolute power in the greater part of Uzbegistan, till the year 940 [1533-34 A.D.]. Karai Khan was succeeded by Baranduk Khan, who was in turn succeeded by Kasim Khan, the son of Jani Beg Khan. Kasim Khan subdued the whole of the Dasht-i-Kipchak. His army numbered more than a million [a thousand thousand] men. Excepting Juji Khan, there had never reigned a greater Khan than he in that country. He was succeeded by his son Mimash Khan, who was succeeded by his brother Tahir Khan. During the rule of this Tahir Khan, the Kazaks began to diminish; after him his brother Birilash reigned. During his rule there were only 20,000 Kazaks left. In 940 he died, and the Kazaks disappeared entirely. From the days of Isan Bugha Khan to the time of Rashid Khan,* friendly relations generally existed between the Moghuls and the Kazaks. But Rashid Sultan upset this state of affairs, as will be related (God willing) in the account I shall give of Rashid Khan. CHAPTER XL. THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE KHANSHIP OF YUNUS KHAN. SULTAN ABU SAID MIRZA, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, son of Miranshah Mirza, son of Amir Timur, got the upper hand of his cousins and took Samarkand from Abdullah Mirza of Shiraz. After the death of Mirza Babar Kalandar,* son of Mirza Baisanghar, son of Mirza Shah Rukh, son of Amir Timur, there was no pddishdh in Khorasan. So [Sultan Abu Said Mirza] took possession of Khorasan; his heart was set upon appropriating for himself Irak also, but, as has been mentioned, the opposition of Isan Bugha Khan prevented him from absenting himself upon so long an expedition. He therefore sent to fetch Yunus Khan, the elder brother of Isan Bugha Khan, from Irak (the reason of whose going to Irak has been explained above), and having established his court at Kushk-i-Bagh-i-Zaghan,* he instituted princely feasts in honour of the Khan. They made many compacts and agreements, and among other things, Sultan Abu Said Mirza said to the Khan: "In Amir Timur's first expedition, his generals would not obey him as they should have done. Now, if he had ordered them all to be put to death, he would but have weakened his own power. The generals said to him: 'You should appoint a Khan, whom we must obey.' So Amir Timur appointed Suyurghatmish Khan over them, and the generals submitted to the Khan. All firmans were issued in this Khan's name, but Amir Timur kept careful watch over him. After his death, his son Sultan Mahmud Khan was appointed in his stead. But from the reign of Amir Timur down to the time of Mirza Ulugh Beg, the power of these Khans was only nominal; and in my own time the Khans have generally been prisoners in Samarkand. Since I have ascended the throne, my power is so absolute that I have no need of a Khan; so now I have divested you of the garments of poverty and, having clothed you in princely robes, am sending you back to your native country on the following conditions: — For the future you must not follow the example of your ancestors and say, 'Amir Timur and the race of Amir Timur are our vassals, and have been for generations.' For although it was formerly so, things have changed now, and I am pddishdh in my own right; thus, now if you are going to be my vassal, you must bear the name of 'servitor' [Khddim-i-Makhdum] and do away with the name of 'friend.' You need not, however, write to me in the way the Khans used to write to the Timuri Mirzas, but in a friendly way;* and these conditions are to apply to your sons and your sons' sons." Yunus Khan agreed to all these conditions, and swore a solemn oath to abide by them. He was then allowed to depart, accompanied by all the Moghuls who were in that district. CHAPTER XLI. DETAILED ACCOUNT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF YUNUS KHAN. I HAVE only given a summarised account of Yunus Khan in the above Chapter; I will now enter more into detail. Yunus Khan was the son of Vais Khan, son of Shir Ali Oghlan, son of Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluk Timur Khan. I have never heard the date of his birth, but from the date of his death and the length of his days, it may be inferred that he was born in the year 819 of the Hajra [1416], but God alone knows. He succeeded to the Khanate upon the death of his father, Vais Khan. There was much dissension between himself and his brother Isan Bugha Khan, and the Amirs; Irazan and Mirak Turkoman had seized the Khan and several of the chiefs of families, and had taken them to Ulugh Beg in Samarkand. This was when the Khan was sixteen years of age. This disaster [virdni], which took place in the year 832 of the Hajra, forms, down to the present day, an epoch among the Moghuls.* Mirza Ulugh Beg sent the Khan to his father, in the manner related, and the Khan was received with all honour and respect by Mirza Shah Rukh, who put him under the guidance and care of Maulana Sharaf-ud-Din Yazdi. The Maulana was a man of profound learning, and had not an equal in all Samarkand, Khorasan or Irak. In former times enigmas [muammd] were of a different sort to what one commonly meets with nowadays. This new kind was introduced by the Maulana, and he has written a book concerning the solution of these enigmas. He is the author, too, of the Zafar- Noma. He also wrote some mystical commentaries on poetry,* and he has never been excelled, at any time, in this style of commentary. Many other works were written by him, which it would take too long to enumerate here. I only wish to demonstrate how very talented he was. The Khan studied twelve years under him, with the result that there never was, either before or after, so wise a Khan as he, among the Moghuls. When Khidmat Maulana died, the Khan left Yazd and made a journey in Fars and Azarbaijan. He profited much by his travelling, and gained great experience of life. He finally selected Shiraz as a residence; there he mixed with the learned men of the place, and acquired many useful sciences and crafts, so that he became known as Ustad Yunus. In the meanwhile, Mirza Sultan Abu Said had seized Khorasan, and was meditating the conquest of Irak, but was prevented from carrying out this project, by the frequent incursions of Isan Bugha Khan into Farghana, Shash and Turkistan, which caused all ideas of an expedition into Irak to be temporarily abandoned. In the year 860 of the Hajra, Mirza Sultan Abu Said sent people to summon the Khan from Shiraz, under the conditions above mentioned, and to conduct him to Moghulistan. The Khan was then forty-one years of age.* CHAPTER XLII. ARRIVAL OF YUNUS KHAN IN MOGHULISTAN. I HAVE already shown that in Moghulistan, each Amir had fortified himself where he happened to be. After this demonstration of contumacy, and the murder of Timur Uighur, Isan Bugha had withdrawn to Aksu. When Yunus Khan arrived in Moghulistan, the first of the Amirs to join him was Mir Karim Bardi; and after him, Kunji, together with several of the dispersed Moghuls, entered the Khan's service. The Khan then married the daughter of Mir Pir Haji Kunji, who was at that time an Amir Tuman of the Kunji [clan] and enjoyed absolute authority. Her name was Isan Daulat Begum. By her the Khan had three sons, each of whom will be spoken of in his proper place. Of the Begjik Amirs in Issigh Kul, Mir Pir Hakk Bardi had died, and had been succeeded by his nephew Mir Ibrahim, who also came and attached himself to the Khan. All these Amirs offered their services to the Khan, but as they had for so long a time been acting independently, and each one for himself, they did not fulfil their duties, or offer the Khan fitting allegiance. Nevertheless, he humoured them in every way possible. When some years had passed in this manner, the Khan set out against Kashghar. Amir Sayyid Ali was now grown very old, so that he could no longer sit on horseback. He sent a messenger [to ask help] of Isan Bugha Khan, and meanwhile fortified himself in the citadel of Kashghar. Isan Bugha Khan happened, at the time, to be in Yulduz of Moghulistan, which is on the eastern side of his dominions. When the message reached him, he immediately collected a large army, which numbered 60,000 men; with this force he marched from Yulduz, and arrived at Kashghar eleven days later. Only 6,000 men were with him, the others were still on the road [so great had been the rapidity of his march]. He was then joined by the Amir with 30,000 men. A battle was fought at Khwan-i-Salar, which is about three farsdkhs from Kashghar in the direction of Aksu. The fight was fiercely maintained, but finally Isan Bugha Khan and Amir Sayyid Ali were victorious. [Yunus] Khan was compelled to take flight, while his wives and family fell into the hands of Amir Sayyid Ali. At that time Mihr-i-Nigar Khanim, the eldest child of Yunus Khan, by Isan Daulat Begum, was still at the breast. They were supplied with necessaries and sent after the Khan. When Yunus Khan reached Moghulistan, he was deserted by his followers, and finding it was impossible to remain in that country, he left it and proceeded to Khorasan, where he presented himself before Mirza Sultan Abu Said. But the Khan was in such a state of destitution, that he could find nothing to offer as a present [pishkash] to the Mirza. So the Khan said to Buyan Kuli, who was one of his most devoted servants: "I am going to give you as a slave to the Mirza, by way of a 'pishkash.'" And as the man offered no objection, the Khan presented him to the Mirza, and entreated the Mirza, saying: "You must give me some country [vildyat] as a possession, so that I may inspire the Moghuls with confidence." The Mirza gave him Yatikand,* which is on the confines of Andijan. When the hour of the Khan's departure arrived, Buyan Kuli began to weep. The Mirza questioned him as to the cause of his tears. Having told his story, the Mirza took pity on him, and supplying him with a horse and provisions, sent him along with the Khan. On re-entering Moghulistan, the Khan was once more joined by his scattered adherents. At this time Amir Sayyid Ali died in Kashghar. On the dome of the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Ali, which is in Kashghar, is written the date 862. Yunus Khan was relieved of much anxiety by the death of the Amir. CHAPTER XLIII. RULE OF MIRZA SANIZ IN KASHGHAR AFTER THE DEATH OF HIS FATHER, MIR SAYYID ALL THE Amir died leaving two sons. The elder was Mirza Saniz, whose mother was of the family [kabilah] of the Amirs of the Jaras; and the younger was Muhammad Haidar Mirza, whose mother was Urun Sultan Khanim, the aunt of Yunus Khan. According to Moghul custom, Saniz, being the elder, succeeded to the government. He was a violent, but generous man. Out of respect and reverence for his mother, and his love and affection for his brother, he gave Kashghar and Yangi Hisar to the Khanim, and Muhammad Haidar Mirza [respectively], while he chose Yar-kand for his seat of government. Although Muhammad Haidar Mirza was cousin to both Yunus Khan and Isan Bugha Khan, yet he naturally sided with the latter, because Amir Sayyid Ali had chosen Daulat Nigar Khanim, the daughter of Isan Bugha Khan, as a wife for Muhammad Haidar Mirza. Soon after the death of Mir Sayyid Ali, Isan Bugha Khan died also; this was in the year 866. His son Dust Muhammad Khan succeeded to the Khanate. Muhammad Haidar Mirza allied himself with Dust Muhammad Khan, while Saniz Mirza, on the other hand, became a partisan of Yunus Khan. Under these circumstances it became impossible for Muhammad Haidar Mirza to remain in Kashghar, so he left, and joined Dust Muhammad Khan in Aksu. After this, Saniz Mirza governed Kashghar so well, and administered justice so evenly, that his time was looked back on with envy by those who came after him. He ruled during seven years, and died in the year 869 [1464-5]. He fell from his horse while out hunting, and ran five arrow-heads into his loins, causing wounds which proved fatal. After his death, the inhabitants of Kashghar brought Muhammad Haidar Mirza to their town, while Dust Muhammad Khan advanced on Yarkand, where he married the widow of Saniz Mirza, Jamal Agha by name, who had given Saniz Mirza two sons, viz.: Mirza Aba Bakr and Omar Mirza, and one daughter, called Khan Sultan Khanim, all of whom the Khan took back with him to Aksu. (I will speak about them below.) CHAPTER XLIV. KHANSHIP OF DUST MUHAMMAD KHAN. WHEN Isan Bugha Khan died (a natural death) he was succeeded by his son Dust Muhammad Khan, who was then seventeen years of age. He was an eccentric youth, and his actions were unreasonable. He was never for a moment in his senses. He much affected the ways of Kalandars, and gave himself and all his Amirs such names as are usually borne by Kalandars. His own name was Shams Abdal, and in the same way, all his courtiers and public officers were called Abdal this and Abdal that, and had to transact their business under these names. He was, moreover, excessively generous. He reigned seven years. During this time he made expeditions against Yarkand and Kashghar. First of all he attacked Yarkand, where, after the death of Saniz Mirza, the Amirs had shut themselves up in the citadel. The Khan asked them to surrender the widow of Saniz Mirza: when she had been given up to him, he asked for the children, of whom they sent the eldest son Mirza Aba Bakr. He then ceased hostilities, and went on to Kashghar. At the time when he had set out against Yarkand, Muhammad Haidar Mirza, upon the entreaty of the people of Kashghar, proceeded to their town. When the Khan neared Kashghar, Muhammad Haidar Mirza set out to meet him; the Khan sent him to Yangi Hisar, while he himself entered Kashghar, and when he had plundered it, he returned to Aksu. In consequence of this, Muhammad Haidar Mirza was much enraged, and went over to the side of Yunus Khan (as will be mentioned below). Soon after Dust Muhammad Khan's return to Aksu, he gave his sister, Husn Nigar Khanim, to Mirza Aba Bakr in marriage. But Mirza Aba Bakr was much alarmed at the unbalanced state of the Khan's mind, and finally fled to his noble uncle Muhammad Haidar Mirza, in Kashghar, whither his wife was, soon after, permitted to follow him. Not long after this, the Khan fell in love with one of his father's wives, and in consequence tried to obtain permission from the Ulama for an alliance with her. He put to death seven of the Ulama in succession, who decided against the union. At length the Khan came to Maulana Muhammad Attar, reeling with drunkenness and with a sword in his hand, and said to him: "I want to marry my own mother; is it lawful or not?" The Maulana, who was one of the most learned of the darvishes and a most pious man, said to the Khan: "For such a one as you it is lawful." So the Khan immediately ordered preparations for the marriage to be made. But on the night of the nuptials he saw his father, in a dream, mounted on a black horse, who, coming up to him, said: "Oh! wretched one, in that after we have for one hundred years been Musulmans, thou shouldst apostasise and become an infidel." [His father] shot him below the ribs with an arrow, then dismounting, he rubbed his hand on the bottom of a kettle, and blackened the Khan's face, who thereupon awoke, in alarm. Breathless and penitent, he rushed out of the house of his mother and washed himself. He was seized with an acute pain in the side, which, in the morning, developed into fever. The people sent for Maulana Muhammad Attar, and said to him: "It was you who granted the fatvd [decree legalising this marriage]." The Khan said: "Do not blame the Maulana; for I had already killed seven persons when I asked his opinion, so what could the poor Mulla do?" But the Maulana said: "I gave you no fatva, I simply said that [the marriage] was lawful for an infidel such as you are." Dust Muhammad Khan was next seized with pleurisy [Zatuljamb] and died after six days' illness at the age of forty, in the year 873 [1468-9]. Khwaja Sharif of Kashghar devised the following chronogram on his death: "U Khuk murd": that pig died. He had reigned seven years. On his death great disorder ensued. He left one son, Kabak Sultan Oghlan, who was seized by some of the people and carried away to Turfan and Chalish,* while Yunus Khan came down and captured Aksu. CHAPTER XLV. SECOND RETURN OF YUNUS KHAN FROM [THE COURT OF] SULTAN ABU SAID. WHEN Yunus Khan was sent back by Sultan Abu Said into Moghulistan, he was, on his arrival in that country, again joined by all the Amirs; he remained there some time, his headquarters being generally Yatikand. He was not, however, able to enter the territory of Isan Bugha Khan. When the latter and Amir Sayyid Ali died, Dust Muhammad Khan became pddishdh, and was joined in Aksu by Muhammad Haidar Mirza, while Saniz Mirza, who had been at enmity with Muhammad Haidar Mirza, attached himself to Yunus Khan, to whom he was of great service. Yunus Khan entered Kashghar several times, but the Amirs of Moghulistan refused to stay there, so the Khan was always compelled to withdraw. This happened several times, but I will not give any details, as it would take too long, and the accounts I have heard differ considerably. The substance of the whole matter is that the Khan was very fond of cities and houses, but the Amirs and soldiers of Moghulistan always avoided the towns, and for this reason the Khan spent most of his time in Moghulistan. When Saniz Mirza died, the Khan was joined by Muhammad Haidar Mirza. A short time after this, Dust Muhammad Khan also died, whereupon Yunus Khan entered Aksu and subdued the subjects of Dust Muhammad Khan, while the son of this latter, Kabak Sultan Oghlan, was seized by some of his well-wishers, who fled with him to Turfan. Yunus Khan wished to dwell in Aksu. In comparison with Moghulistan, Aksu is like a town;* but he concluded, from the manner of the Moghuls, that if he stayed there much longer, they would all go over to the side of Kabak Sultan Oghlan, so he was compelled to call together all his tribesmen and return with them to Moghulistan. At this time Amasanji Taishi, son of Isan Taishi (whom I have mentioned in connection with Vais Khan) came to Moghulistan. For Isan Taishi had given him [in marriage] Makhtum Khanim, sister of Vais Khan, as a ransom for the Khan's life, and by her he [Amasanji Taishi] had two sons and one daughter. When Vais Khan had bestowed his sister, he had obliged his brother-in-law to become a Musulman, and they were married with Muhammadan rites. The Khanim caused all her following to become Musulmans, and named her two sons Ibrahim and Ilyas, and her daughter Kadir Bardi Mirza, after Mir Karim Bardi. This conversion to Islam was the cause of a conflict between Ibrahim Ung and Ilyas Ung, on the one hand, and Amasanji Taishi on the other. (In the language of the Kalmaks the son of a Khan is called "Ung.") Amasanji fled before them into Moghulistan with thirty times 100,000 men, while it is stated, that eighteen times 100,000 stayed behind with Ibrahim Ung and Ilyas Ung. These two, however, quarrelled with the Khan of the Kalmaks, and therefore fled from that country into Khitai with 10,000 men. The rupture [virdni] between the brothers [and Amasanji] took place before the death of Dust Muhammad Khan, which occurred in 873. The flight of Ibrahim Ung and Ilyas Ung into Khitai took place, probably, in 910 [1504- 5].* These two both died in Khitai. Ibrahim left one son, Babulai by name, whose descendants are still to be met with in that country, and who still bear the same name of Babulai. Mansur Khan made a holy war [ghazdt] against Khitai and came in contact with that very tribe (as will be mentioned shortly). But Amasanji Taishi, having separated himself from Ibrahim Ung and Ilyas Ung, came to Moghulistan. Near the River Ailah he came upon and defeated Yunus Khan. In that fight many Moghul Amirs were killed ...* and all the Moghul Ulus moved towards Turkistan, spending the winter at a place in Turkistan, on the banks of the Sihun, called Kara Tukai.* Buruj Oghlan made a raid upon them, as will be hereafter related. CHAPTER XL VI. EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED ON THE DEATH OF DUST MUHAMMAD KHAN; THE SUPREMACY OF YUNUS KHAN, AND THE MURDER OF BURUJ OGHLAN, SON OF ABULKHAIR KHAN UZBEG. IN the year 855 Abulkhair, a descendant of Juji, was pdaishdh in the kingdom [yurt] of Juji Khan, son of Chingiz Khan— that is in the Dasht-i-Kipchak; and he was the greatest king [pddishdh] of his time. After his death* his people became very demoralised, and a number of them joined the Kazaks, Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan (whom I have had occasion to mention). There was a standing quarrel between these two Kazaks, and the sons of Abulkhair Khan. For this reason the sons of Abulkhair were also at enmity with the Moghul Khans. For these last had always been the supporters of Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan. At the death of Abulkhair Khan, his subjects gathered round his eldest son Buruj Oghlan.* Seeing that Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan had become very powerful, Buruj Khan thought he had better keep at a distance from them, and so retired to Turkistan. When [the inhabitants of] Turkistan learnt the news of the advance of the Moghuls on their territory, and having ascertained that Yunus Khan was at Kara Tukai, [they sent] Buruj out with all speed [to attack him]. On that day the Khan happened to be out hunting with all his men near the banks of the Sihun. Buruj, crossing the river on the ice at mid-day, found the camp of the Khan undefended; he had 20,000 soldiers with him, and there were at that time 60,000 families of Moghuls. They entered the camp and each soldier made himself master of an untenanted house. They settled down in the Khan's camp, occupying themselves with the appropriation of all the wealth and spoil they found there. When news of this matter reached the Khan he immediately abandoned the hunt, and set out in the direction of his camp without waiting to collect his men; when he reached the river he found it was frozen over. Now the Khan's camp was pitched on the [opposite] bank of the river. The Khan could blow the horn [nafir] better than any one of his day, and all his men knew the sound of his blast. He now gave a loud blast on the horn, and then rushed across the ice, accompanied by six men, one of whom was bearer of the great standard [Shash Tughji]. The women [hearing the approach of the Khan] seized all the Uzbegs who were in their houses. When Buruj Oghlan heard the sound of the horn and saw the six men and the standard, he rose up with the intent of mounting his horse, but the female servants had seized both his groom [akhtaji] and his horse. Some women [at that moment] came out of their houses and seized Buruj Oghlan, when the Khan, arriving upon the scene, ordered them to behead him; this order was carried out immediately, and of the 20,000 Uzbegs a few only escaped. The Khan then again settled down, victorious, in his camp. On the morrow, when the army had reassembled, the pursuit of the enemy was continued, and all the Sultans of Abulkhair Khan who survived, were scattered in different directions. They will be mentioned, separately and individually, in different parts [of this book]. CHAPTER XL VII. CHAPTER XL VII. SHAIKH JAMAL-UD-DIN AND HIS CAPTURE OF THE KHAN. HAVING passed the winter at Kara Tukai, the Khan proceeded in the spring to Tashkand. At that time there was, in Tashkand, one of the Amirs of Mirza Sultan Abu Said, Shaikh J amal-ud- Din Khar by name. Sultan Abu Said Mirza had just died in Irak,* and had been succeeded in the rule of Khorasan by Sultan Husain Mirza; while his son, Sultan Ahmad Mirza, succeeded him in Samarkand. The government of Hisar, Kunduz and Badakhshan had devolved upon his son, Mirza Sultan Mahmud, and Mirza Omar Shaikh became pddishdh of Andijan, and vali of Farghana. Yunus Khan made all three of these Mirzas his sons-in-law. (I will mention each of them in his proper place.) In short, this Shaikh Jamal Khar was one of Sultan Abu Said's Amirs, and had been appointed Governor of Tashkand, subject to Mirza Sultan Ahmad of Samar-kand; but his allegiance to the Mirza was very imperfect. The Khan, on account of the scarcity of barley in Moghulistan, came to Tashkand, where he mixed freely and unsuspectingly with the above-mentioned Mirzas. For the Khan had come without any apprehensions; but his Moghul followers had sent secretly to Shaikh Jamal Khar, inviting him to come and oppose the Khan, to which the Shaikh, after much persuasion, agreed. He approached the Khan as if to do him homage, but when he drew near, all the men who were with the latter, went forward to meet the Shaikh, leaving the Khan alone. The Khan asked where his men were going, to which they answered that they were going to meet Mir Shaikh Jamal. When Shaikh Jamal Khar came up to the standard and drum of the Khan, he remained on horseback; there was no one with the Khan, so the Shaikh sent one of the Khan's own servants to seize him, which was easily managed. The Khan was bound and kept in prison one year. The whole Moghul Uhis submitted to Shaikh Jamal. Isan Daulat Begum, the wife of Yunus Khan and mother of his children, has been mentioned above as the mother of Mihr-i-Nigar Khanim, who was given in marriage to Sultan Ahmad Mirza, and of Kutluk Nigar Khanim, who was wedded to Mirza Omar Shaikh. This same Isan Daulat Begum was given, as a present, by Shaikh Jamal Khar, to one of his most distinguished officers. When the Begum heard of this, she made no objections, but appeared pleased. They then informed Khwaja Kalan (as this officer was named) of the Begum's pleasure: he too was much pleased, and in the evening went to her house. He found her servants standing outside. He himself entered her room. Now, before his arrival, the Begum had arranged with her female attendants [ddhdn] that on a given sign from herself, they should make fast all the doors of the house. So when Khwaja Kalan had entered the room, having fastened the doors, the female attendants laid hold of him and put him to death, by stabbing him with knives [kizlik]. When day broke they threw his body outside. Some persons seeing the Khwaja's dead body, went and reported the matter to Shaikh Jamal, who sent to ask the Begum the meaning of it all. The Begum replied: "I am the wife of Sultan Yunus Khan; Shaikh Jamal gave me to some one else; this is not allowed by Muhammadan law, so I killed the man, and Shaikh Jamal Khar may kill me also if he likes." Shaikh Jamal commended her words, and, taking pity on her, sent her back with all honour to the Khan [her husband] . When the Khan had been one year in prison, Amir Abdul Kudus, the nephew of Amir Karim Bardi Dughlat, with the assistance of a body of men, fell on the Shaikh and slew him. He then brought the head of the Shaikh to the Khan, and set him at liberty. The Amirs, who had gone over to the Shaikh, now returned to their allegiance under the Khan. They explained that the reason for the hostility they had shown him was, that he had always tried to make them settle in towns and cultivated countries, but that these places were hateful to them. So the Khan repented and said: "Henceforward I will give up all idea of living in towns and cultivated countries" [shahr u vildyat]. To record this event they invented the chronogram: sar-i-khar giriftah Abdul Kudus, which is enigmatical; for "sar-i-khar" is equivalent to the letter "khd" and has to be added to [the numerical value of] Abdul Kudus in order to produce the date 877 [1472-3]. At this time [in the same year] the Kalmaks returned to their own homes [yurt], and Moghulistan being left unoccupied, the Khan led his Moghuls back to their country. CHAPTER XL VIII. CONCERNING WHAT PASSED BETWEEN YUNUS KHAN AND THE KINGS OF MAVARA- UN-NAHR, AFTER THE MURDER OF SHAIKH JAMAL KHAR. AS soon as the Khan had again established himself on the throne of the Khanate, the Moghuls and the Amirs made him promise never, for the future, to attempt to make them dwell in cities or cultivated countries [shahr u vildyat], which had been the cause of all their sedition and revolts. The Khan was obliged to comply, and they then re-entered Moghulistan, which had been vacated by the Kalmaks. During several years the Khan never even made mention [hawd] of towns or houses, so that at length the Moghuls became much attached to him. Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who was in Kashghar, yielded fitting obedience to the Khan, from whom he, in return, received demonstrations of paternal affection; and complete tranquillity prevailed in Moghulistan and Kashghar. Soon after the Khan's return, the followers of Kabak Sultan Oghlan (son of Dust Muhammad Khan), who had fled in the direction of Turfan, having killed their master, brought his head to the Khan. But the Khan, in spite of Kabak having been his enemy, was (for Kabak's brother's sake) very angry, and ordered the murderers [to be put to death] by way of retaliation. The Khan had now no enemies remaining on any side. After he had killed Buruj Oghlan, he sent his eldest daughter, Mihr Nigar Khanim, to Sultan Ahmad Mirza, son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza, saying: "Sultan Abu Said Mirza turned the enmity that existed between Moghul and Chaghatai into friendship. I wish now to cement this friendship with a family alliance, and therefore offer my daughter, as a wife, to the son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza." Mihr Nigar Khanim remained in the haram of Mirza Sultan Ahmad as long as he lived. (I shall have more to say of the Khanim in the second part of this work.) After the Khan's return to Moghulistan, when Shaikh Jamal Khar had been put to death, he gave his daughter, Kutluk Nigar Khanim, who was younger than Mihr Nigar Khanim, in marriage to Omar Shaikh Mirza, son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza. This was in the year 880. There existed between the Khan and Omar Shaikh such an affection as is seldom even found between father and son. Omar Shaikh used to go and spend a month, or two months, at a time in Moghulistan, and sometimes he would bring back his father with him to Andijan, and the Khan would be his guest for a month or more. About this time Omar Shaikh tried to induce the Khan to march on Samarkand, and after depriving his brother Mirza Sultan Ahmad (the eldest son-in- law of Yunus Khan) of the throne, to set him (Omar Shaikh) upon it, in his brother's stead. But the Khan would not hear of such a measure. When Sultan Ahmad heard of his brother's scheme, he set out to oppose him with an army. But Omar Shaikh Mirza appealed to the Khan for succour, giving him, at the same time, some of his own territories. Thus Sultan Ahmad was hindered from making an invasion. This state of affairs was constantly recurring. It was, however, at length agreed that the Khan should come every winter to Andijan, attended only by his own personal servants; leaving the Ulus of the Moghul in Moghulistan. Omar Shaikh Mirza was to give to the Khan whichever of his territories the latter might select. In the spring, the Khan was to return to Moghulistan, and the Mirza again take possession of his own territories. On one occasion, Omar Shaikh Mirza, being in great fear of his brother, sent to Yunus Khan for support, while he gave over to him Akhsi. The Khan took up his winter quarters in Akhsi, hearing of which, Sultan Ahmad Mirza abandoned his hostile intentions. Omar Shaikh Mirza, though his mind was set at rest with regard to his brother, nevertheless did not like the Khan's residing in Akhsi. For Akhsi was the largest town in Farghana, and its capital. On this account he rose in arms against the Khan, and fought a battle against him at the Bridge of Tika Sagrutku.* The Khan at first remonstrated with the Mirza, but in vain; and a battle ensued in which the Mirza was defeated and taken prisoner. He was brought bound before the Khan, who rose up to meet him and ordered his hands to be set free. He then made him presents and sent him away, saying: "Return home at once, that your men be thrown into confusion. I too will follow you to your house." When Omar Shaikh Mirza returned to Andijan, the Khan allowed his Ulus to go back to Moghulistan, while he himself proceeded to Andijan with his family [knj] and a few followers. He remained in the house of the Mirza for two months, and nothing disturbed their friendship* On another occasion when the Mirza called on the Khan for assistance, he gave him Marghilan. While the Khan was in Marghilan, his Holiness, the Axis of pious works, the Cynosure of the pious, the Beloved of God, Khwaja Nasiruddin Ubaidullah (may God sanctify his spirit) came there in order to bring about a reconciliation between the Khan and Omar Shaikh Mirza, on the one hand, and Sultan Ahmad Mirza on the other. I have often heard from trustworthy narrators, that when his Holiness arrived near Marghilan, all the Moghuls and the inhabitants of the town came out to meet him [in istikbdl], but none of the Moghuls had the presumption to approach him [to salute him], such was their great regard [for this holy man]. Men and women halted at a distance and, dismounting, fastened their horses to the ground, while they themselves kept their eyes fixed on the dust of the road. His Holiness then approached them. There was one among his retinue who recognised the Khan, and he said to his Holiness, "This is Yunus Khan." His Holiness immediately dismounted, and having raised the Khan's head from the ground, embraced him. I once heard from his Holiness, the Refuge of Piety, Maulana Muhammad Kazi (upon whom be mercy), who on a certain occasion went to Marghilan, the following: "I had heard that Yunus Khan was a Moghul, and I concluded that he was a beardless man, with the ways and manners of any other Turk of the desert. But when I saw him, I found he was a person of elegant deport- ment, with a full beard and a Tajik face,* and such refined speech and manner, as is seldom to be found even in a Tajik." In short, when his Holiness had seen the Khan, he addressed letters to all the Sultans round about, saying: "I have seen Yunus Khan and the Moghuls. The subjects of such a pddishdh are not to be carried off captives. They are people of Islam." From this time forth, no more Moghuls were bought or sold as slaves in Mavara-un-Nahr and Khorasan— for before this, the Moghuls had been purchased as other Kafirs are purchased. CHAPTER XLIX. RULE OF MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA IN KASHGHAR. AFTER the death of Saniz Mirza, son of Amir Sayyid Ali, the government of Kashghar was given to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, son of Amir Sayyid Ali (as was related above). When he had become firmly established in that place, Dust Muhammad Khan died. Yunus Khan, in order to satisfy the Moghu! Ulus, gave up all intention of inhabiting cities and cultivated lands. Muhammad Haidar Mirza, in Kashghar, acknowledged the supremacy of the Khan, who in return treated him in a fatherly way. Muhammad Haidar Mirza reigned in peace and prosperity for twenty-four years in all: that is from the year 869 to 885 (or sixteen years) he had absolute authority; and for the remainder, partial authority only.* CHAPTER L. BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF ABA BAKR MIRZA. ON the death of Saniz Mirza, Dust Muhammad Khan went to Yarkand, and took the widow of Saniz Mirza to wife. He then proceeded to Aksu, taking with him Aba Bakr Mirza, the eldest son of Saniz Mirza. Not long after this, he gave his sister Husn Nigar Khanim, in marriage to the young Mirza. But Aba Bakr, fearing the unsoundness of Dust Muhammad Khan's mind, fled to his uncle Muhammad Haidar Mirza; and Dust Muhammad Khan sent Husn Nigar Khanim after him to Kashghar (all of which I have already related). Dust Muhammad was a very brave and generous man, and of so great a height, that if he stood on foot in the midst of a hundred people, any one seeing him would have said he was on horseback. But Muhammad Haidar Mirza having inherited his power, did not know the value and importance of an army. The distinguished generals and captains which Amir Sayyid Ali had collected round his person during a life of eighty years, were in the time of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, for the most part dead, and those who yet remained alive, were worn with age; while their sons and grandsons had no relations with Muhammad Haidar Mirza. All the young men and the princes [mirzdzddah] were in favour of Mirza Aba Bakr. It would be a long story, to recount all the details concerning those who were parties to these intrigues; moreover, though it is only twenty years ago,* not one of them is alive now, and the various and conflicting reports which were at that time spread about, are now entirely forgotten. It is, however, certain that Mirza Aba Bakr fled from Muhammad Haidar Mirza, and presented himself before the Governor of Yarkand. Showing him a forged order, he, by cunning and deceit, made himself master of Yarkand. He then sent certain persons to his uncle Muhammad Haidar Mirza, offering complete submission to him, which the Khan accepted, and sent him, for his own service, 3000 young princes from Kashghar. His brother, Omar Mirza, who was in Kashghar at the time, now came to join him in the government of Yarkand. They united their efforts in an attempt to subdue Khotan. Having mentioned this town here, I think it necessary to say something about Khotan and its governors. CHAPTER LI. ACCOUNT OF THE MIRZAS OF KHOTAN. KHOTAN is one of the most famous towns in the East. In the Second Part, I have given all that I have been able to learn from histories, and other books, concerning Khotan. When the Amirship [Imdrat] of the Dughlats descended to Amir Khudaidad (upon whom be mercy), he divided all the dependencies of the Dughlats among his children and his brothers. Thus to his youngest son, Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, he entrusted Kashghar and Yarkand. Amir Khudaidad had two maternal brothers [umm-valad], Ilyas Shah and Khizir Shah by name. To the former he gave Aksu, and to the latter Khotan, making them both subordinate to Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, to whom he granted the power of their dismissal or appointment. These two, like all his other officers, used to come and wait on the Mirza yearly, and then, when they were granted leave, they returned to their respective provinces. This practice was observed until the time of Amir Sayyid Ali. When Amir Sayyid Ali gave Aksu to Isan Bugha Khan, there was, in the service of the latter, one of the grandsons of Ilyas Shah Mirza, who was also named Ilyas Shah, and who, till the time of Dust Muhammad Khan, had the command of the fortress of Aksu. But after Amir Sayyid Ali, there were in Khotan two brothers, descendants of Khizir Shah Mirza; the name of one was Khan Nazar Mirza, and of the other Kul Nazar Mirza. The former reckoned himself equal in strength and power of the arm, to Mirza Aba Bakr, nay even to Amir Sayyid Ali. He showed a spirit of independence, and threw off the old allegiance to Kashghar. Mirza Aba Bakr begged permission of Muhammad Haidar Mirza to go and conquer Khotan, on the ground that Khan Nazar and Kul Nazar had sought to deviate from that high-road of obedience, which was one of the conditions of their inheritance. Muhammad Haidar Mirza, being himself displeased with these two [governors] granted the demand, and encouraged him [in the undertaking]. Thus Mirza Aba Bakr acted freely in the matter of Khotan. Khan Nazar Mirza had made himself an iron club, which no one but he could lift with two hands; he, however, could wield it with one hand, and whatever he struck with it, were it a horse or a cow, inevitably fell. But his younger brother, Kul Nazar Mirza, was a young man of great modesty. These two brothers aimed at becoming kings. CHAPTER LII. CAPTURE OF KHOTAN BY MIRZA ABA BAKR AND THE EXTIRPATION OF THE MIRZAS OF KHOTAN. IN those days, when Mirza Aba Bakr was intent on the conquest of Khotan, he had with him Omar Mirza. His elder brother did not approve of his proceedings, and wished to join issue with him. Upon Mirza Aba Bakr ascertaining this, he contrived to lay hands on him, and having blinded him, sent him to Muhammad Haidar Mirza. After the destruction [virdni] of Kashghar, Omar Mirza went to Samarkand, where he was treated with kindness, till, in the year 921, he returned to Kashghar. Here he died, and was buried in the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Ali. In short, Aba Bakr being released from the molestations of his brother, continued his march upon Khotan. On the first occasion he made peace; on the second, matters were again concluded with a treaty. The two governors mounted, and having met and conferred together, they arranged the conditions of the peace, and took a solemn oath upon the Word of God, in confirmation of the agreement. Mirza Aba Bakr, having given the bond to his own servants, handed the Koran [the Kaldm Ullah]* to one of his nobles, telling him to take it to Khan Nazar Mirza. When Khan Nazar Mirza stretched out his hand to take the "Kalam Ullah," the noble seized his hand with both his own, while others attacked him from every side with swords: for the followers of Mirza Aba Bakr, having previously agreed upon this, had been standing ready. He was taken quite by surprise. None of the retainers of Khan Nazar Mirza being able to use their arms [to help him], they fled, while some others who had been appointed for the business, seized Kul Nazar Mirza. The two brothers were put to death with the sword, and by this ruse their seed was eradicated from Khotan; thus did Aba Bakr conquer Khotan and gain absolute power. Having finished this affair, Aba Bakr started on an expedition against his uncle, Muhammad Haidar Mirza. CHAPTER LIII. THE STRATAGEM OF ABA BAKR, BY WHICH HE CAUSED MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA TO EXPEL HIS OWN AMIRS. AFTER the death of Saniz Mirza, Dust Muhammad Khan (as has been mentioned) took to wife the widow of Saniz Mirza, whose name was Jamak Agha. He, moreover, gave Kashghar to Muhammad Haidar Mirza. These events took place in the year 869. On the death of Dust Muhammad Khan, Muhammad Haidar Mirza married Jamak Agha, who was the mother of Mirza Aba Bakr and of Omar Mirza. By her, Muhammad Haidar Mirza had two sons: my father Muhammad Husain Kurkan, and my uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. After the conquest of Khotan, Mirza Aba Bakr became still more powerful. In vain were the reflections and protestations of his Amirs, who represented that his whole career, from beginning to end, had been one of tyranny: that he spared no one: that he had seized Yarkand by stealth and by the employment of unheard-of perfidy: that after he had put out the eyes of Omar Mirza, he had put to death Khan Nazar and Kul Nazar. How could the world look with the eye of trust upon such a man? He still longed for Kashghar, and his sole object in life was to make his kingdom into a sausage [kulmah].* In spite of their laying these matters before Muhammad Haidar Mirza, the latter, on account of his affection for his nephew, made light of it all; and his wife, who was the mother of his children, and the mother of Mirza Aba Bakr, said to him, in opposing the remonstrances of the Amirs: "He is your son: Yarkand belonged to one of your Amirs. Since Yarkand was the capital of his father, it is his by right, but you did not give it him. If he has been presumptuous, he at least counted on your forgiveness. What matter if they make him out a bad man to you? Khotan, too, was in the possession of another. What harm was there in his superseding [the usurper]?" In this manner she excused all the actions of Mirza Aba Bakr; so that Muhammad Haidar Mirza was appeased and comforted; but when she touched on the hostility which Aba Bakr had displayed towards Muhammad Haidar Mirza, she declared that it was all owing to the Amirs who had spoken badly of the Mirza. She then secretly wrote to Mirza Aba Bakr, asking him how she was to excuse his hostility [to her husband], and stating the reason she had already given. Then Mirza Aba Bakr, in conformity with this, replied: "As long as the Amirs are in power, I cannot offer fitting service, for they seek to do me harm by vilifying my character to you: if you will dismiss these Amirs, I will be not only a son to you, but a slave also." Muhammad Haidar Mirza, in the simplicity of his heart, credited these lies and discharged his Amirs. Since the most influential of the generals were thus removed, the power of his kingdom was broken; and Mirza Aba Bakr began to ravage all the country round about Kashghar and Yangi Hisar; but as all the greatest generals had been dismissed, there was no one to watch over and protect the country. CHAPTER LIV. YUNUS KHAN GOES TO HELP MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA AGAINST MIRZA ABA BAKR, WHO DEFEATS THEM BOTH. AMIR ABDUL KUDUS, who was mentioned above as having slain Shaikh Jamal Khar and released the Khan from prison, was treated with great kindness by the Khan, and had been given the title of Kurkani; all the privileges [mansab] of the clan [Tumdn] of Dughlat had been bestowed upon him. In consequence of this he grew proud and presumptuous, and treated the Khan in such a way as to make him frightened at his own acts; but it would take too long to explain all this. Abdul Kudus, however, finally fled to Kashghar, to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who had just dismissed his generals, on which account his affairs had fallen into confusion, and he was repenting his deed. When Abdul Kudus arrived, he treated him with every respect, gave him his own daughter Agha Sultan Sultanim in marriage, showed him marked favour, and having raised an army, sent him against Mirza Aba Bakr. He fell upon the Mirza, who was on a plundering foray in Yangi Hisar. Mir Abdul Kudus was, however, defeated, in spite of his force being greater than that of his enemy. He was so ashamed of himself that he did not go back to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, but moved first to Shahnaz, and then set out on the road to Badakhshan. He went with 300 men to Mirza Sultan Mahmud, who showed him every kindness and attention, and bestowed on him the government of Khust, which is one of the most important districts in Badakhshan and Kunduz. He was [afterwards] slain in that country by some infidels of Katur.* In short, after the departure of Mir Abdul Kudus, the power of Mirza Aba Bakr increased. With his deceit and cunning, he had caused Muhammad Haidar Mirza to send away his greatest generals and commanders, and he had defeated Mir Abdul Kudus; so that dark days had come upon the transactions of Muhammad Haidar Mirza. Jamak Agha repented of what she had done, but it was of no avail. Finally Muhammad Haidar Mirza made ready an army of nearly 30,000 cavalry and infantry, and took the field against Mirza Aba Bakr, who opposed him with 3000 men. A fierce battle was fought, and Muhammad Haidar Mirza suffered defeat. Having come to Kashghar, he told his noble uncle Yunus Khan all that had happened, and begged his assistance. The Khan selected 50,000 men from his own army, and out of the affection he bore his nephew, marched in person against Aba Bakr. Muhammad Haidar Mirza having again collected an army, joined the Khan, and they all proceeded together against Yarkand. Mirza Aba Bakr fortified the citadel of Yarkand. The Khan halted on the eastern side of the citadel. On the next day Mirza Aba Bakr drew out his cavalry and infantry from the citadel into the suburbs: they were 3000 in number, all the sons of the generals and chiefs [tnirzddah and behddurzddah] of Mir Sayyid Ali, whom Muhammad Haidar Mirza had slighted. But Mirza Aba Bakr had collected them in a body. The Khan arrived from one side with a large army and Muhammad Haidar Mirza from another. Mirza Aba Bakr did not direct his force to any extent against Muhammad Haidar Mirza, but brought all his strength to bear upon the Khan, and after many attacks and retreats, finally put him to flight. When the Khan fled, Muhammad Haidar Mirza also took flight, and thus this great army was defeated. When the Khan and Muhammad Haidar Mirza arrived at Kashghar, the Khan said to the latter: "Thinking it would be an easy matter, I only brought a small force. Stop in your own country this year; next year I will come with a complete army and will settle [Aba Bakr's] affairs." The Khan then returned to Moghulistan, while Muhammad Haidar Mirza remained in Kashghar. CHAPTER LV. YUNUS KHAN'S SECOND EXPEDITION AGAINST YARKAND, AND HIS DEFEAT AT THE HANDS OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. IN the following year, 885, the Khan came to Kashghar with the whole of the Moghul troops, who numbered 60,000 men. Here he was joined by Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who had a better ordered army than he had had the year before, and they advanced together on Yarkand. The two forces together amounted to 90,000 men, cavalry and infantry. Mirza Aba Bakr again fortified himself in the citadel, as he had done the year before. He had mustered an army of cavalry and infantry to the number of about 5000. The cavalry consisted of 3000 of those princes of whom I have spoken— chosen young men, whom Muhammad Haidar Mirza, in his ignorance, had let slip out of his power. The 2000 infantry were chosen archers, all of whom the Mirza had brought together by promises and hopes [of gain]. The Khan's army encamped in a circle round [the town].* The Khan himself took up his quarters in Kalu Aj Bari, a well-known place to the north-east of Yarkand. After the afternoon prayer, distinguished men from the battalions and divisions [kushun u tdbin] of the Khan's army advanced, of their own accord, before the citadel and opened the battle. Mirza Aba Bakr's force issued from the citadel in the following order: between every two horsemen there was an archer on foot, and in front of each archer there was another foot-soldier bearing a shield. A hard fight took place; but the Khan remained in his own quarters. Some persons came and gave him such a vivid description of the battle that he longed to go and see it himself. So, without putting on his armour, he started for the scene of action with a small number of followers. On reaching the edge of a ravine they saw that the infantry of both sides were engaged in close fight. From this position they could not see very distinctly, so the Khan descended into the ravine, and came on to the road in order to get a better view— for the ravine was a road- way. When the Khan came down, the infantry became more daring, and fought most fiercely. At that moment Alim Shaikh Bahadur, who was one of the Khan's most distinguished warriors, was in his tent; he heard that the Khan had gone to watch [the battle], and it occurred to him that he would go and display his valour, that he might become distinguished above his equals. Having fastened on his armour, he passed before the Khan, and then went in among the infantry who were engaged in the battle. There was some ground between the infantry of the two armies, and on either side was an enclosure for herding cattle [gdvbandi]; between these two enclosures was a level passage. Alim Shaikh Bahadur rode up this passage and charged the infantry of Mirza Aba Bakr, until he came upon a foot-soldier with a shield, who, seeing him come on unchecked, did not attempt to withstand him, but having thrown down his shield in front of the horse of Alim Shaikh Bahadur, ran away. The horse, being terrified at the fall of the shield, reared so badly that Alim Shaikh Bahadur, not able to keep his seat, was thrown. The infantry who were on the other side of the enclosure, now jumped over it and seized Alim Shaikh Bahadur. Meantime, the cavalry of Mirza Aba Bakr charged the Khan's infantry, but these, not deeming it advisable to stand their ground, turned and fled, being followed by those who had come to watch the battle. The Khan had descended from the [edge of the] ravine, but those who were with him now counselled him to re-ascend. The Khan set out in all haste along the road in the ravine, but when his men, who were on the top, saw him approaching in haste, they fled [in a panic]. So that when the Khan emerged from the ravine, he found all his men had taken flight, and that his army was in confusion. He thereupon returned to his camp in order to reassure his men; he tried beating and striking them, but not one of them would move from his place. In the meanwhile Mirza Aba Bakr engaged the infantry, who had come down by way of the ravine; he attacked with his cavalry those who had been watching the battle, charging up the ravine unresisted, then pursuing [the fugitives] until his cavalry threw them into confusion. When the Khan's army— already disordered— saw this state of affairs, they suddenly turned and fled: all the Khan's efforts to rally them were ineffectual. When the cavalry of Mirza Aba Bakr came on, the Khan himself took to flight. Thus was this enormous army defeated in the space of one hour. The Khan retreated to Kashghar, while most of the army deserted him and escaped to Moghulistan. [The Khan] advised Muhammad Haidar Mirza not to remain in Kashghar, so the Mirza accompanied the Khan to Aksu, taking with him 5000 families. Many of the Kashghari went to Andijan, so that Kashghar was left clear for Mirza Aba Bakr. These events occurred in the year 885. At that time my father, Muhammad Husain Mirza Kurkan, was twelve years of age. When Muhammad Haidar Mirza went to Aksu with Yunus Khan, the son of the latter, Sultan Mahmud Khan, took my father with him into Moghulistan, where they became great friends; and to the end of his life he called my father "Dash," which in the Moghul language means "friend." CHAPTER LVI. EARLY DAYS OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN, SON OF YUNUS KHAN. AS an account will be given of Sultan Mahmud Khan, it is necessary to say a few words about his early life. When Sultan Yunus Khan returned a second time from Kho-rasan, Amir Sayyid Ali had died, and Saniz Mirza had sought the assistance of Yunus Khan, as has been mentioned. Yunus Khan, in those days, often went backwards and forwards to Kashghar. At that time, the Khan sent Amir Zia-ud-Din (who was one of the most eminent Sayyids of Kashghar) to Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi, in Badakhshan, to ask one of his most immaculate daughters in marriage. Shah Sultan Badakhshi was of the race of Sikandar Zulkarnain, Filikus Rumi.* Sikandar, after he had conquered the regions of the world, consulted with his wise men, saying: "Find me a place which shall be out of the reach of the princes of the earth [Sultans of the time], in which I may place my descendants." The councillors chose Badakhshan, and they wrote a Book of Regulations [Dastur ul amal]; so that as long as the regulations were observed, no one prince could prevail in this country. From the time of Sikandar down to the time of Shah Sultan Muhammad, nobody had attacked Badakhshan. Thus they had ruled from generation to generation. When the kingdom passed into the hands of Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi, he discarded the "Dastur ul amal" of Sikandar.* He was a prince of great natural gifts and refined taste, and he left a "Divan," which is exceedingly beautiful. His "takhallus," or poetical name, was Lali. His elegance and clearness of style were so great that he altered [the wording of] the "Dastur ul amal" to suit his own taste. He had six daughters. He gave one of them to Sultan Masud Kabuli, who was a descendant of Amir Timur. Another he gave to Sultan Abu Said Mirza, who had, by her, a son named Mirza Aba Bakr. The Mirza, after the death of his father, engaged in war with Sultan Husain Mirza, and caused much disturbance in his kingdom (all of which is related in the Histories of Mir Khwand and of Khwand Mir, of Herat). A third daughter he gave to Ibrahim Barlas, who, by her, had Jahangir Barlas, who at the end of the Chaghatai rule [daulat] became chief minister. His fourth daughter, whose name was Shah Begum, he sent to Yunus Khan, at the request of Sayyid Zia-ud-Din Kashghari. He gave his fifth daughter to Sayyid Shah Buzurg Arhangi (who will be mentioned below); and the sixth to Shaikh Abdullah Barlas, who, by her, had Sultan Vais Barlas, Mizrab Barlas, and Sultan Sanjar (all of whom will be spoken of in their proper places); they are moreover mentioned in the Histories of Mir Khwand and Khwand Mir, of Herat.* In short, Sayyid Zia-ud-Din brought Shah Begum back with him to Kashghar, and delivered her over to the Khan. Yunus Khan had two sons and two daughters by Shah Begum. The eldest of all was Sultan Mahmud Khan. He was born in 868. Next to him came Sultan Ahmad Khan (whom I shall mention separately). The two daughters were Sultan Nigar Khanim and Daulat Sultan Khanim (of these also I shall have occasion to speak hereinafter). Before Sultan Mahmud Khan arrived at years of discretion, the Amirs of Moghulistan (as I have recorded) had behaved rudely and disrespectfully to Yunus Khan. By the time Sultan Mahmud Khan was grown up, most of these Moghul Amirs were dead. Yunus Khan, with the help of his son Sultan Mahmud Khan, obtained complete ascendency and control over the Moghuls, and over those of their Amirs who were still alive. On the occasion of Yunus Khan being defeated before Yarkand and retiring to Kashghar, he was not accompanied by Sultan Mahmud Khan; for Mahmud remained behind in Moghulistan, to keep the people in order. Yunus Khan, both to quiet the apprehensions of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, and for his own pleasure, spent that winter in Aksu. They sent the son of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, Muham- mad Husain Mirza, who was then twelve years of age, to Sultan Mahmud Khan, with whom he became very friendly; the two remained on good terms, and used to call each other "Dash" [friend]. Muhammad Husain Mirza stayed in Moghulistan with Sultan Mahmud Khan, and was treated with great honour and respect. CHAPTER LVII. THE WAR THAT AROSE OUT OF A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN YUNUS KHAN AND MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA IN AKSU. THAT winter the Khan went to Aksu. Aksu is situated on the edge of a ravine. It has two forts, one of which the Khan gave to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, while he established himself in the other. That winter passed peacefully. On the setting in of spring, Yunus Khan wished to move into Moghulistan. He therefore said to Muhammad Haidar Mirza: "Now that the first spring has come I am going into Moghulistan. You stay here and make your men cultivate the land. I bestow the country of Aksu on you. When harvest-time comes round, it will also be the end of the season for summer quarters in Moghulistan. The horses will be in good condition, and we will then go to Kashghar and settle scores with Mirza Aba Bakr. I shall march from Moghulistan and you from here. We will meet in Kashghar, and there make all final arrangements." Having agreed upon this plan of action, the Khan appointed people to go to Moghulistan with the flocks. He [also] sent to collect the flocks destined for Moghulistan. But some rebellious men tried to instil into the mind of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, that when the Khan arrived in Moghulistan he would plunder the Mirza's people; and many like impossibilities did they suggest, such as could only proceed from Satan; but the Mirza, in his simplicity, gave ear to all they said, and began to consider how he might avert these evils. Those devils [Shidtin] said to him: "When the flocks reach the Khan, and he is able to make a start, we will influence his younger son, Ahmad Khan, who is accompanying his father, to separate himself from him. We will then fortify ourselves in this citadel and defy the Khan. When the hour of the Khan's departure comes he will suspect nothing, and will march into Moghulistan, while we shall remain established in Aksu." This base and senseless plan was acceptable in the sight of Muhammad Haidar Mirza. Just as the Khan was about to start, they suddenly closed the gates of Aksu. Sultan Ahmad Khan fled to Muhammad Haidar Mirza; and they all rose in rebellion. Yunus Khan sent a messenger to the Mirza, to treat with him, but to no purpose. So the Khan finally abandoned his march, and entering the other fort, put it into a state of defence. He then despatched a messenger to Sultan Mahmud Khan, who after seventeen days arrived with a force of 30,000 men. Conflicts took place daily, till at the end of forty days a famine broke out in the fort of the Mirza. The promoters of the rebellion began to desert nightly. Sultan Ahmad Khan, alarmed at his own want of filial piety, came to his parents with apologies and prayers for forgiveness, but the Mirza stood out. Suddenly the fort was taken by a general assault. The Khan immediately sent some Amirs to prevent it from being plundered. The Amirs went, but their efforts were of no avail, for the men who had made the assault were not of the sort that could be withheld. After a hundred struggles they seized the Mirza and brought him before the Khan. As they approached, they were beginning to bind the Mirza's hands, but Yunus Khan cried out to prevent them. So they brought the Mirza forward just as he was. The Khan called him to him, and having upbraided and rebuked him severely, said: "Why did you do this? Abandon your rebellious intentions, so that I may depart. Remain here. [But if] again you rebel [think] what will happen."* Muhammad Haidar Mirza was ashamed, and stood with bowed head, at the thought of his ill-advised actions. The Khan then said: "All is well now, I have given you Aksu, and you should stay there." The Mirza replied: "How can I remain now in Aksu, since so many of my men have gone away?" The Khan, thereupon, gave the Mirza 3000 horses, and said: "Accompany me into Moghulistan; I think, too, the wisest plan will be for me to go to Kashghar, as soon as the corn is high, and try and take that town for you . . ."* In short, Muhammad Haidar Mirza accompanied Yunus Khan into Moghulistan. When the spring came to an end, the Khan turned his thoughts to Kashghar. At the same time Sultan Ahmad Mirza was planning an expedition from Samarkand, against Farghana, from which country he wished to expel his brother Omar Shaikh Mirza. As soon as Omar Shaikh Mirza heard of his brother's intention, he sent in great haste to Yunus Khan, begging assistance; for by this means he had frequently (as has been mentioned above) been delivered from the cruelty and violence of his brother Sultan Ahmad Mirza. On the arrival of the news, the Khan set out for Andijan. Now the Khan did not wish that there should be any strife between his two sons- in-law, and had always tried to keep them at peace with each other. On the Khan's entry into Andijan, he was received by Omar Shaikh Mirza; he was shown great honour, and the province of Ush was given to him. The Khan spent that winter in Ush. Entrusting the rest of the Moghuls to the care of Sultan Mahmud Khan, he sent them back to Moghulistan, while he himself made his winter quarters in Ush, and appointed Muhammad Haidar Mirza as administrator [vdli]. When Sultan Ahmad Mirza heard of the arrival of the Khan, he abandoned his project. And thus Omar Shaikh was rendered safe from his brother. When winter had passed, the Khan came again to Moghulistan. [On the eve of his departure] the Khan said to the Mirza: "You have always suffered great annoyance in Moghulistan. I have now given you this country of Ush. Stay here till next winter, when I will return. [In the meanwhile] govern the country, as my deputy." He then left for Moghulistan, while Muhammad Haidar Mirza remained in Ush. The Mirza begged his own son, Muhammad Husain Mirza, of the Khan, and kept him at his side. CHAPTER LVIII. MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA ATTACKS MIRZA ABA BAKR IN KASHGHAR, AND IS TAKEN PRISONER BY HIM. WHEN Sultan Yunus Khan reached Moghulistan, Omar Shaikh Mirza sent an official [ddrugha] to Ush to replace Muhammad Haidar. The [last-named] Mirza and his men were not capable of marching into Moghulistan, and it was also impossible for them to remain in Ush. He placed his two sons, Muhammad Husain Mirza and Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, under the care of Omar Shaikh Mirza, and himself set out for Kashghar, thinking that as Mirza Aba Bakr was his brother's son and his own wife's son, he would go to him and would offer him terms of peace. Under such illusions he approached Mirza Aba Bakr, who immediately seized him and threw him into prison, where he remained one year. At the end of a year he was sent to Badakhshan, which was at that time ruled by Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Mirza Sultan Abu Said. Abdul Kudus, who was the son-in-law of Muhammad Haidar Mirza (and who has been spoken of already), was at this time with Mirza Sultan Mahmud. He [Muhammad Haidar Mirza] was entertained for a short time as the guest of the Sultan; he then came to Samarkand and paid his respects to his Holiness Nasiruddin Ubaidullah (may God bless his spirit) and waited on Mirza Sultan Ahmad, who received him in a friendly way, and arranged to come to the Mirza yearly, on the occasion of two festivals [aid]. Mirza Sultan Ahmad had three brothers: Osman Mirza, Sultan Valad Mirza, and Talak Muhammad ...* In the meanwhile a person came from Yunus Khan to fetch Muhammad Haidar Mirza. Not feeling in the least fettered by the kindness Sultan Ahmad Mirza had shown him, he went to the Khan. This matter will be mentioned in connection with the life of the Khan and his entrance into Tashkand. CHAPTER LIX. YUNUS AND THE MOGHUL ULUS ENTER TASHKAND; PEACE IS ESTABLISHED BETWEEN SULTAN AHMAD MIRZA AND OMAR SHAIKH MIRZA AND SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN. THE story of the quarrels and contests that arose between the two brothers, Omar Shaikh Mirza and Sultan Ahmad Mirza, is a long one, and has no place in this history; it has however been given in detail in the history of Mir Khwand. But it is, nevertheless, necessary to mention in this book, that on the death of Shaikh Jamal Khar, Tashkand passed into the [power and] jurisdiction of Omar Shaikh Mirza, as did also Shahrukhia, which has a fortified castle [kalah]. Mirza Sultan Ahmad became an enemy to Omar Shaikh Mirza on the subject of these two places, and a fierce dispute arose between them. When the hostility of Mirza Sultan Ahmad was directed against Tashkand, Omar Shaikh Mirza desired the Khan [to come and help him] in Tashkand. The same year that the Khan had left Ush and had given it over to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, Omar Shaikh Mirza, after the arrival of the Khan, dismissed Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who went to Kashghar, where he was thrown into prison. The Khan was then in Moghulistan When autumn [tirmah]* set in and the hostility of Mirza Sultan Ahmad was directed against Tashkand, Omar Shaikh Mirza invited the Khan to [come and help him in] Tashkand. He gave Sairam to the Khan. In the same way that he had given him Ush out of Andijan, so he gave him Sairam out of Tashkand. When the Khan turned towards Sairam, the Moghuls, who could not on any terms put up with towns and cultivated lands, having led astray the Khan's younger son, Sultan Ahmad Khan, fled back to Moghulistan. The Khan did not follow them, for in the family of the Moghul Khakans there remained no rivals [of the Khan] who were worth considering. So he let the people go back to Moghulistan, while he himself went on to Sairam and there passed the winter. The Khan also sent his elder son, Sultan Mahmud Khan, against Sultan Ahmad Mirza, with 30,000 men. From the side of Farghana came Omar Shaikh Mirza, with an army 15,000 strong. These three armies neared each other, and a desperate conflict was about to ensue, when the news of what was passing reached his Holiness Nasiruddin Ubaidullah (may God bless his hidden soul). He at once set out, sending a person in advance to announce that he was coming. When the tidings reached the three Sultans, they all halted where they were. When his Holiness arrived, he alighted in the camp of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, and sent messengers to the Khan and to Omar Shaikh Mirza, begging them to make peace. No one could resist the entreaties of the blessed mind of his Holiness. Such was his spiritual and moral influence, that he calmed these three Padishahs, who had each come for some object of his own, with an army in fighting order, and caused them to sit together on one carpet [zalicha],* while he sat in their midst and dictated to them conditions of peace, to which they assented. Tashkand was to be made over to Yunus Khan. The two brothers who disputed with each other the possession of Tashkand, were to give up their dispute and concede the place to the Khan. His Holiness Maulana and Sayyid Na Mahdumi Maulana Muhammad Kazi (upon whom be mercy and forgiveness) has written in the appendix [zail] to his "Salsalat ul Arifin," that this occurrence is among the miracles of his Holiness [i.e. of Nasiruddin Ubaidullah] . It is related there: "the meeting was so solemn that, in the intensity of my emotion [dahasht] I overturned the table-cloth [dastdr khwdn]; when the meeting was terminated his Holiness said: 'It is well, I must now retire, for I am an old man and can only bear a certain amount of fatigue.' "The three kings returned, each one, to his own army. His Holiness departed in the direction of the river of Khojand and performed his ablutions [vazu] at the waterside. Turning to me he said: 'Maulana Muhammad can write an account of my deed.' His Holiness the Maulana says that this was his reason for undertaking the composition of his book— the Salsalat ul Arifin. "In short, Sultan Ahmad Mirza repaired to Samarkand, Omar Shaikh Mirza to Farghana, and Sultan Mahmud Khan to Tashkand. Yunus Khan also went to Tashkand, and his Holiness, following him, met him again there. I [Muhammad Kazi] have heard from my uncle, that one day in the assembly of his Holiness [Nasiruddin Ubaidullah] the conversation turned upon Sultan Mahmud Khan, and one of those present said: 'It is strange how proud this prince is of his own grandeur.' His Holiness replied: 'Proud as the Padishah may be, I will make him fill his skirt with earth [khdk]; glory and grandeur belong to God alone. Hence how can even Sultan Mahmud Khan be proud.' It chanced that at that very moment the Khan came to pay his respects to his Holiness. It was prayer time, and his Holiness had risen for prayer. When prayers were about to begin, a censer was noticed in which were some embers. His Holiness said: 'Embers and censers, while prayer is proceeding, are abhorrent. Therefore the fire must be extinguished with some earth.' In spite of the number of people present, the Khan sprang up and, going outside, filled his skirt with earth, which having brought in, he sprinkled on the fire; this he repeated several times, until the fire was extinguished. And he begged of those present that they would allow him to perform, quite alone, this service of fetching the earth. After the Khan's departure all the companions of his Holiness expressed great wonder." This peace and meeting of the Khans in Tashkand took place in 890. His Holiness remained for a while in Tashkand and then returned to Samarkand. It was the practice of all the princes of that time, to employ one of the disciples of his Holiness as a medium of communication with him. Sultan Mahmud Khan employed for this purpose Maulana Kazi. About this matter I have heard many anecdotes, which, please God, I will give in their proper place. CHAPTER LX. END OF YUNUS KHAN'S LIFE. THE Khan, being firmly established in Tashkand, begged the daughter of Sultan Ahmad Mirza— Karaguz Begum— in marriage for his son Sultan Mahmud Khan. The arrival of Karaguz Begum will be mentioned hereafter. But in the interim Sultan Yunus Khan was seized with paralysis, was bedridden for nearly two years, and died, suffering, at the age of seventy-four. No other Chaghatai Khakan ever reached such an advanced age: most of them, indeed, died before they reached the age of forty. The Khan was born in 818 and died in 892. He was buried near the tomb of Puranvar Shaikh, Khawand-i-Tuhur [Master of Purification], in Tashkand; and a large mausoleum was built over the spot, which stands to this day and is very renowned. During his illness, the Khan heard that Muhammad Haidar Mirza had gone from Badakhshan to Samarkand, so he sent to summon the Mirza to him. Muhammad Haidar Mirza left Samar-kand, came to the Khan, and waited on him throughout his illness. He was a skilled surgeon and physician. The Khan, during this period, would not allow Muhammad Haidar Mirza out of his presence for one hour; and he treated the Mirza's children with hospitality. The Mirza's son, Muhammad Husain Mirza, who had remained with Omar Shaikh Mirza, had gone to Sultan Mahmud Khan in Andijan, before Muhammad Haidar Mirza had come [to attend on the Khan]. He lived always in the same house and room as the Khan, as shall be related below. CHAPTER LXI. WAR BETWEEN SULTAN AHMAD MIRZA AND SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN. SULTAN YUNUS KHAN died in the year 892, and in the course of the same year, Sultan Mahmud Khan was raised to the Khanate with Moghul rites. When the news of the death of Yunus Khan got abroad, Mirza Omar Shaikh and Mirza Sultan Ahmad became intent on renewing hostilities with one another. Omar Shaikh Mirza sent a large number of his staunchest and most trustworthy followers to occupy the fort of Ushtur in Tashkand, which was an impregnable stronghold. Sultan Mahmud Khan led his forces, in person, against that fort. A fierce battle took place; so fierce, indeed, that it is still talked of among the Moghuls. The castle was taken by assault, and all the faithful adherents of Mirza Omar Shaikh were put to death; no one escaped: they all died fighting. From this victory great strength accrued to the Khan, while the Mirza lost all power of opposition. The year following, Sultan Ahmad Mirza's Amirs impressed upon him that he had given up Tashkand to the Khan without proper cause, and that the longer the Khan's people remained there, the more annoying it was to them. His Holiness sent word to say that he was mistaken, and that he ought to make peace with the Khan, who would do him no injury: why should he annoy him? Finally, however, the Mirza collected an army 150,000 strong, and led it against Tashkand. The Khan passed through the suburbs of Tashkand and stood facing [the advancing enemy]. Between them flowed a stream which it was impossible to cross. The armies remained there during three days. In the army of the Sultan was a certain Shahi Beg Khan, the son of Shah Badagh Oghlan, the son of Abulkhair Khan. After the death of Buruj Oghlan (which has been described above)* Shahi Beg Khan underwent many hardships (as we are told in histories). Finally, as he was not able to hold his own in the steppes, he betook himself to Mavara-un- Nahr, and became a follower of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, or rather he became a retainer of one of the Sultan's Amirs. He was in this army, and had 3000 followers. When Mirza Sultan Ahmad had remained three days [on the bank of the river], Shahi Beg Khan sent to Sultan Mahmud Khan to ask if he would meet and confer with him. That same night they met: he from the one side and the Khan from the other; and they agreed that on the morrow the Khan should attack Mir Abdul Ali, the master of Shahi Beg Khan, who, on his part, undertook to throw the army into disorder, and then to take flight. On the next day the Moghul army was drawn up in battle array, and the infantry passed the Chir; the cavalry also entered the stream, when the infantry of the other side began the battle. The Moghul army directed its force against Mir Abdul Ali. At this moment Shahi Beg Khan turned and fled with his 3000 men, and throwing himself on the baggage [partal] of the army, began to plunder the Moghuls. In fact, wherever this disordered rabble found themselves, their device was to fall upon the baggage, so that the army of Mirza Sultan Ahmad was put to flight. But the river Chir, which the people of Tashkand call Parak, was in front of them, and most of his soldiers were drowned in it. The troops of the Mirza suffered a severe defeat, while he, discomfited and beaten, fled to Samarkand. He proffered many excuses and apologies to his Holiness, who again arranged a peace between the Khan and Sultan Ahmad Mirza. The discussion about Karaguz Begum was resumed, and after various formalities had been gone through, they brought Karaguz Begum to the Khan. This victory did much to raise the Khan in the estimation of the surrounding Sultans, who henceforward stood in great fear of him, and thus his position became secure. CHAPTER LXII. ARRANGEMENT FOR THE MARRIAGE OF MY FATHER INTO THE KHAN'S FAMILY. MY father Muhammad Husain Kurkan, (may God illumine his proof) from the time of his quitting Kashghar to this date, had always been in the service of Sultan Mahmud Khan, except for the two years that he spent with Omar Shaikh Mirza (all of which has been related above). The Khan was on such close and friendly terms with my father, that they always lived in the same room; their houses adjoined, and they confided household matters to each other.When anything was brought for the Khan, something like it was also brought for my father. When the Khan went out riding, two horses would be brought, one of which my father would mount and the Khan the other. Whenever the Khan put on a new robe, another like it used to be found for my father. Thus, in no matter was any distinction made between them. Till the time when the Khan married Karaguz Begum, he spent most of the day in the common apartment [hajra-i- mdhud], and in the evening would go into his haram, whilst my father remained in the outer chamber. When the Khan was seated on his throne, they used to place a carpet in front of it, so that my father might sit down and lean against the throne; thus the two used always to arrange [the affairs of the State] together. Sometimes the Khan used to say to my father, apologising the while: "I am obliged by family affairs to retire to the haram, while you remain in the outer apartment; this makes you appear like a palace guard [ydtish], and is inconsistent with terms of friendship and concord." A year passed in this way, when the Khan contracted an alliance with the Kurkani, in the person of Khub Nigar Khanim, who was his senior by one year. She was the third daughter of Yunus Khan, by Isan Daulat Begum; and her eldest daughter was Mihr Nigar Khanim, who had been given in marriage to Sultan Ahmad Mirza (of whom I have spoken at greater length in the Second Part). The second daughter was Kutluk Nigar Khanim, whom Omar Shaikh Mirza took to wife; and their children were Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babar Padishah, and Khanzada Begum, of whom I shall speak below. The third daughter was this Khub Nigar Khanim, who was given in marriage to my father, and is my mother. I will give a record of them in their proper place, in Part II. Sultan Yunus Khan had two other daughters by Shah Begum Badakhshi: the elder, Sultan Nigar Khanim, was sent to Sultan Mahmud Mirza in Hisar, who had children by her, as is mentioned in the Second Part. The younger was Daulat Sultan Khanim, also mentioned in the Second Part. In short, the Khan apologised, saying: "It is not reasonable that I should always go into the haram at nights, and leave you here in the palace, as if on guard. It is not worthy of our friendship." On this account he gave orders for the preparation of festivities, and showed [his friend] every mark of sympathy and regard. During two years the preparations continued. Then he gave Khub Nigar Khanim in marriage to my father. In the meanwhile Mirza Sultan Ahmad, Omar Shaikh Mirza, and Sultan Mahmud Mirza died, as shall be presently related. Uratupa* was included in the administration of the Khan, who granted that country to my father; he established himself there, and extended its limits over some of the bordering districts, all of which is related in Part II. CHAPTER LXIII. EVENTS IN TASHKAND DURING THE RULE OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN. THE LAST YEARS AND DEATH OF THE KHAN. BEFORE the Khan made peace with Sultan Ahmad Mirza and married Karaguz Begum, he captured Tashkand. He seized and threw into prison Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan, who had been appointed Governor of Turkistan by Mirza Sultan Ahmad; and this Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan was one of the principal causes of the peace, for he was a relation, on the mother's side [tdghd], of Mirza Sultan Ahmad. When the Khan conquered Turkistan, he had in his service Shahi Beg Khan. As a reward for the services he rendered in the battle of the Chir (which has been described above), the Khan made over Turkistan to him; and on this account disagreement arose between the sons of Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan (of the Kazak) and Sultan Mahmud Khan, who had previously been on terms of friendship. [They complained, saying:] "Shahi Beg Khan is our enemy; why did you send him to oppress us in Turkistan?" In a word, in consequence of this quarrel, between Sultan Mahmud Khan and the Uzbeg Kazak,* two battles took place, the Khan suffering defeat on both occasions. The cause of these defeats was that the most distinguished of his generals had left Yunus Khan. For the Khan had, in common with all who succeed to power, the defect of not knowing the value of men of worth, and [of imagining] that whomsoever they favour becomes, for that reason, a valuable man, which is, of course, impossible. However, in conformity with these pernicious principles, the Khan patronised some of the lowest of his people, who were continually engaged in trying to decry the old and influential Amirs. This they carried so far as to induce the Khan to put to death five of the great Amirs, each of whom was the head of a department [sar daftar], and to extirpate their families; while in their places, five of those base-born men were set up. At the time when the difference arose between Sultan Mahmud Khan and the Uzbeg Kazak, on account of Shahi Beg Khan, and a war ensued, these five base-born men were generals: hence the defeat. That dread and esteem of the Khan, which by the successful efforts of the five Amirs, had taken possession of the hearts of the neighbouring Sultans, had now disappeared. In the meantime Omar Shaikh Mirza was killed by a house falling on him: this was in the year 899. When this news reached Sultan Ahmad Mirza, he set out with an army against Andijan, to prevent it falling into the hands of the Moghuls. The Amirs of Omar Shaikh Mirza behaved bravely, and raised his son, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babar Padishah, who was then twelve years of age, to the throne: they also applied to Sultan Mahmud Khan for assistance. When Sultan Ahmad Mirza reached Marghilan he fell ill, and so made terms of peace and turned back; but he died on the road, just forty days after the death of Omar Shaikh Mirza. Sultan Mahmud Mirza came from Hisar, and set himself up on the throne of Samarkand in his brother's stead. He reigned six months; he then died a natural death, and was succeeded by his son Mirza Baisanghar. Sultan Mahmud Khan coveted the throne of Samarkand. He marched towards that town and met Baisanghar in battle, at a place called Kamyai. As the generals were the [above mentioned] base-born persons, the enterprise failed and the Khan was defeated. This was a very famous battle, and its date is as celebrated with the Moghuls as among the people of Samarkand. The Khan then returned to Tashkand, when these same low-born men persuaded him that it was fitting for them to support Shahi Beg Khan, in order that he might take Samarkand and Bokhara, and bear all the duties of the State, while they themselves remained at their ease in Tashkand. This appeared reasonable to the Khan. Much as my father condemned this advice and used his influence over the Khan, he was in no way able to prevent the latter helping and supporting Shahi Beg Khan, till he had taken Samarkand and Bokhara. This needs a detailed account, which will be given in Part II. along with incidents in the life of Babar Padishah. In a word, with this assistance, Shahi Beg Khan took Samarkand, and obtained complete control over it. His army increased to 50,000 men; and Uzbegs from on all sides flocked round him. His first attack was directed against the Khan, who began to despair; but much as he and his ignoble advisers might gnaw the hand of vexation with the teeth of regret, they could not help themselves. In the meanwhile Sultan Ahmad Khan, who (as I have mentioned) had remained in Moghulistan, hearing of the Khan's distress, came to his brother's aid, and these two Khans together, gave battle to Shahi Beg Khan, but they were defeated. Shahi Beg Khan, having treated them both with courtesy and respect, sent the Khan into Moghulistan; he, however, kept the Moghul soldiers with him, as will be related in Part II. The two brothers, Sultan Mahmud Khan and Sultan Ahmad Khan, went to Moghulistan, where Sultan Ahmad Khan died, as shall be presently related. Sultan Mahmud Khan reached Moghul-istan and for some time underwent many hardships there. Finally he presented himself before Shahi Beg Khan, counting on the favour he had once shown him. But Shahi Beg Khan said to Sultan Mahmud Khan: "Once I was kind to you, but a second act of mercy would be the cause of the ruin of my kingdom." He then put to death the Khan and his children, both great and small, on the banks of the river of Khojand. The chronogram "Lab-i-daryd-i-Khojand " gives the date of the event— 914 [1508-9]. The particulars will be given in Part II. of this History. The matter is mentioned briefly here to save repetition. CHAPTER LXIV. SULTAN AHMAD KHAN. SULTAN AHMAD KHAN was the son of Yunus Khan, who has been mentioned above. When his father used to go and take up quarters in Tashkand, Ahmad, with a number of Moghuls who objected to towns and settlements, parted from his father, and stayed behind in Moghulistan. It would take too long to relate all that he did and [to describe] his administration in Moghulistan; but the substance of the matter is that it required ten years of residence in the country, before he could bring the people fully under his control. He was obliged to suppress some of the Amirs: among others the Mat, who were powerful chiefs, and had offered him much opposition. A battle ensued in which he overthrew their race; he also put to death Amir Sultan Ali Jaras, who, since the time when the Amirs rose in opposition to Isan Bugha Khan, had never become reconciled to any of the Khans. The Kaluji were the most numerous of all the tribes in Moghul-istan. At this time, a number of their chiefs joined together, and one night attacked the Khan's camp, killed all whom they found there, and poured a shower of arrows upon the tent of the Khan, who sustained several wounds. At last one of the attacking party entered the tent intending to kill him, but he rose up with drawn sword to meet the man; they dealt each other severe blows, and the intruder fled wounded. After this, several persons, having dismounted, tried, together, to force an entry. Sut Im Bahadur, who was one of the most important men in the Khan's court, at this moment arrived on the scene, and when the assailants saw that somebody was coming, they remounted and attacked him. He was quite alone, but nevertheless, offered them fight, and a considerable time elapsed before they were able to kill Sut Im Bahadur. They then again turned to attack the Khan. Hearing the noise, men came riding up from all directions to the tent of the Khan. At last the Kaluji, having no longer power to resist, turned and fled. All these were the intimates of the Khan, and no one suspected them of such [treacherous] intentions. They fled to the Kalmak. As soon as the Khan had recovered from his wounds, he pursued them whither they had gone, but it took him two years to root them out. After this, the affairs of the Khan became more prosperous, and no one in Moghulistan dared to oppose him. He made several successful inroads on the Kalmak, and put a number of them to death. He fought two battles with Taishi Isan, and was victorious in both. The Kalmak stood in great awe of him, and used to call him Alacha Khan; Aldcha, in Moghul, means kushdnda [the slayer], that is to say, "the slaying Khan." This title adhered to him. His own people used to call him Alacha Khan. He is now spoken of by the Moghuls as Sultan Ahmad Khan, but all the neighbouring peoples call him 'Alacha.' Also one finds 'Alacha' written in the Histories of Mir Khwand and of Khwand Mir, of Herat, and others.* After these events, he carried on hostilities with the Uzbeg Kazak, for the reason already stated in the story of Sultan Mahmud Khan. For Sultan Mahmud Khan had, on two occasions, gone to war with the Uzbeg Kazak, and had been defeated on both occasions; on which account Sultan Ahmad Khan attacked the Uzbeg Kazak and utterly routed them three times. Whatever they had done to his elder brother, Sultan Mahmud Khan, he, in turn, did to them. He, moreover, kept Moghulistan under such strict supervision, that during seven or eight months the Kalmak and Uzbeg were unable to approach the country. When he had satisfactorily disposed of the affairs of Moghulistan, he turned his attention to the question of Aba Bakr and Kashghar. In the year 905 (which is also the year of my birth), when he came to Kashghar, he found that Aba Bakr had gone to Yarkand, leaving Kashghar and Yangi Hisar fortified, garrisoned and stored. The officers of Mirza Aba Bakr attacked the Khan several times, both in the citadel of Kashghar and at Yangi Hisar, all of which would take too long to relate. At length, Sultan Ahmad Mirza* took the citadel of Yangi Hisar by storm, and after that, Kash-ghar being deserted by its garrison, who fled, he captured that place also. He spent that winter in Kashghar, and removed his family thither from Moghulistan. At the end of the winter he marched against Mirza Aba Bakr, in Yarkand. Mirza Aba Bakr would not come out of the citadel, and when they [the attacking force] saw that an entry was impracticable, they went up into the hills near Yarkand, to carry off the flocks and plunder [the country]. Then, having taken quantities of cattle and booty, they returned towards Kashghar. But Mirza Aba Bakr, leading a powerful army out of Yarkand, went and blocked the Khan's road in the mountains. A fierce battle was fought, in which, at length, the Khan's army was put to flight. The defeated Khan then descended to Kashghar, but being unable to remain there, he fled into Moghulistan. One year after this event, news of the victory gained by Shahi Beg Khan over Sultan Mahmud Khan reached him. Prompted by brotherly love, he set out to offer his services to his distin- guished brother. Leaving his eldest son, Mansur Khan, in his own place, and giving him the style of Khan, he took his two other sons, Sultan Said Khan and Babajak Khan, with him to Tashkand. The two Khans met in Tashkand, and exchanged the salutations and formalities usual on such occasions. (An account of this matter is to be found in Part II.) In short, they discussed how they might frustrate the plans of Shahi Beg Khan, and finally a battle took place between the latter and the two Khans, at Akhsi, in which the two Khans were defeated, and both of them made prisoners. Shahi Beg Khan, observing the duties of the situation, permitted them both to return to Moghulistan; but the greater part of the Moghul Ulus he would not allow to depart. These two Khans went to Moghulistan, passing that winter in Aksu. [There] Sultan Ahmad Khan was attacked with so violent a paralytic seizure, that the doctors were unable to relieve him, and he died in the winter of the year 909 [1503-4]. (May Paradise be his dwelling.) Sultan Ahmad Khan was a very religious prince and a devoted Musulman. He was versed in the Holy Law [Shar']* and most of his affairs were governed by it. He was a high-minded, though violent, man and was distinguished for his daring. He was intelligent, of sound judgment and modest. He was especially affable towards darvishes, and towards learned and pious men. During most of his life he granted pensions to the poor, and gave away one-fifth of his income in charity. In his beneficence and virtuous habits he had, in his time, no rival. He died at the age of thirty-nine. More will be said of him in the Second Part. CHAPTER LXV. MANSUR KHAN (MAY HIS SINS BE PARDONED!) HE was the eldest son of Sultan Ahmad Khan, who, when he went to join his brother Sultan Mahmud Khan in Tashkand, set up Mansur, as Khan, in his own stead. This was in the year 909, when Mansur Khan was nineteen years of age. At his father's death, his uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan, left Aksu and came into Moghulistan. Mansur Khan then established his court in Aksu, where a dispute arose between himself and Mir Jabar Birdi, such as is wont to arise between rival heirs; and Mir Jabar Birdi's life became imperilled. The only means he could devise for saving himself, was to send off a messenger to Mirza Aba Bakr [to ask him to come to his aid]. This was exactly what the Mirza would have prayed God for; so he set out for Aksu with an army of 30,000 men. Mir Jabar Birdi hastened out to receive Mirza Aba Bakr. The advance- guard and scouts of the Mirza's army were in readiness. When news of this reached Mansur Khan, he fortified Aksu, and, leaving a garrison in its fort, repaired to Bai and Kusan.* Mir Jabar Birdi, as a mark of confidence, delivered over to Mirza Aba Bakr the fort of Uch, which was his own residence and domain. They entered Aksu together, took the fort by storm, and laid hands on all the treasure and hidden wealth which Sultan Ahmad and his people had amassed during twenty-five years. This, together with the people of Aksu, both Moghul and peasant [rayat]* they despatched to Kashghar, Mir Jabar Birdi sending his own family in front of all the rest, to prove his entire trust in Mirza Aba Bakr: for he looked upon a show of confidence as his source of safety. Mirza Aba Bakr asked him if that were his family. He replied: "There might be difficulties in the way of taking them in the rear of the party, so they can go now. I will stay here a few days to pillage and plunder the surrounding neighbourhood; then I will load your army with booty, and will bring back both the booty and the army to you, in Kashghar.' The Mirza was pleased with this boast of Mir Jabar Birdi, whose family he took, with the rest of the people of Aksu, to Kashghar; while he left, with the Mir, an army of 10,000 men, who were to bring on whatever had been left behind. Mir Jabar Birdi led the Mirza's army against Bai and Kusan, making several raids into those territories, and carrying off the horses. When he calculated that the Mirza had arrived in Kashghar, he abandoned the army of the Mirza, which, frustrated and disappointed, returned to Kashghar, while Mir Jabar Birdi remained in the province of Aksu. These events were disastrous to Mansur Khan, and his position became very weak. He repented of having persecuted [attempted to take the life of] Mir Jabar Birdi, who was his maternal uncle, the brother of his mother Sahib Daulat Begum. In the meantime, news of Mir Jabar Birdi reached him. He thereupon sent messengers to him, offering apologies. Having made a covenant with him, he brought him back and bestowed upon him even greater favours than his father, Sultan Ahmad Khan, had done before him. After the return of Mir Jabar Birdi to the court of Mansur Khan, the affairs of the latter assumed a more favourable aspect. At that time the people of the different tribes were engaged in hostilities with one another, and these, as far as was possible, he pacified. This is a long story, and I do not recall further details. In short, while these things were passing, news arrived of the discord, in Moghulistan, between Sultan Mahmud Khan and Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan. Thereupon Mansur Khan entered Moghulistan, and again met his paternal uncle Sultan Mahmud Khan. At this audience he also met Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan, who were his younger brothers. After this division had occurred, Sultan Mahmud Khan was no longer able to remain in Moghulistan, being incapable of directing his affairs there: so he repaired to Mavara-un-Nahr (as has been told) and was there slain. When Mansur Khan heard of Sultan Mahmud Khan's expedition into the [vildyat] country [of Mavara-un-Nahr], he marched against his brothers, who were in Moghulistan with the Kirghiz and the rest of the Moghuls, who had stayed behind. On his arrival, a battle took place in Charun Chalak. The fight was a fierce one, and ultimately Mansur Khan came off victor. The two brothers fled to "the vildyat."* On reaching Andijan, the governor of that place put Sultan Khalil Sultan to death: but his brother, Sultan Said Khan, escaped to Kabul; all of which is related in Part II. Mansur Khan carried off to Chalish* and Turfan, all those of the Kirghiz, and other Moghul tribes, whom he found in Moghul-istan. As the Kirghiz were the originators of all the revolts in Moghulistan, he put most of them to death by stratagem. A few of them, however, fled to Moghulistan. After this he made inroads on the Kalmak and was, as a rule, victorious. Thus the affairs of the Khan prospered; though from time to time, he met with opposition from the side of his brothers. One of them, Aiman Khwaja Sultan, twice rose against him and was twice subdued, without more being said; however, on the occasion of his revolting a third time, he was seized and handed over to Yaraka Ataka, who received orders to put him to death. But in- stead of obeying, he hid Aiman Khwaja Sultan, telling the Khan that he had carried out his commission. A year after this, Babajak Sultan, another brother of the Khan, fled from him, and betook himself to Bai and Kusan. These two places, since their destruction [virdn] by Mirza Aba Bakr and Jabar Birdi, had fallen into desolation and ruin. But Babajak came and cultivated the ground, and restored the fort which had been destroyed. Then Mansur Khan came against Babajak Sultan, and in the first place, tried to bring him to terms of peace, but Babajak said: "How can I put any trust in you? Aiman Khwaja Sultan was also your brother, and you slew him like an enemy: I have no longer any faith in you." Then Mansur Khan repented of having killed Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and could make no reply. But Yaraka Ataka interposed: "I had the presumption to act in opposition to your orders, and kept your brother alive." Mansur Khan was very grateful, and on account of this action, raised Yaraka Ataka to a very high rank. He then sent Aiman Khwaja Sultan to Babajak Sultan, who thereupon came and offered submission to the Khan, and made terms of peace.In the meanwhile, news arrived of the victory Sultan Said Khan had obtained over Mirza Aba Bakr, and of his conquest of Kashghar. Babajak Sultan sent Aiman Khwaja Sultan to Said Khan, who was rejoiced at his coming. (Babajak Sultan and Mansur Khan were born of the same mother; as were also Sultan Said Khan and Aiman Khwaja Khan) This is related more fully in Part II. Mansur Khan stood in great fear of Sultan Said Khan, because he had been the cause of the death of Sultan Said Khan's own brother, Sultan Khalil, and many violent disputes arose be- tween them. Mansur Khan was convinced that this would cause an eternal enmity between them, but contrary to his expectations, Sultan Said Khan sent an ambassador, with an escort, to his elder brother Mansur Khan, and begged for an interview. The meeting took place between Aksu and Kusan in the year 912,* in which Sultan Said Khan declared his submission and obedience to Mansur Khan, and ordered the Khutba to be read in the latter 's name; thus a complete reconciliation was brought about between the two brothers, as a result of which their countries, during a period of twenty years, enjoyed the most perfect peace and security. Any one, for example, could travel alone from Kamul,* in Khitai, to Andijan, without having any duties levied upon him; and would be taken every night, as a guest, into some house [on the road]. May God place these two just and righteous brothers in the Garden of Paradise! During these twenty years, Mansur Khan made several holy wars against Khitai, and always returned mansur [victorious].* In one of these holy wars, Mir Jabar Birdi met his death, as did also Bandagi Khwaja Tajuddin Muhammad. This latter was one of the Khwajas of Kusan, and was descended from Maulana Arshad-ud-Din, who converted the Moghuls to Islam, as has been already related. He made his studies under Maulana Ali Gharran of Tus (upon whom be mercy), and also spent much time in the company of that Axis of Axes, Khwaja Nasiruddin Ubaidullah, and participated in the benevolent glance of his Holiness I once heard from the lips of Khwaja Tajuddin the following: "I was one day visiting his Holiness, and was seated near him, when he remarked that it was necessary to abstain from 'doubtful morsels.' I looked round the company, and saw they were all men of piety; I was the only one present who was not an abstainer [an ascetic], and I took an oath that, from that time forward, I would eat no food that was not pronounced absolutely lawful by him. So have me excused if I touch not any food at your table." I have mentioned this to show what a pious and abstinent man Khwaja Tajuddin was. He was in attendance on Sultan Ahmad Khan and Mansur Khan for fifty years, or rather these Khans were his disciples. And he accepted, during all this period, neither offering nor gift, whether it were from the Khans or the Sultans or the generals of the army, or from peasants or merchants. The Khwaja occupied himself, also, with commerce and agriculture. And from these occupations there accrued to him, by the blessing of the Most High God, great wealth. And what urbanity did he not show, every year, towards the Khans and the Amirs! The poor and indigent— nay, more, the peasant, the villager, the artisan, and the merchant, all profited [by his wealth]. For this reason no one denied him anything, and all the affairs of the kingdom were laid before him in detail. He was, in very truth, a great and loving— a generous and zealous man. In one of the holy wars against Khitai, he was slain before Mansur Khan's eyes. (May God's mercy be upon him.) When Mansur Khan had disposed of these holy wars in Khitai, he fought a pitched battle with the Uzbeg Kazak at a place in Moghulistan called Arish,* where he was defeated; and Sufi Mirza, who was a Begjik and the chief minister of the Khan, was killed. After this event [Mansur] made fewer expeditions from Chalish and Turfan. Subsequent to the death of Sultan Said Khan, he marched against Aksu. Twice he failed and was obliged to retire, and in the year 950 he died (may God illumine his proof!) at the age of about sixty years. Except Yunus Khan, no other Khan of the Chaghatai line attained such an age. He ascended the throne,* in the year 907, at the age of sixteen, and reigned forty-three years. No other Chaghatai Khan ever reigned as long as this. Nor did any of the Moghul Khans enjoy so long a life and reign. He adorned his days from the first to the last with blessings and charitable gifts. He passed the whole of his time in the study of the holy law, or the reading of the Koran. I have heard from his intimates that he used to spend about one-fifth of his time in directing the affairs of the State, and all the rest in perusal of the Koran [tilavat],* prayer [davat], the prescribed prayers [namdz], and in reciting the names of God [Izkar]. It would be hard to find any one among the Padishahs, or even among the most pious men [ahl-i-suluk], who disposed of their time better than he did. And in consequence of this he was blessed with a long life and earthly happiness, such as no one but he, of his line, has ever enjoyed. May God bless his heavenly life as he did his days upon earth! Amen. Oh God of both worlds! He excelled in the conduct of life, in intelligence and prudence, and was skilled in state management and the control and organisation of armies. By his nature he was not at all addicted to the customs and ceremonies of kings, or to the grandeur and magnificence of Khans, but rather tried to do without ceremony, and to live as simply as possible. In no way whatever did he make any distinction between himself and the rest of his people. He knew the Koran by heart, and had a very accurate Reader, who was better versed in the Koran than any one else in the country. His name was "Hafiz Magas-i-sag."* But in his innermost nature, this man was so unbalanced and his acts were so revolting, that to mention them would be a reason for withdrawing behind a curtain! It was under this man that Mansur Khan learnt by heart the Kaldm-Ullah. Some of his officers one day suggested, in private, to the Khan that Hafiz Magas was not worthy to be his teacher, seeing that his mind was totally unsound. . .* Thus it is evident that Mansur Khan was a religiously inclined monarch. He spent the whole of his life in the practice of Islam. He left behind him two sons, Shah Khan and Muhammad Sultan, and one daughter, whom Sultan Said Khan took for his son Rashid Sultan, as is mentioned in Part II. CHAPTER LXVI. SHAH KHAN, SON OF MANSUR KHAN. AT the end of his life, Mansur Khan had raised his eldest son Shah Khan to the throne, while he himself withdrew to the cell of retirement. His son succeeded to all his authority, and is at this day— 952 [1545] — the reigning Khan in Turf an and Chalish. But in his treatment of his father's adherents, in his direction of the Khanate, and in his regal proceedings, he has adopted displeasing ways, and has become notorious for his bad manners, of which it is unnecessary for me to speak. Even while his father was yet alive, he had stained the garments of good reputation with the pollution of disobedience, and he does not now regard the memory of his distinguished father in the way that is becoming and fit; nor has he shown such signs of piety and prosperity as would be worthy of his good father. It is the practice of historians to recount everything as they find it, whether worthy or unworthy of mention. For it is not their object to write down the good qualities of princes, and to omit all their bad actions, but rather to reproduce all facts without discrimination, in order that they may leave behind them a record of the people of this world. Thus all men in power, as well as others, reading their histories, may profit by their advice, and may see what have been the various fruits and results of praiseworthy habits, on the one hand, or blameable actions on the other: also that they may accept the lesson to be learnt from observing the way in which the memory of different princes has been preserved, and may, in short, incline to good deeds and avoid evil ways. CHAPTER LXVII. SULTAN SAID KHAN, SON OF SULTAN AHMAD KHAN. SULTAN AHMAD KHAN had eighteen sons. The eldest was Mansur Khan, of whom I have just spoken. Next to him came Iskandar Sultan, who died a natural death, after his father. Then came Sultan Said Khan, who was fourteen years of age when Sultan Ahmad Khan went to [the assistance of] his elder brother, Sultan Mahmud Khan. He had taken with him, on this occasion, two of his sons: namely Sultan Said Khan and Babajak Sultan. While the two Khans were together, Sultan Said Khan passed his days in the cell of instruction of my father, and under the kindly protection of my uncle. [This lasted] up to the time of the battle at Akhsi, between the two Khans and Shahi Beg Khan (which has been mentioned). In the flight which ensued, Sultan Said Khan was struck by an arrow in the thigh, and the bone was broken: so he threw himself onto a side path.* After the flight and rout had subsided, some of the people of that district found him, but as his leg was broken, they did not remove him from where he lay. After a few days had passed, and he was almost recovered, they took him before Shaikh Bayazid, Governor of Akhsi. An account of Shaikh Bayazid and of his brother, Sultan Ahmad Tambal, will be found in Part II. Shaikh Bayazid kept Sultan Said Khan in prison. In the year following, when the corn was high, Shahi Beg Khan again came against Farghana and Sultan Ahmad Tambal. Sultan Ahmad Tambal and Shaikh Bayazid, together with all their brothers, were put to death by Shahi Beg Khan, who then possessed himself of Farghana. Sultan Said Khan, who was in prison, by the order of Shaikh Bayazid, was now released and conducted before Shahi Beg Khan, who treated him as his own son, and being moved to pity at his sad condition, took him to Samarkand. From there he took him on his campaign against Hisar and Kunduz, at the time when Khusrau Shah had just subjugated the provinces of Hisar, Kunduz, and Badakhshan. When he had brought this enterprise to a close, he again returned to Samarkand. He next invaded Khwarizm. But on the occasion of this expedition, the Khan fled from him and came into Moghulistan. He journeyed by way of Uzun Ahmad as far as Yatikand.* His uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan, was at that time in Yatikand; with him he passed a few days, but finally, being wearied with the careless way in which his uncle conducted the affairs of the State, he departed and went into Moghulistan to visit his brother, Sultan Khalil Sultan, who was governor of the Kirghiz. He remained four years with his brother, among the Kirghiz in Moghulistan. During this period many transactions took place between Sultan Mahmud Khan, Mansur Khan, and these two brothers. The result of these proceedings was that Sultan Mahmud Khan found, on account [of the opposition] of his nephews, that he could no longer remain in Moghulistan. So he went to seek Shahi Beg Khan, in hopes of kind treatment. But Shahi Beg Khan, as has been related, put him to death on the river of Khojand. When Sultan Mahmud Khan went abroad [to vildyat] to visit Shahi Beg Khan, these two brothers remained in Moghul-istan and the Kirghiz country. In the meanwhile, news of the approach of Mansur Khan's army reached them. For Mansur Khan had led out an army from Chalish and Turfan against his brothers, in order to seize the land of the Khirghiz and Moghulistan. So Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil, having collected all the [fighting] men of the Kirghiz and the Moghuls, took up a strong position at a place called Charun Chak,* ready to receive the enemy. On the arrival of Mansur with his army, the signal for battle was given, and finally Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan were defeated. Mansur Khan made the Kirghiz march into Chalish, as has been mentioned in the account of Mansur Khan. Sultan Khalil Sultan escaped from the fight with a considerable number of men, and came to Farghana, [hoping] to fall in with his uncle Sultan Mahmud Khan, and to be kindly treated by Shahi Beg Khan. But when he reached Akhsi he was put to death by Jani Beg Khan, a cousin of Shahi Beg Khan, and governor of the country of Farghana. Sultan Said Khan, for some time after the battle, took to robbery, but events soon came about which rendered impossible for him further sojourn in Moghulistan. (These events are described in Part II. To avoid repetition they have only been given in epitome here.) In this state of hopelessness Sultan Said Khan went to Andijan, and thence to Kabul, to visit his (paternal) cousin Babar Padishah, the son of Omar Shaikh Mirza, who received him with honour and kindness, and with whom he stayed for three years at Kabul. When Shah Ismail [defeated and] slew Shahi Beg Khan in Marv, Babar Padishah moved from Kabul to Kunduz, taking Sultan Said Khan with him. At this same time Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, son of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, and uncle of the author of this history, invaded Andijan and, driving Jani Beg Sultan out, became himself master of the country. He then sent messengers to inform Babar Padishah of what he had achieved. Babar Padishah thereupon sent Sultan Said Khan and what Moghul Amirs he had in his service, to Andijan. On his arrival there, Sultan Said Khan was received with ceremony by his uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, who also delivered over to him the whole of the territory which he had just subjugated. The Khan showed my uncle every mark of honour, and according to the ancient Moghul custom, conferred upon him the title of Ulusbegi* which became his hereditary office. Meanwhile Mirza Aba Bakr, having set his heart upon the kingdom of Farghana, had collected an army in Kashghar, and was on the road to Andijan. The Khan marched out to meet him with an army of 1500 men. The two forces came into contact at a place called Tut-lugh,* about two farsdkhs from Andijan. By the help of God [that small body] of 1500 men overcame an army 20,000 strong, after a very fierce struggle, and in consequence of this victory the fame of Sultan Said Khan was established among the surrounding Sultans. The Uzbeg Sultans from Farghana then began to assemble on the borders of Samarkand and Tashkand. Afterwards, Babar Padishah engaged these Sultans in a battle at Hisar Shadman, and was victorious. By this victory he was enabled to rid Mavara-un-Nahr of all the Uzbeg, and he himself mounted the throne of Samarkand. In the month of Rajab of the year 917,* the Khan was again firmly established in Andijan. In the early spring [avval bahdr] of the same year, the Uzbeg again entered Tashkand. Ubaid Ullah Khan advanced in the direction of Bokhara, in the neighbourhood of which place he fought a battle with Babar Padishah, who had come out to oppose him. Ubaid Ullah Khan was victorious, and Babar Padishah retired defeated to Samarkand, whence, withdrawing his family and all his belongings, he fled to Hisar. Thus the Uzbeg recovered their ascendency. The Khan remained in Andijan. Babar Padishah, meanwhile, appealed to Shah Ismail for assistance. The latter sent Mir Najm, one of his Amirs, with 60,000 men, to the Padishah, who having joined his own troops to these, marched on Samarkand. The Khan, in the meantime, having harassed the Uzbeg in the neighbourhood of Andijan, also marched towards Samarkand, and encountered Suyunj Khwaja Khan near Tashkand. All the other Khans and Sultans had assembled in Samarkand and Bokhara to oppose Babar Padishah. But in the battle near Tashkand, between the Khan and Suyunj Khwaja Khan, the former had 5000 men and the latter 7000; after a hard fight, the Khan was defeated and fled to Andijan.* Your servant, the author of the present history, having taken leave of Babar Padishah, at the time when he went to join Mir Najm, entered the service of the Khan, who was in Andijan, and had just sustained a defeat at the hands of Suyunj Khwaja Khan. In the spring, the Khan went to the court of Kasim Khan, who was ruler of the Dasht-i-Kipchak. At that time his army numbered 300,000 men. Kasim Khan received him with so much respect and honour that the Khan remembered it for years after. On his return from that visit, he distinguished me from among my equals with the connection [musaharat] of Kurkani. All this is related in Part II. In the early spring of the year 920 all the great Uzbeg Sultans, with a very numerous army of warriors, advanced against Andijan. The Khan, not deeming it wise to offer fight, retired into Moghulistan before the foreign army reached Farghana. When he arrived at Yatikand they held a council of war, and acting on the timely advice and persuasion of my uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza (who was brother to Mirza Aba Bakr), they marched towards Kashghar, where a terrible battle was fought, in which the army of that place was routed and obliged to retire within the fort of Kashghar. The Khan then marched on Yangi Hisar, which he besieged for three months. At length the inhabitants entered into a capitulation with my uncle, and delivered up the fort. On this news reaching Kashghar, the army that was in that town abandoned it. When the fugitives joined Mirza Aba Bakr in Yarkand, he too resolved on flight, and took the road to Khotan. The Khan pursued him to Yarkand, and then sent on troops after him, as far as the mountains of Tibet. Much booty in the shape of cloths, goods, cattle and horses fell into the hands of the Moghul army (as is described in the Second Part). The accession of the Khan to the kingdom of Kashghar was in Rajab of the year 920.* At the end of that winter Aiman Khwaja Sultan, who was brother to the Khan, by the same father and mother, came from Turfan, as has been stated above. He instigated and encourged his Amirs in the matter of the extermination of Mansur Khan, explaining to them the decline of the Khan's power, and dwelling on the enmity that had existed in Moghulistan, in times past, towards the Khan. But the Khan said: "He is the elder brother; in former times I did not pay him due respect, and consequently he punished me. I ought on this account to bear him no enmity. The most fitting thing for me to do, is to apologise to him for my shortcomings, and offer him reparation for the past." He then sent ambassadors bearing words of peace and submission. At this message, Mansur Khan, whose soul had come to his lips, from fear and foreboding, now received new life and joy without bounds. He came in fear and trembling to the conference [muldkdt], which was held between Aksu and Kusan. The Khan showed him great honour, and agreed to read the Khutba and strike coins in his name. And all the ill-feeling that he had formerly borne Mansur Khan, he now changed to brotherly affection and obedience. From this peace and reconciliation between the two brothers, resulted such security and prosperity for the people, that any one might travel alone between Kamul or Khitai and the country of Farghana, without provision for the journey and without fear of molestation. Some ingenious person, to commemorate this peace, invented the following chronogram, "Du lashkar ba nishdt"— that is, 922. ["Two armies in happiness."] The next year, when Muhammad Kirghiz had made raids into Turkistan and Farghana, and had plundered the Musulmans, the Khan, in his desire to protect Islam, looked upon this action as an insult. He therefore set forth to attack Muhammad Kirghiz, whom he seized and threw into prison, where he remained for fifteen years. In 928 [1522] the Khan took his son Rashid Sultan into Moghul-istan. He subdued the whole of Moghulistan and the Kirghiz, and a number of the people of Moghulistan supported Rashid Sultan. Finally, on account of the superiority of the Mangit,* the Uzbeg Kazak, being no longer able to remain in the Dasht-i-Kipchak, came over into Moghulistan, to the number of 200,000 persons. It was impossible to resist them, so Rashid Sultan retired with his men to Kashghar. Meanwhile the Khan invaded Badakhshan, and conquered half of it, which is, to this day, subject to the government of Kashghar. This is a long story. The disputes that arose out of the claims to its inheritance made by Shah Begum (who has been mentioned) are related in Part. II. of this History. The Khan twice invaded Badakhshan, once in the year 925 and again in 936 [1519 and 1529- 30]. In the year 934 the Khan sent me, with Rashid Sultan, to Balur, which is a country of infidels [Kdfiristdn], between Badakhshan and Kashmir,* where we conducted successfully a holy war [ghazdt], and returned victorious, loaded with booty and covered with glory. A short time after this, it came about that some malicious and impure devils set up Aiman Khwaja Sultan in Aksu. This town, which from the date of the conquest of Mirza Aba Bakr (909), to the year 913, had been in a state of ruin, was now rebuilt by Aiman Khwaja Sultan. The Khan sent me, together with Rashid Sultan, to Aksu, whence we drove out Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and sent him to Kashghar. Then, having set in order his military and civil affairs, I left Rashid Sultan in Aksu and re-entered the service of the Khan. Aiman Sultan was despatched to Hindustan, where he died a natural death. At the end of the year 938 [1532] the Khan made a holy war on the infidel country [Kdfiristdn] of Tibet,* sending me forward in advance of himself. I had taken several of the forts and subdued most of the country of Tibet, by the time the Khan came up with me. The two armies together formed a body of 5000 men, which was a larger number of people than all Tibet could support in winter time. So the Khan saw fit to send me, in company with Iskandar Sultan, to Kashmir, with 4000 men, while he himself proceeded to Balti, which is a province between Tibet and Balur. He spent the winter there, engaged in a holy war, and in the spring returned to Tibet. I entered Kashmir that winter, and at the end of the season* fought a pitched battle with the kings [malik] of the country. Thanks to the Most High God, I came off victorious, and exter- minated the whole army of Kashmir and the kings. I might also have subdued the whole of the country, had it not been for some of those malignant persons who, by their words and actions, throw things into disorder, and who rendered the further reduction of the country impossible.* Peace was made with the kings of Kashmir, and the daughter of Muhammad Shah, the Padishah of Kashmir, was given in marriage to Iskandar Sultan, while the Khutba was read and the coins struck in the Khan's name. All the wealth of Kashmir, that it was possible to collect, was brought, in the spring following that winter, to the Khan in Tibet. The Khan, on my return, honoured me with every mark of royal benevolence and favour, and sent me to Ursang, which is the Kibla of Khitai and Tibet,* while he himself set out for Kashghar. At the time of his arrival [in Tibet] he had become very weak and much reduced, from dam- giri* and during the whole period of his sojourn in Tibet he never quite recovered. Nevertheless, he was obliged, under any circumstances, to make the [return] journey. When he reached a spot where dam-giri was prevalent, his pious soul took flight to the regions of the blessed. This was at the close of the year 939.* All this is fully related in Part II. of this History. CHAPTER LXVIII. CONCERNING THE LAUDABLE VIRTUES AND RARE ATTAINMENTS OF SULTAN SAID KHAN. SULTAN SAID KHAN was a noble, happy, and prosperous prince, and was adorned with acquirements and good qualities. He was nearly forty-eight years of age when he went to take up his abode in the dwellings of God's mercy. His conduct of life was irreproachable. His conversation was both graceful and eloquent, whether in Turki or in Persian, and when he showed favour to any one, he used to blush before speaking. He was always gay, open-hearted, generous and affectionate. For example, a certain Maksud Ali had struck the Khan in the left shoulder with an arrow, in some battle; [so severe was the wound] that the Khan suffered from it for two years and nearly died of it. During the time of his suffering, some men captured Maksud Ali, so that the Khan might wreak his vengeance upon him. But when he was brought before the Khan, he treated him kindly, and though he had only one garment by him, gave it him. He also took him into his own society, and made him his companion, saying: "I was vexed, but thou art welcome [nik dmadi]," and they continued good friends the rest of their lives. He performed many similar acts of generosity, several of which will be found recorded in Part II. His liberality reached a high degree of perfection. I was twenty-four years in his service. Such was his munificence that his household supplies were sometimes quite exhausted, and the royal larder was some days so empty, that he would go and take his meals in the haram. For the same reason his expenditure exceeded the revenue of the State. He was also greatly distinguished for his bravery. I was present at an attack which was led by him in person, and have described it in Part II. Moreover, I never saw his equal as an archer, among all the Moghul, Uzbeg, or Chaghatai Ulus, either before or since. I have myself seen him shoot seven or eight arrows in succession, without missing his mark. When hunting deer, hares, or game birds, he would never fail to hit them with his arrow. And in the battles he fought against the Kirghiz and others in Moghulistan, he became celebrated for the way he discharged his shafts into their midst. Generosity such as his I have seldom seen. On one occasion, an assassin came and sought to take his life, but not finding an opportunity, stole a horse from the Khan's stable and rode off. He was captured on the road, with the horse, and brought back. The prisoner said to the Khan: "I came on a mission [davd], but could find no opportunity of carrying it out, so I said: I will take a horse from the Khan's stables, then I shall at any rate have done something." The Khan's men all wished to kill him, but the Khan said to me: "Hand him over to your servants that they may take care of him, and do with him whatever you tell them." When the people had dispersed the Khan said to me: "As a thankoffering to God for having preserved me from that man, give him the horse he stole from me. Then tell your men to let him secretly out of the camp, so that when he returns to his fellows they may not look upon him with contempt. Thus the poor man will, in a measure, have executed his mission." Further, I never saw a more accurate reader than the Khan. However faulty the orthography might be, he would read off verse or prose without hesitating, in such a way that listeners might suppose he knew it by heart. He wrote Naskh Tdlik excellently, and his spelling in Turki and Persian was faultless. He also composed letters [inshd] well in Turki: other people could only have composed them with great difficulty and application. I have rarely met with such power and capability in writing verse [shir]. He never said poems by heart, but in assemblies and social gatherings, if any collection of odes [divan] that was at hand was opened, and he was given any metre and rhyme, he would extemporise a poem. If he repeated a poem once or twice, everybody could remember it; but he was not pleased if any one made a copy of it. I have remembered, and here reproduce, some of the extempore poems which the Khan recited in the assemblies. [Turki verses ...] I only once knew him make verses in Persian.* He performed on the 'ud, and the sihtara, and the chdrtdra, and the ghachak, but best of all on the chdrtdra* He had a sound knowledge of bone-cutting, and was skilled in making arrows. CHAPTER LXIX. ABDUR RASHID KHAN, SON OF SULTAN SAID KHAN. AT this date of 953/ Abdur Rashid, the most excellent son of Sultan Said Khan, is on the throne of the Khans, and I (your most despicable slave), Muhammad Haidar, have inscribed and adorned my history with his glorious name. This book, beginning with an account of Tughluk Timur Khan (who was the first among the Moghul Khakans to be converted to Islam), down to Sultan Yunus Khan, is compiled from oral tradition and contemporary accounts, when they have not been found contradictory. Conflicting traditions have been omitted, on account of their probable inaccuracy. The history, from Yunus Khan down to the end of the reign of Sultan Said Khan, has been fully treated of in Part II. But in Part 1. 1 have only given this portion of the history in epitome, as it is long, and much repetition would not embellish my work. As, however, there is no account of Abdur Rashid Khan in Part II., it is fitting to give it in this place. At the time when the Khan [Sultan Said] was in Moghulistan with his brother Sultan Khalil Sultan, Mansur Khan also entered that country, and a battle was fought between them at Charun Chalak, in which the two brothers were put to flight. After being routed, they found that they could no longer remain in Moghulistan, so they retired in distress to Andijan, where the Khan was put into confinement. But he managed to escape, and went to Kabul, where his cousin Babar Padishah was. (All of this is related in Part II.) The mother of Abdur Rashid Khan was one of those tribes-people whom his father had married, while they were in his service. She was with the Khan when he was thrown into prison in Andijan, but the malignant Uzbeg had separated her from the Khan, by whom she was seven months with child, of this same Abdur Rashid Khan. When the Khan joined Babar Padishah at Kabul, news reached him that his servant was delivered of a son. The Khan told this news to the Padishah, who said to him: "Call this boy Abdur Rashid, because it rhymes with Sultan Said Khan." And this is the origin of the name of Abdur Rashid, who was his father's successor. When my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, went to Farghana and attacked the Uzbeg under Jani Beg Sultan, he cleared the country entirely of Uzbeg impurities, and sent a messenger to the Padishah in Kunduz, who brought him back Sultan Said Khan. Abdur Rashid Khan had fallen into the unclean hands of the Uzbeg, but in consequence of these successes, he recovered his liberty and joined his noble father. When my sister, Habiba Sultan Khanish, came from Samarkand, the Khan married her, and entrusted Abdur Rashid Sultan to her care. She reared him with motherly attention and love, and Amir Ghuri B arias was appointed his governor [Atabeg]. He was at that time three years of age. Two years later Amir Ghuri Barlas died, and according to the Moghul usage, his office was given to his uncle, Ali Mirak Barlas Khan. Thus Ali Mirak Barlas was appointed Atabeg to Abdur Rashid Sultan, and the charge of his education was given to Maulana Muhammad Shirazi, a learned and noble-minded man, who passed all his valuable life in the service of the Moghul Khakans. He was chief judge [Sadr-i- Sudur] at the court of Sultan Said Khan, where he exercised great influence. This Maulana was in truth the Atabeg of Rashid Sultan, while Ali Mirak Barlas held the office only nominally. Rashid Sultan was born in the year 915 [1509-10]. In 928, when he was thirteen years of age, the Khan brought him into Moghulistan. When Khalil Sultan was killed by Jani Beg Sultan at Akhsi, his son Baba Sultan was still at the breast, and like Rashid Sultan, was kept a prisoner by Jani Beg Sultan. At the time when Farghana was subdued, he was brought to the Khan, who came to love this nephew more dearly than he loved his own children. He gave the child in charge to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who had formerly rendered great services to Sultan Said Khan, and appointed the Khwaja, Atabeg to Baba Sultan. The Khwaja was a Moghul, and had spent most of his life in Moghulistan; he was very devoted to that country, and was always longing to be there. For this reason he begged the Khan to give Moghulistan and the Kirghiz country to Baba Sultan, saying that he himself would take [the boy] to Moghulistan, and would arrange the affairs of the Kirghiz and of Moghulistan. The Khan consented to this, and wished to send [them] off. My uncle, since he was father-in-law to Baba Sultan, did not overstep the bounds of loyalty, but as he disapproved of the plan, he represented [to the Khan] that the Moghuls had an unbounded love for Moghulistan. If Baba Sultan were once established in that country, all the Moghuls would want to live in Moghulistan; if the Khan forbade the undertaking, Baba Sultan would be offended; while if he did not forbid it, the departure of the people for Moghulistan would be a source of injury to the Khan; much anxiety would be caused, and the situation would give rise to many difficulties. "But if, [he went on to say] Rashid Sultan takes him there, he is your son, and it can do you no harm for the people to follow him. Even if evil should result, you have only to control him— a course which cannot injure him. Although Rashid Sultan is very young, it is advisable that he should go into Moghulistan." No one supported my uncle's opinion. Mirza Ali Taghai in particular supported the side of Baba Sultan. In the meanwhile, Khwaja Ali Bahadur died (a natural death), so that the proposal was entirely abandoned, and the Khan's attention was turned to Rashid Sultan, but heated discussions constantly arose concerning that matter. My uncle did his utmost to settle the affairs of Rashid Sultan quietly, and represented [to the Khan] that the right course to take was to release Muhammad Kirghiz from prison, where he had now been for a long time. He should [my uncle said] be brought out; a selection should be made from among the Moghuls who had flocks and herds and were desirous of returning to Moghulistan, and these, accompanied by some of the great Amirs, should all be sent off [to Moghulistan] together. Finally the Khan approved my uncle's plan, and carried it out as had been suggested. Having created Mirza Ali Taghai commander-in-chief, and appointed Muhammad Kirghiz, Amir of the Kirghiz, he sent them away. Just at this time Ali Mirak Barlas died, and was succeeded in the service of Rashid Sultan, by his son Muhammadi bin Ali Mirak Barlas; he also accompanied the expedition. Finally, at the insistence of my uncle, the Khan gave to Rashid Sultan one-third of all his regal possessions, whether in men, soldiers, money, tents, or felt dwellings [khargdh], and despatched him into Moghulistan. On the day of the departure of Rashid Sultan, [the Khan] sent to the haram for all his accoutrements, and said to me: "Fasten on his sword and quiver for him, and help him to mount his horse; it may be a good omen, and in the art of war he shall be your pupil." I performed this service, and the Khan himself, having stood up, repeated several times the Fdtiha* and then said: "Do not forget that it was Mirza Haidar who first fastened on your sword for you, and that you are his pupil; should any one ask you, whose pupil are you in the art of war, what answer will you make?" Rashid Sultan replied: "[I shall say] that I am the pupil of such a one." The Khan said: "He is my pupil." Having repeated this several times, and having once more recited the Fdtiha, the Khan sent the party off. On the arrival of Rashid Sultan in Moghulistan, Muhammad Kirghiz brought together all the Kirghiz and entirely subdued Moghulistan, where at that time there was a large army. It would take too long to recount the details. However, in consequence of the opposition which Rashid Sultan and his followers and allies met with from the Uzbeg Kazak, and also because of the hostility of the Kirghiz, he was obliged to return to Kashghar. Then followed those incidents in connection with Baba Sultan and Shah Muhammad Sultan which I have given in Part II. Muhammadi Barlas was also concerned in these matters, for it was to him they entreated the Khan to give the heritage of Shah Muhammad Sultan, by way of retaliation. My uncle and I, however, opposed this plan. In short, in the winter of that year, 934 [1528], the Khan sent me with Rashid Sultan to Balur, and in Balur I managed all the affairs of the army. Rashid Sultan was then eighteen years of age. He had no cultured men in his service, and had never had practice in conversation [kasb-i- muhdvara]. Those about him were all a sect of Muhammadans, who, though men in form, were but brutes in their manners, and what could he learn from the brutal ways of those people? In spite of my own want of power and capacity [istitdat], I was superior to these people, and I passed my time with Rashid Sultan. So that when we returned, some little time after, the Khan found his son quite another person, and he said several times, both before me and in my absence, to Rashid Sultan, that he was delighted [mastwar] with me. I had made Rashid Sultan a son to him, in that he had won many victories with this army; and [he added] "thanks be to God, my son has come so near to being what my heart would desire him to be." Meanwhile news came of the revolt of Aiman Khwaja Sultan who was at Aksu, and in spite of my own and my uncle's efforts, we were unable to quell it. The account of this, and of the execrable proceedings of Mirza Ali Taghai, will be found in Part II. Finally, I was sent, together with Rashid Sultan, to Aksu. When we reached that town the whole population came out to receive us. Aiman Khwaja Sultan presented himself before the Khan. I remained six months in Aksu, where I conducted satisfactorily all military and civil affairs. Before this, one day in Moghulistan, the Khan was eating almonds; he broke one with his (blessed) teeth, and found that it had two kernels. He thereupon sent for Rashid Sultan and myself, and gave one kernel to each of us, saying: "It is an excellent and significant custom that when two men wish to become friends, each should eat one of the kernels from a double almond, and then become friends to one another. Thus, like the two kernels in one shell, nothing will separate them, and though two in appearance, they will really be one. I have told you to do this that you may be friends." Both of us then respectfully kissed the ground, and drew our horses close together. The outcome of which was that, while we were in Aksu, we lived in great concord. Our affection, our unity, our mutual regard and confidence were beyond description, and our friendship was confirmed by sworn covenants. If I were to write down a description of our friendship and concord, the reader would certainly doubt whether such a state of things really existed, and would attribute it to mere rhetoric. In a word, after six months we parted with a hundred regrets at separation, but in hope of meeting again, and I returned to wait on the Khan. At the hour of bidding farewell I extemporised an ode [ghazal], of which I here give four verses. [Verses] . . . The year after my returning to his service, the Khan entered on a holy war in Tibet, sending me on in advance, so that before the Khan joined me, I had achieved a great deal in that country. An army of 5000 men was now in Tibet— a number that the country was unable to support. So I was obliged to retire to Kashmir, with Iskandar Sultan, younger brother of Rashid Sultan. Having passed the winter in Kashmir, I returned to the Khan the following spring. This I have related [elsewhere], so there is no object in stating [details] here. While with the Khan in Tibet, he sent me to destroy the Idol-Temple of Ursang, while he himself returned to Yarkand. I made a journey of four months; but the Khan died on his way home. The Amirs who were with him at the time, sent express messengers to Rashid Sultan to acquaint him with the event. They also sent the news to my uncle, who came to be present at the Khan's funeral, and to take part in the lamentations [azd]. On the 10th of Moharram, 940 [2nd August, 1533], Rashid Sultan arrived, when my uncle, having raised lamentations [by way of condolence], entered the presence of Rashid Sultan and was immediately put to death, together with Ali Sayyid, who was the sworn friend of my uncle. To commemorate the date of the martyrdom of these two men, the chronogram "Kutild fi(d)l-moharram" [940] was invented [meaning: the two men were killed in the month of Moharram.] It is the practice of the humane and the usage of the generous (and of these two qualities kings make boast) that when a person at any time renders them some particular service, they reward that person with various presents and favours. My uncle was the son of the daughter of Yunus Khan, and for generations [his family] had been at the head of the affairs of the Moghul Sultans and Khakans. I have explained the prerogatives of the office of Ulusbegi, in Part II. My uncle was one of the most distinguished men in the service of Rashid Sultan's father, so much so that no one was more valued or prized than he; for he had rendered some most important services to Sultan Said Khan. The first was the conquest of Andijan, which became the keystone of the Khan's dominions. His second service was on the expedition against Kashghar, where he made such exertions, that had he not been of the party, all hope of taking Kashghar would have been relinquished. The Khan was in consequence grateful for his services, and rewarded him with favours in proportion. If my uncle had never been of service to Rashid Khan— nay, had he even committed offences against him, his faults ought to have been overlooked. But in addition to this, his invasion of Andijan delivered Rashid Khan out of the hands of the Uzbeg. It was, moreover, owing to the efforts of my uncle that Rashid Khan subdued Moghulistan— an event which was the cause of enhancing his dignity, and the commencement of his prosperity. For had the advice of Mirza Ali Taghai and Khwaja Ali Bahadur been followed, Baba Sultan would have been sent to Moghulistan instead of Rashid Khan. He had always endeavoured to represent Rashid Sultan in a good light to the Khan. Aiman Khwaja Sultan had married his daughter, and by her had five sons, who were my uncle's grandsons; yet, notwithstanding this, when it was suggested that Rashid Sultan should be set up in the place of Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and that this latter should be driven away, he made no objection, but rather exerted himself to the utmost to further the plan. It is not worth while here to detail his services. It was most astounding that all this should have been ignored, and that he should, though innocent, have been put to death. It is therefore all the more fitting that his story should not be told more fully; what God willed came to pass. Moreover, the retribution for this act is in His power; and we should read and remember the verse, "Verily we belong to God, and unto God we return." It is the more strange that those very mischief-makers who had caused a rupture in the affairs of Rashid Sultan, were those whom he raised to high dignities. In short, Mirza Ali Taghai was appointed successor to my uncle, and was sent to Kashghar, where, on his arrival, he omitted no act of cruelty, such as putting to death my uncle's children and relatives. . .* In a word, the accession of Rashid Khan was characterised by the shedding of innocent blood, and by an absence of humanity. [Verses. . .] In the sight of the wise and pious, it is not right to shed blood, even for the kingdom of the whole world. After the murder of these faithful men, Rashid Khan established himself upon the throne of the Khanate. When the news of the death of the Khan reached Mansur Khan, he marched against Aksu, and Rashid Khan went out to meet him. Mansur Khan returned without achieving his object, and Rashid Sultan likewise returned to his seat of government. The attempt was afterwards repeated by Mansur Khan; Rashid Khan also marched out again, and returned with success and spoil. The Amirs in the service of the Khan became apprehensive, on account of my uncle having been put to death without cause. On this account they lost all confidence, and Mirza Ali Taghai fled towards Karatigin. [Verses...] When Mirza Ali Taghai fled from that execrable devil,* he was joined by the rest of the Amirs; and having seized some of the Khan's children, they all made off to Khotan and rose in open rebellion. Rashid Khan then went after them; all the people [of Khotan] came out to receive him, except a few of the Amirs who remained in the fort. These [Amirs] were all bound and brought before Rashid Khan, who spared their lives, but ordered them all to be banished. Thus he did not kill these men who had committed a crime and were deserving of death, and whose neglect of duty had been proved, though, on the other hand, he had publicly murdered my uncle, in spite of his near relationship, his countless services, his innocence of all offence, and his strong protestations of loyalty. [Verses.] No one can comprehend the ways of this lower world, The Godhead seems always to be upside-down, All faithful men come to a bad end, and the wicked triumph over them. After he had finished this affair of the Amirs, he banished all his paternal aunts and sisters and mothers; among the rest Zainab Sultan Khanim, who had been the favourite wife of Sultan Said Khan. He next contracted an intimacy and friendship with the Uzbeg-Shaiban, who had been old enemies (as has been already related), and did his best to exterminate the Uzbeg- Kazak, who were old friends; and to the Uzbeg of both sides [tribes] Rashid Khan gave his own sisters in marriage. As the Uzbeg-Shaiban were old enemies, Rashid Khan put an end to this [enmity] by giving his sister [in marriage], which was a base action. In short, having allied himself with the Shaiban, he entirely crushed the Uzbeg-Kazak. Still if we leave aside all consideration of the ancient covenant, the overthrowing of the Uzbeg-Kazak was, in truth, a mighty achievement. Since the time when Sultan Yunus Khan defeated Buruj Oghlan at Kara Tukai (in the year 877) up to this date, there have been many battles between the Uzbeg and the Moghuls, and the Uzbeg have always been victorious; for during all this time the Moghuls had never gained a single success over the Uzbeg. But Rashid Khan did gain a victory over them, and this exploit of his was a really great one. For although his grandfather, Sultan Ahmad Khan, overcame the Uzbeg (as has been related), yet it was only in plundering forays; he never won a victory over them in a real pitched battle. Rashid Sultan defeated their troops in order of battle. Up to this point I have heard the story of Rashid Sultan from reliable sources in Hindustan and Kashmir, and have committed it to writing. After his victory over the Uzbeg he marched on Andijan and Turfan. But the sources from which I derived the details of this matter not being trustworthy, I have not thought fit to enter them, and have therefore drawn in the reins of my pen from [writing] of these things. All those unworthy acts with which people have reproached Rashid Khan, were committed either for the sake, or through the efforts, of Muhammadi Barlas. The origin of this man's influence is not evident, for neither had he rendered such service as to merit elevation in rank, nor had he ever displayed such great bravery or good qualities, as to gain for himself distinction. Rashid Khan was led, mounted, [murtakib] by him in all his affairs. If I were to relate all, the reader, who has not himself witnessed these things, would regard them as incredible. The epithet of "Himar" [Ass] which is applied to the tribe of Barlas, was, indeed, fully applicable to that particular Barlas. It would be quite out of place for me to relate how he urged Rashid Khan on to kill, or banish, his uncles and mothers and Amirs, and to change his haram; therefore I have thought it better to avoid this matter altogether. At the present time the Most High God has delivered Abdur Rashid Khan from that calamity, and has carried off the ass [himdr] with the drunkenness [khimdr] of death. It is to be hoped that, this time, the reins of power may become united in the hands of intelligence, and that trouble may be kept at a distance. Also that the Khan may follow in the approved ways of his honoured father and distinguished ancestors; that his mind may be enlightened, and that he may not, for the sake of an ass, engage in the extirpation of meritorious persons. May the Most High God, of His gracious favour, cause justice to issue from the throne of the Khanate for many years to come! May the Khan avoid all that is displeasing in the sight of God and His Prophet, and may he repent him of his former deeds! Amen! Oh Lord of the worlds! Though Abdur Rashid Khan's powers of discrimination were faulty, he was strong of body, sound of limb, and without an equal in the art of conversation. Excepting his father, I have rarely seen an archer like him. He was brave even to rashness. In elegant conversation he was as a peerless pearl; and he had also written several letters to a great personage. He played several instruments to perfection, and had great aptitude for all arts and crafts. Once, for example, he cut a tree out of paper, and painted all the branches, the leaves, and the trunk in their proper colours; he did it so skilfully that even the masters of that craft were astounded. Since the time of my absence has been protracted, I cannot answer for all his acquirements. But in those arts which I was myself cognisant of, I know him to have excelled. Not being a musician, I cannot praise his performance on instruments with justice,* nor can I say anything of what he acquired during my absence. He was, besides, a good Musulman and inclined to justice and equity. But, by allowing himself to be influenced by the violent Muhammadi, he performed many unjust acts. Please God that he may now persist in the path of justice! CHAPTER LXX. END OF PART I. OF THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. WHAT right have I, with my poor learning and my want of capacity, to attempt to make my styleless reed flow upon the white [sheet] of literature? My justification lies in the fact that I have, during my life, collected many authentic facts concerning those Moghul Khakans who were Musulmans, and have also myself played a part in their history. At the present time there is no one but myself who knows these traditions. Thus, if I did not make the attempt, it is probable that the memory of the Moghuls and their Khakans would be altogether lost. The history of the Moghuls and their Khans can be of little interest to any but the Moghuls themselves, for they have now become the most remote and insignificant of tribes, whereas formerly they were, through the power and resolution of Chingiz Khan, the lords of the world. Chingiz Khan had four sons to whom he left the world, dividing the cultivated countries and deserts into four parts, and giving one quarter of the earth to each of these sons. Every mention in histories of the Uhis Arbaa, or "the four hordes," refers to these four divisions. The learned Mirza Ulugh Beg has written a history which he has called Ulus Arbaa. One of the "four hordes" is that of the Moghul, who are divided into two branches, the Moghul and the Chaghatai. But these two branches, on account of their mutual enmity, used to call each other by a special name, by way of depreciation. Thus the Chaghatai called the Moghul Jatah, while the Moghul called the Chaghatai Karawanas* At the present date there are no Chaghatai left excepting the kings, who are the sons of Baber Padishah; and the place of the Chaghatai is now occupied by some [other] civilised people. But of the Moghuls there are still about 30,000 in the neighbourhood of Turfan and Kashghar. Moghulistan has been seized by the Uzbeg and the Kirghiz. Although the Kirghiz belong to the tribe of Moghul* they have, on account of their repeated rebellions against the Khakans, become separated from them. All the Moghuls have become Musulmans, but the Kirghiz are still infidels, and hence their hostility to the Moghuls. The Moghuls have become a most isolated and paltry people. No one but a Moghul could be interested in this history; but though fully recognising my lack of literary capacity, I have not shrunk from doing the best in my power. It is the practice of authors to excuse themselves, and beg for pardon if they have made any mistakes or blunders in their work. But I will not make such apology as those who say: — "If there be any mistakes or blunders"— for I know that my book is full of mistakes from beginning to end. My object is not to extol my own merit, but simply to write a memoir, that the history of the Moghuls may not be entirely forgotten; and that if, by chance, any of the Moghul Khakans should wish to know his genealogy, he shall be able to find it in this book. Of those Moghuls who were not Musulmans, I have not mentioned more than the names; for an infidel, though he attain to the splendour of Jamshid and Zohhak, is not worthy of having his life commemorated. This Tarikh-i-Rashidi was completed at the end of the month Zulhijja of the year 953/ in the town of Kashmir (may God defend her from ruin and destruction) five years after I, Haidar Mirza son of Muhammad Kurkan, had ascended the throne. TARIKH-I-RASHIDI PART II TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. PART II. PROLOGUE. I WOULD lay before the wise and critical that I, the least of God's servants, Muhammad Haidar, known among my intimates as Mirza Haidar, son of Muhammad Husain Kurkan, have been continually possessed of the thought that the rank and dignity which historians attain to, is not so high that one should have a craving for it. Still, there can be little doubt that this poor history (which has been driven by the whirlwind of pride and the waves of ignorance and intoxication, from the sea of incapacity upon the shores of small literary attainment) may be regarded as of some value by the divers in the ocean of excellence, who have concealed in the shells of perfection, the pearls of poetry and the precious stones of prose. According to the saying: "Necessity makes lawful that which is forbidden," and because certain important events in the annals of the Moghul Khakans have been entirely forgotten, I was induced, as far as time should permit, to narrate some of the most trustworthy facts in their history. When the Moghul power was high, many eminent men flourished, and some wrote their people's history. Now, for more than a hundred years nothing of the sort has been done— no trace of these men remains, nor of their writings. Nor does any sign remain of their prosperity and civilisation, except here and there a ruined tower or fortification; and in some towns the relics of a monastery, a college, a mosque, a portico, or a minaret, still exist, because their foundations being of stone, or for some other reason, God willed that they should endure. No vestige of these men survives and no one knows anything concerning them. For during this long lapse of time, all have become strangers to the old customs and ways of learning. Since the conversion of the Moghuls to Islam, more especially, no history of them has been written. But the learned men of Mavara-un-Nahr and Khorasan and Irak, who have written the annals for their own kings, have made mention of the Moghuls, just where it has suited the context, while they have paid no attention to them when not connected with their own country. Among these histories may be mentioned the Mujma ut Tavdrikh* of Khwaja Rashid-ud-Din; the Tdrikh-i- Guzida * of Khwaja Hamid Ullah Mustaufi; the Zafar-Ndma* of Maulana Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi; the Tdrikh-i-Manzum* of Maulana Abdur Razzak; and the Ulus Arbaa* of Mirza Ulugh Beg. Among these I have sought carefully for any mention of the Moghul Khakans, but have found nothing very connected [ba tartib]. In my early years, I was much drawn to the study of the history of my forefathers, and in those days there were still alive some of the Moghul Amirs and nobles (some over one hundred years of age, some under). But it never occurred to my father or my uncles to commit to writing what they had heard concerning the Khakans, from their parents, and other trustworthy sources. And now they have all been dead for some time. [On this account] I intend, God willing, to write an account of the Moghuls after their conversion to Islam, basing my facts upon histories and reliable traditions, in addition to what I have myself witnessed in my own times. But not finding that I had capacity or talent sufficient to justify my setting out on this bold venture, I have resolved to begin by making a trial on those events of which I have been an eye-witness, and then, should I by the grace of God succeed, I will proceed with my original plan of writing the history of the Moghul Khakans. CHAPTER I. BEGINNING OF PART II. OF THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI, WHICH CONTAINS, IN DIFFERENT PARTS, WHAT TOOK PLACE AMONG THE MOGHUL ULUS AND THE UZBEG AND THE CHAGHATAI. AT the time of my birth, which was in 905, and for which the chronogram Nur Chashm Shah has been found, the power of the Moghul Khakans was, compared with former times, on the increase; but at this period, the towns of Moghulistan (which is another name for Kara Khitai)* fell into ruin, till in the beginning of the year 889, when Yunus Khan, [who affected] towns and cultivation, came into power. Most of the Moghuls had never possessed or even lived in a village— nay, had never even seen cultivation. They were as wild as the beasts of the mountains. The explanation of this is that the country of Shash, together with its dependencies, was under the rule of the Moghuls, as were also all the deserts of Moghulistan. It would be tedious to relate this here, but, God willing, it will be mentioned in the First Part of this history. My father was Muhammad Husain Kurkan, son of Muhammad Haidar Kurkan, son of the Amir, Lord of the Sword and the Throne, Sayyid Ali Kurkan, son of Amir Sayyid Ahmad, son of Amir Khudaidad, son of Amir Bulaji. It was this Amir Bulaji that introduced Islam, and changed the darkness of unbelief into the light of faith. After my father entered the service of Sultan Mahmud Khan, son of Sultan Yunus Khan, sun of Vais Khan, son of Shir Ali Oghlan, son of Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluk Timur Khan (who also lightened the dark night of heathendom with the rising sun of the dawn of Islam), he was treated by the Khan with the utmost favour and honour (as is mentioned at greater length in the First Part of this history [Tdrikh-i-Asl]) and had the title of Kurkan conferred upon him, as well as the honour of marriage with Khub Nigar Khanim. This alliance was contracted in Shash in the year 899. After this he received the country of Ushtur Ushna (which is known now as Uratippa), together with as much of the surrounding country as he could bring within his power. He then had leave to depart, and spent nine years in the administration of the government of that district. During this time many important events occurred. I was born after my father had governed for six years.* I think it proper here to mention who were the princes who at this time ruled in the surrounding countries. In the country of Farghana, whose capital is Andijan, after the death of Mirza Omar Shaikh Kurkan, son of Sultan Abu Said Kurkan, serious quarrels and disputes arose between his two sons, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babar Padishah Ghazi and Mirza Jahangir,* in spite of their youth; and these quarrels were chiefly owing to the enmity of their respective Amirs. There ensued many victories and defeats, some of which shall be mentioned in this Epitome. In the country of Samarkand and Bokhara, endless wars and contests arose between the three princes, Baisanghar Mirza and Sultan Ali Mirza (the sons of Mahmud Kurkan, son of Sultan Abu Said Kurkan) and Shahi Beg Khan, son of Shah Badagh Sultan, son of Abulkhair Khan, than whom, in his lifetime, there was no more exalted chief on the throne of the Juji.* Of these wars and disputes I will speak hereafter. In Khorasan, Sultan Husain Mirza* was at the height of his power and magnificence. From time to time the dust of dissension rose up between the father and his sons, but this the Mirza, with his wisdom and sagacity, soon caused to subside. In Irak, after the death of Sultan Yakub, son of Uzun Hasan,* the Sultans (his sons) by reason of their youth, were unable to direct the affairs of the State, and Shah Ismail (who had made his violence felt in the world) taking advantage of the situation, invaded the country, entirely exterminated the rest of those Sultans, and upset all the affairs of the state and of religion. In the Dasht-i-Kipchak and the Ulus of Juji Khan, Baranduk Khan* was in power, and all the Juji Sultans were subservient to him. They have sought to rival the rain-drops in their numbers. What took place between them and the Moghuls will be hereinafter related. In Shash, which is better known as Tashkand, Sultan Mahmud Khan held sway. I must now turn to the story of Yunus Khan, without which the thread of my history would not be connected. CHAPTER II. REIGN OF YUNUS KHAN; ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE AND LIST OF HIS OFFSPRING. YUNUS KHAN was the greatest of all the Chaghatai Khans, and before him there was, in many respects, no one like him in his family. None of the Chaghatai Khans who preceded him had passed the age of forty; nay, most of them never reached that age. But this prosperous Khan attained to the age of seventy-four. Towards the end of his life, growing repentant and devout, he became a disciple of that Refuge of the Pious, Nasiruddin Khwaja Ubaidullah (in this history, wherever the term "His Holiness" is used, it refers to the Khwaja), and him the Khan followed with piety. He was also acquainted with many other Shaikhs, and used to associate with them. His nature was adorned with many high qualities and virtues; he possessed also many acquire- ments, among which may be mentioned the reading of the Koran. He was of an even temper, his conversation was charming, and he had a quick perception. He excelled in penmanship, painting, and other accomplishments conformable with a healthy nature, and was well-trained in singing and instrumental music. He studied under Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, with whom he spent twelve years, and travelled much in foreign countries. Of all these acquirements and travels, a more full account will (God willing) be given in the First Part of this history. He was graced with good qualities and perfect manners, was unequalled in bravery and heroism, and excelled especially in archery. In a word, no one of all his family can be compared to him. The Khan had seven children. 1. Mihr Nigar Khanim, whom he gave to Sultan Ahmad Mirza. She died childless. 2. Kutluk Nigar Khanim, whom he gave to Omar Shaikh Mirza. She had two children: Khanzada Begum, who still honours the throne of chastity, and Babar Padishah, who has illumined the world with the radiance of his power and his exploits, as I have recounted in the First Part, and will relate again in this Epitome whenever it suits the context. 3. Khub Nigar Khanim, who was given to my father, as has been mentioned above. 4. Sultan Mahmud Khan, a short notice of whose history will be given. 5. Sultan Ahmad Khan, known as Alacha Khan, of whom, also, I shall speak briefly. 6. Sultan Nigar Khanim, who was given to Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said. She had one son, who is known as Mirza Khan; and his son Sulaiman is, at the present time, king of Badakhshan. 7. Daulat Sultan Khanim, who fell into the hands of Timur Sultan, son of Shahi Beg Khan, at the sacking of Tashkand. She too will be mentioned farther on. CHAPTER III. END OF THE REIGN OF YUNUS KHAN. LIST OF HIS SONS. THE REIGN OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN AND THE REASON OF HIS RUIN. AT the beginning of the reign of Yunus Khan, all the Moghuls dwelt, according to their old custom, in Moghulistan; they avoided all towns and cultivated countries [and regarded them] with great repugnance. They were Musulmans in nothing but the name; in fact, not even in name, for they were carried off into the countries round about, and sold as slaves like other infidels. After the Khan had had the happiness to kiss the feet of his Holiness, the latter wrote letters to all the surrounding Musulman rulers, saying: "We have seen Sultan Yunus Khan, and it is not lawful to molest a tribe whose chief is so good a Musulman." From that date, no more Moghuls who had been carried off, were ever bought or sold as slaves, in a Muhammadan country. The Moghuls had always been this kind of [nomadic] people. The Khan felt that until they settled down in cultivated countries and towns, they could never become true Musulmans. He therefore exerted himself to the utmost to bring their settlement about. When the Khan was leading away the Moghuls to Tashkand, a number of them who were loth to go, having seized the Khan's younger son, Sultan Ahmad Khan, abandoned the party and stayed behind in Moghulistan. The Khan meanwhile arrived in Tashkand with his elder son, Sultan Mahmud Khan, and the rest of the Moghuls. It would be tedious to relate their proceedings in this Epitome, but they will (God willing) be given in the First Part. When Yunus Khan went to the palace of eternity, he left the kingdom to Sultan Mahmud Khan, and the Moghuls, according to their custom, placed him on his father's throne. It is a common occurrence that those who inherit what their father has left them, do not appreciate its worth; thus the new Khan, undervaluing the great Amirs who had served his father, expelled them and set up, in their stead, weak-minded and base men: while his old friends being defeated, old enemies, who styled themselves new friends, now gained the supremacy. But in this new order of things, the Khan found it difficult to withstand these [new advisers]; nay, was incapable of keeping together his kingdom. When Alacha Khan heard of this, although he was occupied with rebellions and seditions on the confines of Moghulistan (which was under his rule), he did his best to punish those [who opposed him], and then, setting up his eldest son, Mansur Khan, in his own place, hastened to the court of his brother. This was in the year 907 [1501-2]. A year and a half previous to this meeting of the two Khans, my mother journeyed from this transitory abode to the dwellings of eternity. She had six sons: two of them had died at the breast, four survived her, and of each of these I will speak hereafter. One of the most curious facts in my own history is the following. While I was yet at my mother's breast, I was subject to such severe haemorrhoids that the doctors gave up all hope of my recovery. My mother, before bearing me, had been four times disappointed in child-birth [djiza]. She had prayed very earnestly to God to grant her a son, and after much prayer and supplication on her part, I came into existence; hence the unbounded love which my mother had for me. When my malady became alarming, she turned in every direction in search of help, till at length she went to Maulana Muhammad Kazi, who was one of the most distinguished of the companions of his Holiness: so much so that even at this time his family have many disciples. When he had looked on me with his Christ-like glance/ he became very thoughtful, and after he had gone out said: "If I had known that the Mirza's son was in such a grave condition, I should not have come." He ordered no remedy, except frugality, and then went on his way. One morning he sent one of his servants to my parents, to tell them that the Most High God had sent to their child the wine of recovery and the meat of life, from His heavenly abode. When my parents heard this good news, they set out that same morning to the place of worship of this holy man, and laid their prayers before him. From that same day, marked signs of improvement showed themselves in me; and up to the present time I have never had a return of the haemorrhoids. I would point out that in this matter two miracles were performed— one being my recovery without the aid of medicine, the other the fact that the malady never returned. And this is the more wonderful miracle of the two, for haemorrhoids generally last all one's life. From that date to the end of his life, the Maulana helped and instructed me, both publicly and privately. The story of each [of the children] will be told in the proper place. After these events my mother departed this life. Shortly afterwards Shahi Beg Khan, with the inopportune aid of Sultan Mahmud Khan, conquered Samarkand and Bokhara, and defeated the Timuri Sultans: in particular Babar Padishah, who was Sultan Mahmud's nephew, and almost like a son to him. After [these successes] having changed his assurances of obedience and friendship, into boasts of pride and insubordination, he began to sound the drum of revolt. In the meanwhile Sultan Ahmad Tambal, who had been in the service of Omar Shaikh Mirza, although he belonged to the race of the Moghul Amirs, revolted in Andijan, on account of the improvidence of the Khan, and having got possession of that place, began to shoot the arrows of insurrection at the target of sovereignty. The two Khans consequently went to crush him— Sultan Mahmud Khan, leaving his son Sultan Muhammad Sultan in Tashkand with a strong army, wherewith to oppose his perfidious enemies. My father, too, had been left in Uratippa to oppose Shahi Beg Khan. And they imagined that the latter could not pass between these two armies. But in reality he looked upon it as an opportunity to be seized, thinking that he would never again find the two Khans with so small a force. Therefore he hastened from Samarkand to Farghana, passing by Uratippa on his road. [My father] thinking he had come to lay siege to the town, began to busy himself with its defence. At the hour of afternoon prayer, [Shahi Beg] came and encamped close to the town. After the sun had deprived the world of its light, and had thrown the shadows of night upon the eyes of all creation, he broke up his camp and marched away with all possible speed, so that before the men in the fort had begun to inquire in which direction he had gone, he was many farsdkhs away. When it was discovered that he had marched towards Farghana, several messengers in succession were despatched, to give notice to the Khans of his approach. The messengers and the enemy arrived at the same moment. Neither the army of Tashkand nor that of Uratippa, had time to come to the aid of the Khans. The two Khans had with them 15,000 men, because in the beginning of the year they had [collected a large force] to attack Tambal, whom they had severely handled, and whose power they had entirely subdued. For this reason, they felt sure that he would now resolve on flight as a last resource. They had taken Babar Padishah with them, in order that after things were settled, they might set him up on his father's throne and then return home. The Khans had not yet reached Andijan. Akhsi, which is one of the strongest forts in that country, was occupied by Shaikh Bayazid, brother of Tambal; he was treating about submission, and for that reason they had tarried near the fort. At this juncture, Shahi Beg Khan came up with 30,000 men, and all his Sultans, such as Kuchum Sultan, Suyunjuk Sultan, Jani Beg Sultan and others. They had hardly time to draw up in line, when, after a short conflict, the Khans were put to rout by the overpowering numbers of the enemy. Their horses being rendered useless with fatigue, the two Khans were taken prisoners. Babar Padishah fled to the hills on the south of Farghana. Shahi Beg Khan behaved with magnanimity, and having taken possession of Tashkand, dismissed the Khans with every mark of favour, saying: "With your help and assistance I have won my power: I took you captive, but do not kill you: I let you go." In this place, I call to mind the story of the tax-gatherer [amalddr]. A certain governor had imposed a fine upon a taxgatherer, and went so far as to torture him [in order to make him pay it]. But a generous Khwaja took pity on him, and bought him out of the hands of his creditors [by paying] the price of the fine, and taking him home with him, showed him every kindness and attention. One day the tax-collector was sitting with his son, and they were talking confidentially, while the Khwaja was listening on the other side of the wall. The son said to his father: "How can we ever worthily repay the Khwaja for his kindness?" The tax-collector answered: "As soon as I am again in office, the matter will be simple." The son then asked: "How will it be easy to repay his generosity?" His father replied: "When they have again entrusted me with an office, I will press the Khwaja very hard, and will give him over to the creditors, who will fine him heavily, and when it has come to a matter of life and death for him, I will take all his money, and with a part of it will buy him off again." When the news of the capture of the Khans reached Tashkand, Sultan Muhammad Sultan carried off into Moghulistan, all that he was able of his people and family, and of the Moghul Ulus, causing my father and my uncle to follow him with all the money they could collect. When the Khans were captured, Shahi Beg Khan said: "I have always wished to arrange a marriage, but it has never been granted me; to make up for this [disappointment] I must now form three marriage alliances." The youngest sister of the Khan, Daulat Sultan Khanim, who has been mentioned above in the list of the children of Yunus Khan, was married to [Shahi Beg's] son Timur Sultan* He took for himself Aisha Sultan Khanim, better known as Moghul Khanim, and gave to Jani Beg Khan, Kutuk Khanim; both of these princesses were, in their chastity, bright as the sun and pure as the moon. Some of their children are living now, and are ruling in Mavara-un-Nahr. On the return of the Khans to their old residence, in Moghulistan, the younger fell ill, and at the end of the year 909, wandered from the garden of earthly dominion to the fields of Paradise. From Khwaja Tajuddin Muhammad, who inherited from his ancestors the office of Shaikh-ul- Islam of that country (and who was, in truth, a most admirable, austere man, and endowed with many good qualities) I have heard the following: "When the Khan was extremely ill, I said to him, 'It is commonly reported that Shahi Beg Khan has caused poison to be put in your food; if your Highness is also of this opinion, I will bring some of that powerful antidote, which comes from Khitai, and administer it.' The Khan replied, 'Yes, indeed, Shahi Beg Khan has poisoned me, and the poison is this: having risen from the most degraded station to the highest elevation, he has taken us two brothers prisoners and then set us at liberty. This disgrace is the cause of my succumbing to illness. If yours is an antidote against this kind of poison, it may prove efficient.'" Sultan Ahmad Khan had eighteen sons. (1.) The eldest, Mansur Khan, from 909 to the present date of 948,* has ruled over his father's dominions with absolute power. An account of him will be given in this Epitome. (2.) Iskandar Sultan, who died a natural death, soon after his father's demise. (3.) Sultan Said Khan, whose history will be related. Where-ever "the Khan" is spoken of in an absolute way, in this Epitome, it is this Khan that is meant. (4.) Babajak Sultan, who is still in the service of Mansur Khan. (5.) Shah Shaikh Muhammad Sultan, who, together with his haram and some of his children, was killed by the fall of his palace during an earthquake. (6.) Sultan Khalil Sultan, of whom I shall have occasion to speak in connection with Sultan Said Khan. (7.) Aiman Khwaja Sultan, who will also be mentioned in the same connection. (8.) Chin Timur Sultan, who for some time was in the service of Mansur Khan, whom he afterwards abandoned, and entered the service of "the Khan." Mansur Khan had him brought back, but he again fled; this time going to the court of Babar Padishah in Hindustan. Here he rendered good service, and was in return treated with the utmost honour and respect by the Emperor. He died of a violent dysentery at Agra, where he was buried. (9.) Yusun Timur Sultan, who like his brother, being tired of always going backwards and forwards between the two Khans, fled to the Kazak and thence to Turan; thence again to the court of Ubaid Ullah Khan in Bokhara. From there he went to the court of Babar Padishah; him also the Emperor treated most kindly, and he is now in Hindustan. (10.) Tukhta Bugha Sultan, who also went to Hindustan, where he died a natural death. The other sons died natural deaths, at different times. Sultan Ahmad Khan had four daughters. (1.) Lai Shad Khanim, whose mother was a slave whom the Khan had married [umm-valad]. Although she was outside the circle of distinction, she was finally married to Muhammad Amir Mirza, son of Amir Jabar Birdi, who was a Dughlat, and to their family alone belonged the office of Ulusbegi in the time of Alacha Khan. (2.) Mahim Khanim, who was given to Builash Khan, son of Uyuk Sultan. (3.) The third was married to me, as will be related below. (4.) Khadija Sultan Khanim. After the death of Sultan Ahmad Khan, Mirza Aba Bakr, whose story will be told in connection with the Khan, took possession of Aksu, the capital of Alacha Khan's dominions. In those days Khadija Sultan Khanim fell into the hands of Mirza Aba Bakr. He, however, treated her kindly and gave her to his son Jahangir Mirza. When the latter was slain, she was given to Shah Muhammad Sultan, son of Sultan Muhammad Sultan, son of Sultan Mahmud Khan, as will be related. CHAPTER IV. EPITOMISED ACCOUNT OF THE MARTYRDOM OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN AND HIS CHILDREN. ON the death of Sultan Ahmad Khan, Sultan Mahmud Khan resigned to his brother's children all the country and people that had belonged to their father, from the frontier of Khitai to the confines of Kashghar, viz.: Turf an, Chalish, Kuchah [Kuchar], Aksu and Uch [Ush-Turfan], while he himself withdrew, with those few of his own people who yet remained, to the deserts of Moghulistan. There he spent five years, during which time nothing of importance happened to him. At length those same base men who had caused the night shadows of ruin to overcloud the dawn of the Khan's reign, filled his mind with evil suggestions, saying: "Shahi Beg Khan will treat you kindly, but even if he does not, he will at least allow us to return to this corner of corners." My uncle used to relate that one day after the death of Alacha Khan, he was at the court of Sultan Mahmud Khan in Aksu, where the Khan, being friendly and talkative, asked him: "Is the position of scullion* in Tashkand better than that of king in Aksu?" My uncle replied: "Verily it is, if the scullion is allowed to perform his office." At these words the Khan was very wroth. In short, these base men succeeded in bringing the Khan to Farghana. When news of this reached Shahi Beg Khan, he was in Ulang-zadagan. He at once despatched a party of men to find him. These men were coming in exactly the opposite direction to the Khan, whom they met and slew, together with his five young sons, at Khojand. To commemorate the date of their martyrdom the chronogram "Lab-i-daryd-i-Khoj and" '=914, was devised. (This matter I will also speak of elsewhere.) Sultan Mahmud Khan had six sons, five of whom suffered death with their father. His eldest son was Sultan Muhammad Sultan. When the Khan was setting out from Moghulistan, in the hope of being well treated by Shahi Beg Khan, Sultan Muhammad Sultan had done his utmost to dissuade his father from going, but his words being of no avail, he separated from his father and stayed behind in Moghulistan. From circumstances which, God willing, will be related in the First Part [Tdrikh-i-Asl], he was not able to remain in Moghulistan, but went in dire distress to Baranduk Khan and Kasim Khan* in the Dasht-i-Kipchak. His followers, hoping that Shahi Beg Khan had received Sultan Mahmud Khan well, led him by a wrong road and brought him to Tashkand, where the Uzbeg sent him to join his father. He left one son, whose name was Shah Muhammad Sultan. His history will be given in my notice of the Khan. CHAPTER V. THE REST OF THE HISTORY OF MY FATHER, MIRZA MUHAMMAD HUSAIN KURKAN. WHEN the Khans fell into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan at Aksu, my father was at Uratippa. When Shahi Beg Khan passed between [the two armies] it was not possible for my father to form a junction with the Khans, and he found it necessary to go to Karatigin. At that time Khusrau Shah, one of the Amirs of Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said, was in possession of Hisar, Kunduz and Badakhshan. After the death of Mirza Sultan Mahmud, he had blinded his son Sultan Masud Mirza, and when Baisanghar Mirza, son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, fled from Samarkand, Khusrau Shah sent messengers to him to express his repentance, saying: "What I did, was from fear for my life, for Sultan Masud Mirza had the intention of killing me; but now, in compensation for that act, I will serve you so faithfully that, however much my infamous act may have brought down upon me the execrations and curses of mankind, my conduct for the future will procure for me their favour and applause." In this manner did he make abundant promises and protest so much, that he deceived Baisanghar Mirza also, and sent that worthy prince into the next world, as if he were an arrow from a bow. Thus he brought the whole of the dominion of Sultan Mahmud Mirza under his own power. But these successes filled his mind with pride and vainglory. When he was thus at the height of his power, my father arrived in Karatigin, and Khusrau Shah desired an interview with him. My father accordingly went to Hisar; and Khusrau Shah, having received him in the Bagh-i- chinar, with the utmost distinction and friendliness, said to him: "I look upon your gracious visit as a blessing from God; for it is the season of Shahi Beg Khan's supremacy. My fear is that though this year his mind is set upon the conquest of other territories, he may next year turn towards this quarter. I have never been to war with the Uzbeg, and do not know their mode of warfare. For every tribe has its own special methods, whether in war or in negotiation. The arrangement of these matters differs with each people according to time and place, and until their methods are known, it is difficult to contend with them. Now, as you have many times had to do with the Uzbeg, both in peace and in war, and have experienced, when at war with them, both victory and defeat, make known to me all that you have learned, that I may be guided by what you tell me. As my reliance is on you, and my hope, I beg you to accept, in confirmation of my confidence, Sultanim Begum, daughter of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, and one of the princesses, [of my family] that she may be a bond of union between us." Such idle words and many more did he utter, and set on foot grand preparations for the marriage. The destruction [virdni] of Tashkand and Uratippa was in the season of Cancer,* and this affair took place in the end of the season of the Balance.* Meanwhile, news arrived of the invasion of Shahi Beg Khan, and all the adherents of Khusrau Shah fled in different directions. Those who possessed castles, fortified themselves in them, and those who had none, fled to the hills and the remote valleys and glens. No one troubled himself about his neighbour. As all Khusrau Shah's people were scattered in confusion, my father also took refuge in Karatigin, which is a country of mountain fastnesses. Among these mountains they encountered a very severe winter. It began to snow as soon as they arrived, and for one whole month the weather did not clear, so that the snow reached to a depth of twelve spans, and for those who had settled in the valleys, or lived in houses, there was no possibility of changing their abode. Now Shahi Beg's purpose in coming [to Hisar] was not to seize Khusrau Shah, but just to try whether Khusrau Shah had power to withstand him or not. In that inroad he did not commit much violence. Whatever plunder did fall into his hands, he seized upon. He then returned, with the conviction that when he came a second time he would frighten away [Khusrau Shah] as a fly from a dish, with a mere wave of his hand. That winter he also wished to test the people of Khorasan. Using the same means, he marched on Balkh, where the governor at that time was Sultan Kulunjak, acting under Badi-uz-Zaman Mirza, son of Sultan Husain Mirza. He commanded his men to invest the town, and spent the whole of that winter in besieging it. The Khorasani were, in spite of their numerous attacks on the enemy, unable to relieve Balkh. Thus, during that winter, he weighed Khusrau Shah and the Khorasani in the scales of experiment, and found that neither of them equalled himself in weight. But while Shahi Beg Khan was engaged in besieging Balkh, Khusrau Shah was left free from molestation, and his men again assembled. In short, his affairs began to prosper, and he sent messengers without intermission to Shahi Beg Khan, with suitable expressions of friendship, which Shahi Beg Khan returned in kind. That winter, when Khusrau Shah was recovering his peace of mind, news arrived from Karatigin that there had been a great fall of snow, so that no one was able to get away. Khusrau Shah immediately despatched 20,000 men, under his brother Mir Vali.* Those in Karatigin were under no apprehensions from anything on his side, but remained where they were, far and near. When they learned the approach of the army, they immediately mustered all the men they could, to the number of about 500, and occupied the pass. The snow was so deep that no one dared leave the road. Both sides dismounted and the fight commenced. It lasted from morning till night. Finally our people had no arrows left, for on both sides every arrow that was shot was lost in the snow. The enemy were very numerous, and advanced to the fight in detachments; while as soon as the arrows of one detachment were expended, another came up to take its place and continued the fight. But we had on our side only one body, and towards evening, our arrows being entirely expended, our people turned and fled. Among the Amirs of my father, who died of arrow-wounds in that fight, were Bagh Yasar Oghlan, Khush Rai Kukildash, and several more. My father escaped, with six others, towards the hills of the country of Farghana, which lie on the eastern side of that country, between Kashghar and Andijan. In those mountains are people whom they call Jagirak, and who, at that time, were great cattle-stealers. Not long after this, however, they were exterminated by Mirza Aba Bakr.* But Khusrau Shah had carried away all our servants and retinue to Kunduz, where they spent one year as best they could. Having reached this point in my narrative, if I omitted to give a short account of Shahi Beg Khan, the chain of my history would not be continuous. CHAPTER VI. HISTORY OF SHAHI BEG KHAN. WHEN the great judge and disposer of all things determines to exalt some mortal with the crown of sovereignty and make him illustrious, he so arranges that great warriors and intelligent councillors assemble round his person, who may defend him from his enemies and ill-wishers, and make all far-sighted men blind and all attentive men deaf, so that father and son, brother and brother, are at enmity with one another. These words may serve as a preface to the story of Shahi Beg Khan. He was the son of Shah Badagh Sultan, the son of Abulkhair Khan. After the death of Abulkhair Khan, disputes arose among those whom he had left behind. To such a length were these quarrels carried, that each one went in a different direction, and thus all the men of noble lineage — the Sultans and the Mirzadas — who were held in esteem by the people, were scattered. In this confusion, Shahi Beg Khan, after much suffering and wandering, being driven to extremity by want, went to Mavara-un-Nahr, where Sultan Ahmad Mirza, son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza, was reigning. Sultan Ahmad Mirza was a powerful king, and had round him Amirs of such dignity and pretensions that they aimed at having kings in their service. One of these Amirs was Amir Abdul-Ali Tarkhan, Governor of Bokhara. Shahi Beg Khan became his vassal, and was entered as one of his retainers. In like manner several other Sultans entered his service. From this circumstance, an estimate may be formed of the splendour and dignity of Sultan Ahmad Mirza. As long as Sultan Ahmad Mirza remained in the bonds of this life, Shahi Beg Khan stayed in the service of Abdul-Ali Tar-khan. The Mirza and Abdul-Ali Tarkhan died at about the same time, after which Shahi Beg Khan went to Turkistan and sought the protection and favour of Sultan Mahmud Khan, who did not deny him what support and assistance lay in his power to give, till finally, by means of the aid afforded him by the Khan, Shahi Beg Khan took possession of Samarkand and Bokhara. Then the number of his troops rose from two or three hundred to 50,000; or rather to 60,000. From the time of his going to Turkistan, by the help of Sultan Mahmud Khan, his power had increased daily. All the Sultans and Amirs, and other adherents of Abulkhair Khan, who had been wandering aimlessly in the wastes of the Dasht-i- Kipchak, now joined him; and thus he arrived at power. After the reduction of Samarkand and Bokhara, he turned against his own benefactor. Thus was the protector undone by the dependant. When news of this reached the ears of Alacha Khan, he set out from Moghulistan to his brother's aid. The result, as has been briefly related above, was that he captured and set at liberty the Khan [Mahmud], and took from him as many of the Moghuls as was possible. Thus to his Uzbeg army there were added 30,000 Moghuls. [Verses] ... Leaving Tashkand, he did not tarry long in Samarkand, but proceeded to ravage Hisar and to besiege Balkh (as has been mentioned). Having passed the winter of 909 [1503-4] in the siege of Balkh, he went, in the beginning of spring, to Samarkand, and remained a month or two in the open country [Sahdri] round that town. He then turned his victorious arms against Andijan. The first year, when he captured the Khan, he did not trouble himself with Tambal or Andijan, being fully occupied in settling the affairs of Tashkand. Moreover, before the conquest of that place, Shaikh Bayazid had hastened fearlessly out to receive him, and had shown him signs of loyalty. Tambal also had proffered him timely assurances of devotion, with all of which he showed himself contented, and returned that same year. Having thus set his mind at rest with regard to the Moghuls and Tashkand, and having had an opportunity of forming an estimate of the Hisari and the Khorasani, he wished first of all to settle the question of Andijan and Tambal, that he might, with a calm mind, proceed with the reduction of Hisar and the extermination of Khusrau Shah, which was the first step towards the conquest of Khorasan. When he reached Marghinan, which is one of the chief towns of Farghana, Tambal abandoned all the forts in Farghana, and collected a force within the fort of Andijan. On this news being brought to Shahi Beg Khan, he and all his wisest advisers were agreed that this bringing together, into one place, of the troops [of Tambal] only made the conquest easier for them. With all speed, therefore, they hastened to Andijan, and being sure that they should find him, prepared for a siege; it was resolved that Shahi Beg Khan should conduct the siege in person, while the rest of the Sultans should ravage and spoil the country round, seizing the forts and men, and laying waste the whole region. The next year they would return to complete the work of devastation. But the hand of fate seized Tambal by the collar and hastened him to his end. He came out of the fort saying: "Let us meet them in the open field"; and he led 10,000 men out of the walls. When Shahi Beg Khan arrived, Tambal, judging of their numbers from the dust they raised, retired. But before he could reach the fort, many of his men had fallen by the edge of the sword, and Tambal and his brothers, broken and terrified, crept into the citadel. It had been decided that that year they should lay waste his territories* and then return home, so that the enterprise should be easy the next year. He himself, however, went to meet his fate: and thus the undertaking which was to have been accomplished the year following, was achieved in forty days. When Shahi Beg Khan saw that the fugitives, in terror of their lives, had taken refuge in the fort, he resolved to shut them up and to push the siege vigorously forward. After the defeat in Karatigin, my father crossed to the country of the Jagirak. The most surprising thing of all was that, although news had reached [Tambal] of the movements of Shahi Beg Khan, instead of making preparations to withstand the advance of Shahi Beg Khan, he went to attack my father in Jagirak. The Jagirak, allying themselves with my father, took up a strong position in the valley of Turuk Sharan* On the arrival of Tambal, fighting began and lasted continuously for three days. I have heard my father say: "On the third day we had used every means in our power to hold our ground. When night fell we became very thoughtful and distressed, wondering what would become of us if the enemy renewed the attack, for most of our active men had been killed or wounded, and there was no one left. How will it be with us tomorrow? But when day broke we were filled with astonishment and wonder, for on going up to the top of the hill, we saw the army hurrying away with all possible speed, in divisions and detachments. Our joy and gratification knew no bounds, and we immediately sent off some of those who were not wounded, or whose wounds were not mortal, to obtain information. One man was brought in. He said that at midnight some one had brought news [to Tambal] that Shahi Beg Khan had reached Kand Badam, and on learning this, he had set out without delay. This news caused fresh life and immeasurable joy to spring up in us. We forthwith sent a messenger to Shahi Beg Khan, to say that we had come to that country in great distress, owing to the confusion of times; that when news of the arrival of the Khan reached us it was as if life [jan] had come to us; whatever the royal mandate should lay upon us we were ready to perform. Our messenger reached Andijan on the second day of the siege. He was immediately sent back to tell us that we were desired to hasten on without delay, and that everything we could hope for or desire would be done for us. We were very apprehensive, but having no other place to go to, and deeming it the most advantageous plan for ourselves, we set out with light hearts. "When I came into the Khan's presence, he showed me all honour and respect, and received me in the most friendly way, saying to all his Sultans and Amirs: 'Muhammad Husain Kurkan is our guest; I expect you all to entertain him as a guest.' And every day, while the siege was in progress, all the Sultans and Amirs entertained us with feasts and banquets and showed us marked attention. "On the morning of the forty-first day, Tambal mounted to the top of one of the towers and called out with a loud voice: 'I am a Mirza, remember my services and the time of our infancy. Tell me what I should do — [and I will do it].'" (Now Tambal was my father's foster brother.) My father continued: "Although I had been very badly treated by him, it made my heart sad to see him in this evil plight, and I asked: 'Why do you not strengthen the fortress?' Tambal replied: T cannot continue hostilities; what is to be done?' I answered: "The only hope for the helpless is surrender.' Timur Sultan was present. Tambal at once came out of the fort with his brothers. He came in confusion and alarm, and threw his arms round my neck. They [the Uzbeg] granted him no respite, but that same hour put them all to the sword. They then closed the gates of the fort, and would not allow any kind of plunder or rapine to be carried on." That country was then given to Jani Beg Sultan, and Shahi Beg, accompanied by my father, retraced his steps and arrived in Samarkand. [There] they spent a few days in military prepara- tions, after which they set out to attack Khusrau Shah. On reaching Hisar, they found the fort defended by Shiram Chahra, a dependant of Khusrau Shah. Shahi Beg Khan conducted the siege in person, but after a few days Shiram Chahra begged for quarter, and coming out, surrendered the fort. The Khan, observing his promise,* let Shiram go. Shiram stayed for a time among the followers of the Khan, and many who had formerly been attached to him, now rejoined him. It is not known how it came about, but the same day that the Khan began, personally, to lay siege to Hisar, he also sent a mandate to Mahmud Sultan, ordering him to take as many men from the army as he wanted, and to advance on Kunduz. Khusrau Shah for a long time past had been filling Kunduz with stores, provisions and treasure, and had proclaimed that he had supplies enough to last him for twenty years. If all else should fail [he said] we shall, at least, be able to remain inside the fort for twenty years, dead or alive. While he was busy with this vain boasting, news came that Shahi Beg Khan was laying siege to Hisar, and that Mahmud Sultan was crossing the River Amuya.* That same hour, abandon- ing all his stores, he packed up whatever he could, and in the utmost confusion and disorder, set out for the hills, hoping there to find a refuge. A few days later, Mahmud Sultan entered Kunduz, where I myself happened to be, with my sisters and my younger brother. It has been stated already, that a marriage connection had been formed between my father and Sultanim Begum, and after the above related circumstances, we were carried off to Kunduz. During our sojourn there, Sultanim Begum gave birth to a son, named Abdullah, whose history will be told in various connections. My father had accompanied Mahmud Sultan, for the greatest intimacy existed between them. The reason for this was as follows. In his earlier days, Shahi Beg Khan had made every possible effort to obtain supreme power, and was bound by no promises or agreements. Whenever an occasion offered he pushed his ambitious projects: if he was successful he would say: "It was God's will"; if he failed he was always ready with a thousand excuses and pretexts. In this way, frequent misunderstandings arose between him and Sultan Mahmud Khan. The wonder is that in every instance, his pretext, such as it was, should have been accepted. It would be tedious to enter here into the details of this matter, which will be given in the First Part [Tdrikh-i-Asl]. I will, however, give one instance in this place. Shahi Beg was then in Turkistan at the height of favour and prosperity, when Sultan Mahmud Khan led an army against Tambal. After three days' march, in consequence of some untoward events (mentioned in the Tdrikh-i-Asl) his projects were frustrated and he marched back again. All the Amirs who had come from [beyond] the frontiers to join the army, now returned and settled down again within their own territories. When news of the Khan's expedition reached Shahi Beg Khan in Turkistan, he at once placed the foot of ambition in the stirrup of enterprise, and marched to attack Tashkand. He sent Mahmud Sultan against Sairam, which in old books is called Isbijab,* but while on his road he learnt that the Khan had returned. He instantly sent a messenger to say that his Highness had set out to punish his rebellious vassal Tambal, while he had come to protect Tashkand, and [the Khan's] family and household. (Though except himself there was no one to hurt them.) Hearing of his Highness's return to his capital, he had also returned, and, in effect, he did go back to Turkistan. He moreover despatched swift messengers to Mahmud Sultan, enjoining him, likewise, to molest no place, but to return. But before the messengers could arrive, Mahmud Sultan, supposing Sairam to be unprotected, had begun to plunder. The Governor of Sairam was Amir Ahmad, one of the Itaraji Amirs, and uncle of Tambal, but unlike his nephew, he was a worthy man and a devoted servant to Sultan Mahmud Khan. He went out to check Mahmud Sultan, and the two forces met, when Mahmud Sultan was seized and brought bound before the Khan. The Khan sent for my father, who, on his arrival, begged that the prisoner's life might be spared; therefore he [Mahmud] was treated with great kindness and then allowed to depart. On this account a very close intimacy and warm friendship sprang up between my father and Mahmud Sultan. He accompanied Mahmud Sultan to Kunduz, and there caused us to rejoin his own party; thus our families and households arrived at Shahr-i-Sabz, a town which Shahi Beg Khan had given to my father as a fief. From the time of the return from Balkh to that now mentioned, only one spring had elapsed. At the beginning of the winter, Shahi Beg Khan set out against Khwarizm, while my father fled into Khorasan. In this place, for the proper understanding of what followed, it will be necessary to give some account of Babar Padishah and Sultan Said Khan. Some further details will, God willing, be given in the First Part. CHAPTER VII. BIRTH AND PARENTAGE OF BABAR PADISHAH: HIS CONNECTION WITH THE MOGHULS; AND HIS EARLY HISTORY. THERE existed anciently, between the Chaghatai and the Moghuls, a bitter enmity. Moreover, from the time of Amir Timur till that of Sultan Abu Said Mirza, some one of the race of Chaghatai Khan, son of Chingiz Khan, had always been placed on the royal throne, and was honoured with the title of King, in spite of the fact that he was [in reality] a prisoner, as one may gather from the royal mandates. When it came to the turn of Sultan Abu Said Mirza to reign, this king discarded the old custom; Yunus Khan was summoned from Shiraz, and was sent into Moghulistan to oppose his brother Isan Bugha Khan. But in this Epitome there is no space for an account of the removal of the Khan to Shiraz, of the Khanship of Isan Bugha Khan, or of the reign of Sultan Abu Said Mirza.* To be brief, Sultan Abu Said Mirza said to Yunus Khan: "The old order of things has been changed; you must now lay aside all your [former] pretensions: that is to say, the royal mandates will be issued in the name of this dynasty [tabaka], and henceforth there must be friendship between us, and a bond of union." When Yunus Khan came to Moghulistan, he, after thirty years of hardship and suffering, got the upper hand of Isan Bugha Khan, as will be briefly related in connection with the history of Sultan Said Khan and Mirza Aba Bakr. The noble mind of Yunus Khan was thus set at rest; Sultan Abu Said Mirza changed an old enemy into a new friend. Yunus Khan was desirous of making a return for his kindness, and [said to himself]: "Perhaps in the same way that he has changed an old enemy into a new friend, I will change a friend into a relation." To this end, he gave to the three sons of Mirza Sultan Abu Said (namely, Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Mahmud Mirza, and Omar Shaikh Mirza) three of his daughters in marriage; the names of these three daughters being Mihr Nigar Khanim, Sultan Nigar Khanim, and Kutluk Nigar Khanim. (These have all been already mentioned.) As Farghana, the country of Omar Shaikh, was situated on the borders of Moghulistan, [Yunus Khan] became more intimate and friendly with him than with either of his brothers: indeed, the Khan made no distinction between him and his own children, and whenever they pleased they used to come and go between each other's countries and residences, demanding no ceremony, but being satisfied with whatever was at hand. On the occasion of the birth of Babar Padishah, a messenger was sent to bear the good tidings to Yunus Khan, who came from Moghulistan and spent some time with [Omar Shaikh] . When the child's head was shaved, everyone gave feasts and entertainments. Never were two kings known to be on such terms of intimacy as were Yunus Khan and Omar Shaikh Mirza. In short, the Padishah was born on the 6th of Moharram of the year 888. Maulana Munir Marghinani, one of the Ulamas of Ulugh Beg Mirza, discovered the date in the [numerical value of the letters] of Shash Moharram. They begged his Holiness to choose a name for the child, and he blessed him with the name of Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad. At that time the Chaghatai were very rude and uncultured [buzurg], and not refined [bdzdri] as they are now; thus they found Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad difficult to pronounce, and for this reason gave him the name of Babar. In the public prayers [khutba] and in royal mandates he is always styled 'Zahir-ud-Din Babar Muhammad/ but he is best known by the name of Babar Padishah. His genealogy [is as follows]. Omar Shaikh Kurkan, son of Sultan Abu Said Kurkan, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, son of Miran Shah Mirza, son of Amir Timur Kurkan. And on the mother's side: Kutluk Nigar Khanim, daughter of Yunus Khan, son of Vais Khan, son of Shir Ali Khan, son of Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluk Timur Khan. This prince was adorned with various virtues, and clad with numberless good qualities, above all of which bravery and humanity had the ascendant. In the composition of Turki poetry he was second only to Amir Ali Shir. He has written a Divan, in the purest and most lucid Turki. He invented a style of verse called "Mubaiyan," and was the author of a most useful treatise on Jurisprudence, which has been adopted generally. He also wrote a tract on Turki Prosody, superior in elegance to any other, and put into verse the Rasala-i-Vdlidiyyah of his Holiness. Then there is his Vakdi* or Turki History, which is written in a simple, unaffected, and yet very pure style. (Some of the stories from that work will be reproduced here.) He excelled in music and other arts. In fact, no one in his family before him ever possessed such talents as his. Nor did any of his race ever perform such wonderful exploits, or experience such strange adventures, as did he. He was twelve years of age when his father, Omar Shaikh Mirza, died. In his Vakdi, which, though in Turki, is written in very elegant and florid style, he says: "On Monday, the 4th of Ramazan, Omar Shaikh Mirza having flown from the top of the precipice with his pigeon and his pigeon-house, became a falcon, at the age of thirty-nine."* This occurred in the year 899, and after his father's death Babar Padishah was raised to the throne, being, at that time, twelve years of age. There was so much dissension between Baisanghar Mirza and Sultan Ali Mirza (the sons of Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said),* that neither of them had strength enough to protect Samarkand. When information of this [state of affairs] reached Andijan, the Emperor set out to attack Samarkand. Although the Mirzas had become very weak, they offered him stout resistance; but finally, Baisanghar having no power left, abandoned the town and fled towards Hisar, where he was put to death by Khusrau Shah (as already mentioned). The Emperor took Samarkand, and quartered in it as many of the troops of Andijan as was possible, while the rest returned to Andijan, some with his permission, some without. On the arrival of Tambal, of whom we have spoken, he, in conjunction with some other Amirs, set Jahangir Mirza, younger brother of the Emperor, upon the throne. The Chief Judge [Kdzi] of Andijan, a very pious and religious man, who had done everything in his power to forward the Emperor's interests, was wantonly put to death. A short time before the murder of the Kazi, the adherents of the Emperor had strengthened and defended the fort of Andijan, and had sent letters of entreaty [to the Emperor], representing that if he did not come quickly, Andijan would fall, and that after it Samarkand would also succumb. On receiving these letters, the Emperor left Samarkand, and set out for Andijan. On reaching Khojand, however, news was brought him that the enemy had won the day. The Emperor, having left one place, and lost the other, was greatly perplexed, and betook himself to his uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan. The Emperor's mother, and her mother, Isan Daulat Begum, went to their son and sister. This sister was my mother. On this account the Emperor, also, stayed in our country. His hosts exerted themselves to the utmost on his behalf, and after many severe hardships, after many victories and defeats, the Emperor once more became ruler of Samarkand. He fought many battles with rival claimants for Samarkand, and experienced both victory and defeat. At length he was besieged, and when all his power of resistance had gone, he gave his sister, Khanzada Begum, to Shahi Beg Khan, and making some kind of treaty, left Samarkand, which thus fell again into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan. It would be very tedious were I to relate all the details; however, to be brief, the Emperor [again] repaired to his uncle. Having given up all idea of [regaining] Samarkand, he determined to secure Andijan. The Khans also, having bound the girdle of endeavour round the waist of fatherly love, exerted themselves to the utmost to take Andijan, that they might give it to the Emperor, with the result which has been mentioned above. After the last battle, in which the Khans fell into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan, the Emperor fled to the hills on the south of the country of Farghana, where he underwent many hardships and innumerable misfortunes. Moreover, his mother was with him, as were also most of his servants, together with the family and children. In that journey (and verily, as the Prophet himself said, "Travelling is a foretaste of Hell") they all suffered great hardships, and with difficulty reached, at length, the territory of Hisar, which is the capital of Khusrau Shah, hoping that they might participate in the humanity for which he was renowned. But he, like the heavens, changed, and averting the face of compassion, turned the back of unkindness towards that master of benevolence. But beyond this he did not do them any injury. And thus, in the same state of dejection, affliction, apprehension, and evasion, they passed on towards Ghuri and Baklan. When they reached this quarter, the back of their strength being broken, and the foot of vigour being bound, they tarried for a few days. How often in misfortune is there a hidden blessing! Although waiting in that place was a cause of great affliction to them, it turned out most providentially, and in a way which the most farsighted person could not have foreseen. For at this very crisis, the advance of the standards of Shahi Beg Khan on Hisar, and the approach towards Kunduz of the drums of Mahmud Sultan, caused the boasting Khusrau Shah to desert his kingdom, as has been related above. He, too, fled to the hills of Ghuri; and on his arrival there, learnt that the Emperor was still among the mountains. That same night his servants and retinue, both greas and small, from the Mir to the groom, all flocked to the court of the Emperor. Khusrau Shah saw nothing left for it but to hasten also to offer his services. Yet this man had put out the eyes of one of the Emperor's cousins, Sultan Masud Mirza, and had brought Masud's brother, Baisanghar Mirza, to the bier, after having raised him to the throne; also, at the time when the Emperor had arrived on his frontier, he had, with extreme harshness, ordered him to quit the country. Moreover, Mirza Khan, a younger brother of the cruelly-treated Mirzas, whose father and mother were both closely connected with the Emperor's father and mother, had shared in all the Emperor's sufferings and trials in the mountains, and was at this time with him. When Khusrau Shah arrived in the Emperor's presence, Mirza Khan petitioned that he might be put to death, by way of retaliation for his treatment of his [Mirza Khan's] two brothers. The Emperor, whose natural disposition was a humane one, said to Mirza Khan: "It would be a pity, a thousand pities, to compare two good angels with this devil of a king, and to such purpose did he pierce the pearls of love with the diamond of mercy, that at last he caused Mirza Khan to desist from his demand and be satisfied. When Khusrau Shah looked upon the Emperor and Mirza Khan, the forehead of his folly became moist with the perspiration of shame, but the Emperor wiped it clean with the sleeve of forgiveness and the skirt of pardon. When the audience was terminated, the Emperor commanded the treasurers to take back all the property, treasure, horses, etc., which they had brought to him, just as they were, although he had only one horse suitable to his rank, and that was used also by his mother. From this an idea may be formed of what necessaries [he had at his command] . He ordered that none of [Khusrau's] effects should be confiscated. Although the Emperor was very needy, he would not take any of the presents, but gave him back all his arms and treasures untouched, and declined all that was offered. This is one trait out of a thousand, in the Emperor's character. Khusrau Shah, having obtained per- mission to go to Khorasan, separated from the Emperor, and proceeded to his destination. It is astonishing that, with such a force as he had, he did not attempt to defend his own State. Having got some help from Khorasan, he went and attacked Kunduz, where he was put to death without much ado. Verily the murder of a master, or a master's son, is a portentous deed! The Emperor, in one night, became master of 20,000 men, together with great Amirs, such as Baki Chaghaniani,* Sultan Ahmad Karaul, Baki Nila Furush and others, who took office under him. [Having made the necessary preparations] they set out against Kabul. After the death of the Emperor's uncle, Ulugh Beg Mirza of Kabul, Mukim, son of Zunnun* Arghun, one of the Mirzas of Sultan Husain, had taken possession of Kabul. Immediately on the arrival of the Emperor, he went out to oppose him, but seeing the enemy's superior numbers, he fled back and prepared to defend himself in the fort of Kabul. At length, being unable to hold out, he begged for quarter and surrendered the fort. Faithful to his agreement, the Emperor allowed him to proceed to Kandahar, with all his effects and followers. From that date, 909, to the present date, 948, Kabul has remained in the hands of the Emperor and his descendants. Having brought down my history to this point, it is time to turn to the proceedings of Sultan Said Khan; also to those of my father, of his journey to Khorasan, and of his relations with the Emperor. The first part will be given briefly, and the latter part in detail. CHAPTER VIII. BEGINNING OF THE STORY OF SULTAN SAID KHAN, SON OF SULTAN AHMAD KHAN, SON OF SULTAN YUNUS KHAN, AND THE SUFFERINGS AND HARDSHIPS HE ENDURED AT THE OUTSET OF HIS CAREER. [Here follows a somewhat lengthy dissertation on the advantages of misfortune, into which is introduced an anecdote in verse concerning Moses, taken from the "Salsalat-uz-Zahab" or "Golden Chain" of Abd-urrahman Jami, and also an account, in prose, of the Education of Nushirivan the Just.] Wherever in this Epitome the Khan, in an absolute sense, is mentioned, Sultan Said Khan is meant.* This Khan had many wonderful adventures. As one of the chief objects of this Epitome is to set forth the virtue and ability of the Khan, I shall enter into detail. His most noble lineage has already been given. From the time of his birth to the age of fourteen, he spent his days under the fond care and kind protection of his father. When he reached the age of fourteen, his father, Sultan Ahmad Khan, better known as Alacha, wished to go to the assistance of his elder brother, Sultan Mahmud Khan. He therefore appointed his eldest son, Mansur Khan, to fill his place on the throne, and took with him to Tashkand, two sons who were younger than Mansur Khan, namely, Sultan Said Khan and Babajak Sultan. The Khan was with his father at the battle of Akhsi, in which the Khans were captured, as has been mentioned. When the army was thrown into disorder and every man was trying to save his own life, the Khan also took flight, but at that moment he was struck in the thigh by an arrow, which, piercing his armour, struck the bone. As his father's army was routed he had no means of escape. Some men of the district captured him, and as he was, at the time, unable to walk, they refrained from carrying him as a present to anybody, but took care of him for a few days. Shahi Beg Khan returned in haste to settle his affairs in Tashkand. By the time the Khan had recovered his strength, Shaikh Bayazid had taken upon himself the government of Akhsi. The Khan, as soon as he was sufficiently recovered to be moved, was brought before him, and by his orders was thrown into prison, where he remained a whole year. When Shahi Beg Khan arrived [in Tashkand] he seized and put to death Tambal, and gave the government of Andijan to Jani Beg Sultan. When this latter came to Akhsi, the Khan was brought before him. Jani Beg Sultan recommended him to the favour of Shahi Beg Khan, who received him with compassion, kept him in his fatherly care, and denied him nothing. He, moreover, took the Khan with him on the expedition in which he conquered Hisar and Kunduz. I have heard the Khan relate, in terms of wonder and admiration, that when Shahi Beg Khan had conquered Hisar, news was brought of the taking of Kunduz by Mahmud Sultan. Shahi Beg Khan, having entrusted Hisar to Hamza Sultan and Chaghanian to Mahdi Sultan,* set out quietly on his return. "As the pass of Darband-i-Ahanin [The Iron Gate] was very difficult [continued the Khan], and as the army was much burdened with booty, they made the journey, farsdkh after farsdkh, by way of Buya and Tirmiz. While the victorious army was encamped at Buya, I was sitting once, at midday, in the royal tent [majlis]. The hour for the assembly had not yet arrived, and only a few of the king's intimates were present, when somebody with a terrified countenance and wild appearance came in great haste, and laid a letter at the foot of the royal throne. As [Shahi Beg] perused the contents of this letter a great change came over him, and before he had finished reading it, he rose up and went in to his haram, giving orders for his horse to be brought. He remained for some time in the haram; but after midday prayers came out again and mounted his horse. He was attended by a great number of people. Then it was made known that Mahmud Sultan had died a natural death in Kunduz, and that his body was on the way [to the camp]. When Shahi Beg Khan had got some distance away, we saw a great crowd in pitch-black clothes, such as captives wear. Having placed the bier upon the ground, they drew up in two lines behind it. When [Shahi Beg Khan] saw this, he made a sign for all the Sultans and others to dismount and follow in his train. These, having obeyed, began to raise cries of grief and lamentation, and we, in the camp, also commenced to utter moans and wailings. When those attending the bier approached, he ordered all who were with him to draw up in a line, while he himself rode forward until his horse's head was just above the bier; he then gave a sign for everyone to keep silence, and thereupon those who were with him ceased from rending their garments and tearing their beards He then called one of the Amirs of Mahmud Sultan, and said to him such things as are usual on occasions of condolence. After this he remained silent for a while, never showing the slightest change in his countenance, nor shedding a tear. At the end of an hour he raised his head and said: 'The death of Mahmud is a good thing: men have been wont to say that the power of Shahi Beg Khan was upheld by Mahmud: let it now be known that Shahi Beg Khan was in no way whatever dependent upon Mahmud. Carry him away now, and bury him.' Having said this, he turned away, and all present were astounded at his boldness and composure." The death of Mahmud Sultan was a great loss to the Moghuls, for he was, in every respect, a thorough Moghul [and they recalled all he had done for them]. When Shahi Beg Khan reached Samarkand, Shah Begum arrived from Moghulistan. The details are briefly these: Shah Begum was the mother of the Khans, was daughter of Shah Sultan Mahmud, King of Badakhshan, and of the race of Iskandar Zulkarnain. She had accompanied her son, Sultan Mahmud Khan, into Moghulistan. But those base advisers, of whom I have already spoken, provoked a quarrel between the mother and her son— a son who had been so obedient to her, that he had never even mounted for a ride without her permission. Between these two, they contrived to raise the dust of vexation and wrath. For they— cunning advisers that they were — decided to send Shah Begum to Shahi Beg Khan to solicit a country for herself, because she found living in Moghulistan distasteful. Such was the impracticable mission upon which they sent Shah Begum. Now, as the Begum was a very sensible woman, she went under this pretext, and thus left her son, before those base advisers could bring about an open rupture, which would cause endless scandal and reproach to herself. The rumour was that she had gone to entreat [Shahi Beg Khan], while she was [in reality] in Samarkand enjoying the company of her children. At this same time [Shahi Beg Khan] led an army into Khwarizm, and my father fled to Khorasan, as shall be presently related. The Khan told me: "After the Mirza's flight we were so overcome with apprehension, that sixteen of us having banded together, we fled from Samarkand, and journeyed by way of Khutuk and Kara Tukai to Sairam. Thence we went on to Moghulistan by way of Uzun Ahmad, and arrived at Haft Deh, which is better known as Yatikand,* where Sultan Mahmud Khan was living at the time." It has been already related that after the death of Sultan Ahmad Khan, Sultan Mahmud Khan came into Moghul-istan. The latter was a weakly prince and very lax and careless in the affairs of State. Now Moghulistan is a country which does not admit of any such negligence and callousness in its administration, and for this reason Sultan Mahmud Khan was not able to remain there long, but came, with a desire to live a civilised life, to Yatikand, where there is [indeed] some cultivation. When he had been there a short time, the Khan went and attached himself to his uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan. The Khan passed some time in the service of his uncle; but he was an energetic and enterprising man, and being unable to endure the negligence and indolence of his uncle, he fled from his court. Sultan Mahmud Khan sent a party after him to bring him back. After three days' march he was overtaken, when a fight ensued. In the heat of the action, a certain Maksud Ali, one of the courtiers of Sultan Mahmud Khan (and a man skilled in instrumental music and singing), displayed great valour, and the Khan seeing that the brunt of the battle was supported by him, rode up to attack him. Thereupon Maksud Ali turned and fled, but while retreating faced round and shot an arrow, which struck the Khan in the left shoulder. The collarbone was broken, and passing under his left shoulder blade the arrow reached his right shoulder blade. [In this state the Khan tried to overtake Maksud Ali], but in spite of his efforts, his hand would not wield the sword, and his enemy got away in safety. The Khan then turned back [from the pursuit]. His wound proved very serious, and during two years he was deprived of the use of his right eye and his right arm. Later in the day Maksud Ali fell into the hands of one of the Khan's men, who thought to himself: if I bring him alive to the Khan, that he may put him to death with his own hands, he will be more grateful to me [than if I bring him dead]. So he took him alive before the Khan. But the Khan, assuming a cheerful air, called to him and said: "I am glad you have fallen into my hands. I was sorry [for what had happened]." And although he had only one garment by him, he gave it him, together with a present of some horses, and kept him in Moghulistan to the end of his days, always looking on him with the eye of favour. The Khan's generosity was quite unbounded. Other examples will be given in their proper places. In short, after being wounded and enduring great hardships, he joined his brother Sultan Khalil Sultan. This latter, after the death of his father, had fled from Mansur Khan into Moghulistan, and had joined the Kirghiz, who are the "wild lions" of that country. They made him their chief. He remained some time with his brother, but finally war broke out between them on the one hand, and Sultan Mahmud Khan, in alliance with Mansur Khan, on the other, which led to victories and defeats, struggles and conflicts, and great and wonderful battles. In those fights such wounds were inflicted, that no reasonable person would consider them capable of being cured. But the details are not worth describing. These hostilities continued from 910 to 914, when Sultan Mahmud Khan, being hard pressed by his nephews and the people of Moghulistan, went over to Shahi Beg Khan (as has been related). Mansur Khan then attacked his two brothers, Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan, who had remained in Moghulistan. They, for their part, met him in the open field at Almatu,* one of the most celebrated places in Moghulistan, when after a hard fought battle the Sultans were worsted. Sultan Khalil Sultan, all his prospects of success in Moghulistan being shattered, followed his uncle [Mahmud], in the hope that Shahi Beg Khan had received the latter kindly; and when he reached Akhsi, Jani Beg Khan having seized [him] delivered him to my uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, Sultan Ali Mirza Begjik and Tubra Tiaghuth, [with the order] that he should be drowned in the river. They, being obliged to obey this order, drowned the unfortunate Sultan in the river of Akhsi. It will be mentioned later, how the Khan, a short time after this event, heaped favours and patronage upon those men whose brother he had murdered. When the Khan escaped from the field of battle, he was accompanied by about fifty men with their cattle and followers, all in great want. Broken and discomfited, they came from Almatu to Dulan (about fifteen days' march at a medium pace). On arriving there, they began to grow less afraid of the enemy. That same day, they came across a man whom they seized and interrogated. He informed them that at Uruk, which was distant about three days' march, at an even pace, there was encamped a body of the tribe of Bahrin, who intended to go to Kashghar and seek the protection of Mirza Aba Bakr. "And I," he added, "have fled, and am on my way to join the Kirghiz." They then all sat down [and held a consultation]. Some suggested that the Khan should himself go and mix with that tribe: haply by that means he would obtain a little help from them. And Khwaja Ali Bahadur, in particular, urged this plan (for he was himself of the tribe of Bahrin), and he was, moreover, a bold and daring man, and an unrivalled archer. When the Khan fled from Samarkand and entered the service of his noble uncle Sultan Mahmud Khan, Khwaja Ali Bahadur was in Yatikand, in the service of one of the officers of Sultan Mahmud Khan. When the Khan arrived, he entered [his uncle's] service with the greatest eagerness. On the occasion of the Khan's flight, when he received the arrow-wound from Maksud Ali, the musician, Khwaja Ali Bahadur, had displayed great valour in the contest, and had shown proofs of singular daring, which did not escape the notice of the Khan, who, from that day forward, bestowed on him his special protection and favour. In the battles that took place in Moghulistan, he usually distinguished himself by his heroic acts. But besides his bravery and prowess, he was also noted for his sagacity, intelligence, and perception; wherefore at that time most [of the Khan's] affairs were submitted to him for decision. Now as he was strongly in favour of the proposed plan, [while all the rest objected to it], Khwaja Ali represented that if the Khan went with a body of men, [the Bahrin] would be frightened, and think he had come to attack them. It was impossible to drive these ridiculous ideas out of their minds, which had become a prey to the whispering of devils; and it seemed that a new cause of dissension and violence would arise. [The Khwaja] thought the wisest plan was that he, in preference to any of the other followers, should be selected to accompany the Khan. He suggested that they should remain where they were for five days, to see if they would approve of his going. If, thus, their minds could be pacified and their vain fears and foolish ideas be changed to good faith and confidence — well and good. "If not," said he, "let us all go, as quickly as possible, and make common cause with [the Bahrin]."* This suggestion was approved, and the Khan and Khwaja Ali set out together. They made a three days' journey, passing only one night on the road, and arrived at their destination at breakfast time. When these dastardly men heard of their arrival, they came with unbounded impudence before him, not observing any of those marks of respect which are customary among the Moghuls. Then Khwaja Ali addressing them said: "All adventurous persons who have obtained their desires, have watched for a favourable opportunity to seize with both hands the skirts of men of power." While his words were yet unfinished, they cried out: "Down with this babbler of idle words! What use has a Khan for a hundred households? We have nothing to offer him!" So saying they drove the Khan back to his friends, and seized Khwaja Ali; they took away the led horse of the Khan, which he was holding, and threw its bridle towards the Khan. On seizing Khwaja Ali, they carried him off to their tents. The Khan, in alarm for his life, fled back with all speed, fearing lest they might take him and deliver him into the hands of Aba Bakr. Being terrified at this idea, he hastened to rejoin his men, looking round him on all sides as he went [to see whether he was being pursued]. Once, when the Khan was relating this story, I asked him: "Did you not dread [the thought of] solitude and desolation?" He replied: "Not so very much, for I had once before been left alone in Moghulistan, and had spent some days in solitude, in the same way, but afterwards joined my people again." When he had gone a short way, he perceived something black in the distance; whereupon he withdrew to a secluded spot and, fastening his led horse there, stood waiting in ambush. He soon discovered that it was a man, and waited till he came near; then, placing an arrow [in readiness] in his bow, he leapt out of his ambush upon the new-comer, who had no time to get away, but threw himself in terror from his horse. The Khan then recognised that this man was the slave who had fled to the Kirghiz from his own party, who had been captured at Dulan, and had given information of [the presence of] those dastardly people [the Bahrin]. He, on his part, recognised the Khan, and kissed his stirrup. The Khan asked him for news of his men, and where they were now encamped. The man replied: "When you went away with Khwaja Ali Bahadur, a dispute arose among your men. It came about in this way. Somebody said: 'Last night I happened to be near the Khan's tent, when I heard Khwaja Ali Bahadur say to the Khan: Our people are in a very broken condition [and there is nothing to be done with them]; they have hardly anything left; but our opponents have cattle and property in abundance, because every one of [the Khan's] dependants is either a Mir or a Mirzada, and wishes to have power and precedence over others, which they cannot possibly obtain. Moreover, we cannot attain any object or carry out any scheme by means of such people. It will be best for us, therefore, for the reasons I have given, to separate from these men and to go and join the other side. Let these people go wherever they choose, while we avail ourselves in every possible way of the services of our opponents. And with this plan the Khan will be greatly pleased. [I tell you] the Khan does not intend to return.' "At these words the people became very despondent and grieved; and each one, forming whatever plan seemed best to himself, they split up into factions. One party under the leadership of Uchku Muhammad Mirza, Shah Mirak and Zikul Bahadur, set out for Turfan, the capital of Mansur Khan. Another division under Kara Kulak, took the road to Andijan, in the hope that the Khans who had preceeded them had been well received by Shahi Beg Khan. And a third division, under the direction of Khush Gildi Kukildash and Aziz Birdi Agha, resolved to go to the court of Mirza Aba Bakr in Kashghar. Thus did they form themselves into different parties." The Khan used always to say: "When I learnt these facts, I was filled with amazement and alarm. Dismay took possession of my mind. I asked him how many days ago this had happened; he replied that on the particular day he had left them, the discussion had taken place, and they had separated. "I then dismounted, and for a while remained buried in thought. At length I resolved to leave my horse in the impenetrable jungles of Narin, and myself to lie in ambush for antelopes; and when I had killed them, to eat their flesh and to clothe myself with their skins; thus I would spend several years, until I should see how events might fall out. "With this intention, having withdrawn my led horse to one side, I set out on my road." [It must be understood that] it is a custom among the Moghuls, for the bravest of their youth to spend a long time alone, either in the deserts, the mountains or the forests, at a distance of one or two months' journey from any of their fellow creatures, and to feed and clothe themselves with the flesh and skins of antelopes. Such persons they esteem as brave and manly; and it is, in fact, a very difficult and dangerous mode of life. [The Khan] having resolved upon this strange and perilous adventure, gave the slave his liberty, and set out on his own design. He spent the night in what he considered a suitable spot, and on the morrow again started on his road. But first of all he surveyed the country, in accordance with the Moghul practice of circumspection and caution. For it is their custom, in the morning, to examine carefully the road by which they have just come, and also to reconnoitre that by which they intend to travel the same day; the travellers having ascended a piece of rising ground, and having carefully inspected both the roads, then give some fodder to their horses, which have been tethered all night. The purpose of this vigilance which they practise is, that if anybody should happen to be following them, and should have come on during the night, he would be seen, and could be guarded against. When the horses have grazed long enough, and no one is visible in either direction, the road is again taken at midday, and the journey continued till midnight, so that no one may discover the traveller or his nightly resting-place. Such is the cautious practice of the Moghuls. The Khan, looking round carefully on all sides, after a short time descried something black on the road by which he had come the day before, and began to fear lest those tribesmen, regretting that they had let him go, were come in pursuit of him. But he presently saw that it was only one person, and that there was no one behind him, as far as he could see. Then, as was his practice, he placed himself in ambush. He noticed that this man was ever and again uttering cries, as if calling for somebody. And as he came nearer [the Khan] recognised his voice as that of Khwaja Ali Bahadur. He rushed out to meet him, and the Khwaja, also recognising the Khan, dismounted, and they both began to weep as they met in affectionate embrace. One can imagine the extent of the Khan's joy at this meeting. Having made an end of weeping, [the Khan] asked the Khwaja where he had been and what had befallen him. The Khwaja replied: "They carried me off and kept my horse, and placed me in the house of one of my acquaintances. After a while a decrepit and frail old woman, who claimed a blood relationship with me, came to me secretly and began to heap reproaches on my head, saying: 'Some have been known to serve a Khan yet unborn, or an Amir still in his cradle, and to have reaped their reward; yet you, with your lack of zeal, have deserted a great Khan, who is worthy of a throne and a crown, and in your sluggishness have debased yourself. Rise up: if you have not a horse, I have left mine tied up in such and such a place: take it and go!' Then my old enthusiasm, which seemed to have died within me, revived: I hastened out and went to the spot she had indicated, found the horse, and here I am." The Khan, having bestowed thanks and praises on him, said: "When I found myself alone, I resolved upon the following plan" (and the Khan proceeded to relate to him, from beginning to end, what has been told above). Khwaja Ali Bahadur replied: "Peace on you! It was a most excellent resolve for a brave man like yourself, under existing circumstances. And it is all the better that it should have been so. But now it is possible to proceed with greater comfort and ease. However, even if we do spend a few years in this way, we must get news of the world whenever we can; for the wheel of the spheres does not always turn in the same groove, and we must be on the look out for any opportunity that may arise to again obtain the control of affairs. We must also be bold." The two then set out with strong hearts and cheerful spirits, riding bridle to bridle. On the following day they noticed in front of them some black objects: and the same care and pre- cautions were observed as on the other occasion. As the objects approached, they recognised the two brothers of Khwaja Ali Bahadur, Tika and Ali Mirak, and two of his sons-in-law, Asil Pulad and Buzana [each one accompanied by his servant]. After this meeting, the Khan's position was as sovereignty compared with that of the day before. The new-comers were then asked their story. They related what has been mentioned above, and added: "Khush Gildi and Aziz Birdi, who had determined to go to Kashghar, separated from us yesterday." With these two came Sukar and some of the Kaluchi (who were relatives of a certain woman of the name of Makhtum, with whom, during the time of the great disturbances in Moghulistan, the Khan had contracted a marriage), and they brought with them several horses from the royal stables. Having announced this news, the whole party set out in pursuit without delay, and came upon the fugitives towards the end of the night; when these heard the sound of the hoofs of the approaching horses, they were filled with dismay and alarm. The Khan and his companions called out to each one by name, and they, recognising his voice and that of the others, were filled with joy. They came, running, to the stirrup of his Excellency the Khan and, kissing his feet, gave vent to expressions of thankfulness. The Khan, being rejoined by Khwaja Ali, was relieved of the distress of solitude, but now, on falling in with Tika and his party, he had become a veritable king, compared with his former position. When, under the guidance of these men, they had rejoined the party who had separated from them, the Khan was overjoyed at the prospect of a meeting with a slave, who was his wife. All were delighted at coming together again, and hoped that that night they would enjoy a refreshing sleep. The Khan, in the same hope, had already taken off his boots and coat, when Aziz Birdi Agha came and persuaded him to put them on again. Although it was apparently a trouble to do so, it was at least a fitting precaution, so he consented, in order to quiet Aziz Birdi, and with one boot off [and one boot on] he slumbered peacefully on the breast of his wife. For he had taken no rest for several nights and days, and was exceedingly fatigued from rough travelling and watchful nights. The full enjoyment of sleep had not yet come to him, when he heard a war cry [suran] and the sound of giving and taking of blows. Before the Khan could jump out of bed, he saw by the light of the burning camp that the enemy were upon them, and were dealing out blows to right and left. He had just time to gird on his quiver, when Khwaja Ali arrived. They rushed together, from the blazing camp into the darkness, and began to shower down arrows upon the enemy who were doing their work in the light, and in the same way, the men from the camp came out on all sides into the darkness, and began to discharge their arrows. The enemy, who were all mounted, then withdrew from the light, and the Khan's men, who were on foot, shot at them from different ambuscades. On account of the darkness it was not possible to judge of the great numbers of the one side or the small numbers of the other. Some of the men, in imitation of the Khan, were engaged in discharging arrows, while the rest had gone back to secure the horses. As a fact, this hostile band was part of an army which Mirza Aba Bakr had sent to Moghulistan, with orders to seize and treat, in the worst possible way, any one who might be found in the deserts of Moghulistan. The continual raids of these followers of Mirza Aba Bakr caused great distress in Moghulistan, and threw the Moghuls and Kirghiz into disorder. [The assailants] who were a division of the force spoken of, had come on at the time of afternoon prayer, and when they had seen the Khan's party arrive and halt, they had crept into concealment till late in the night. They then seized all the horses, which had been turned out to graze, and when darkness was nearly over they made their night attack. There were no horses left in the camp* except a few fat animals, which had been retained for purposes of war. These were saddled, and mounted by the men, and some of the women of the Khan's haram; while two or three other women were sent off by their husbands, who found horses for them. The Khan's horse was saddled and brought to him. When day dawned all were in the greatest straits. Moreover, except for the two or three women already mentioned, all the wives and children of our party had fallen into the enemy's hands, and there was no time to take leave or bid farewell. The scar of disappointment was marked upon their foreheads, and they never saw each other more. But those who fled, drove their wives and men and horses before them. The Khan and all those who had any courage and strength, followed after them. The cursed enemy came close on their heels, and pursued them with the greatest ardour, being, moreover, supplied with changes of horses. Whenever the enemy approached, the Khan with a few men, turned round and plied them with arrows, and kept them at bay until his own party had got well on, when he again let loose the reins of flight till he overtook them. Thus did they fly fighting; and shot their arrows with their faces towards their friends and their backs to their enemies. This state of affairs continued till the hour of the "prayer of sleep." The night attack took place in the desert plains [chulgdi] of Utluk, which are called Ankghun Archa, and by the time of the "prayer of sleep" they had reached Kumala Kachur,* which represents a distance of five days' journey at a medium pace. The feeble ones, both women and men, at the time of flight and distress, were concealed in the glens and forests, while the rest hid themselves wherever they thought most safe. With the exception of the Khan's wife and two or three other women, and a few men who had remained, most of these people were captured; only a few escaped. When evening-prayer time came, fear of the enemy left them but little peace of mind. They were all scattered, every one hiding in the jungle of Kumala Kachur; and from the excess of their terror, some of those whose horses were tired out, left them and crept into the forest on foot. When day dawned, they all came out onto an elevation, and still concealing themselves, looked carefully round. They could see no trace of the enemy. They waited patiently till midday, when wherever they happened to be, they called out, and by means of their cries were able to find one another; [they also found] those whom they had sent into the glens, and of whose fate they were till then ignorant, not knowing whether they had been captured or not. Returning, they looked to see what had become of these people. They found that, excepting the Khan's wife [haram] and one or two other persons, all had been discovered and carried off captive. They remained where they were during that day, for they had not sufficient strength left to proceed. Moreover, they did not know whither they could go. They discussed the matter in all its aspects: every one made suggestions, and held his own views upon the matter; but all their plans were quite impracticable. One proposition was that they should live in the forests, and banish from their thoughts all desire for civilisation. This, however, was not considered to be feasible, as it was impossible to exist in the forests without the [necessary] weapons, etc. After seeking everywhere, they found that all their quivers were empty. At last they found one arrow in the Khan's quiver: in the rest there were none left but tir-i-gaz* [And with only one arrow there was certainly nothing to be achieved, so perforce this idea must be banished from their minds. Another proposal was that] they should enter the Dasht-i-Kipchak, which at that time was an asylum and refuge of the Moghul Khans. But this again was impossible, on account of their want of arrows [and other weapons. A third suggestion was that they should go to Kashghar. But they came to the conclusion that] to go to Kashghar was as good as to walk, living, into a grave. With Mansur Khan it was but yesterday that they had fought a battle, and all their sufferings and calamities were due to him. At length they decided upon going to Andijan; for it was possible that Shahi Beg Khan had given Sultan Mahmud Khan a favourable reception. The Khan repeatedly related these details to me, and he used to add: "Those who advised our going to the country of Shahi Beg Khan, did so out of their ignorance of his true character. However strongly those who knew him protested, and pointed out the absurdity and danger of the scheme, which the others had made appear so plausible, they would not be dissuaded. I, for my part, showed my objections and disapproval in a hundred ways; for had I not been a whole year with Shahi Beg Khan? I well knew and understood his temperament, the ways of his Sultans, and the intentions of his Amirs. I knew very well that he would ill-treat us, which he did, but when I said this to these ignorant men, they replied: 'Then what is to be done? All our proposals are considered impracticable or impossible! [But in going to Shahi Beg Khan] there is some hope of safety. If anything else suggests itself to your enlightened mind, tell us of it: for in every matter we are willing to follow and obey you, mind and body.' Much as I thought the matter over, I was unable to find a solution of the difficulty, or offer any other suggestion; and finally I, with my eyes open, and in spite of what I knew, became myself a promoter of that very plan for which I had so severely reproved my men. For, in truth, there was no choice left. Knowingly and deliberately I rushed upon calamity! "On the morrow, having prepared myself for death and my heart for martyrdom, I set out to pay homage to Jani Beg Sultan, which was the first step to entering the service of Shahi Beg Khan. And there was no great difference between that stage* and the bottom of the tomb." These events took place in the year 914,* just two months after the murder of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and one month before Sultan Khalil Sultan was drowned in the ocean of mercy, all of which has been mentioned above. Sultan Khalil Sultan was the full brother of the Khan. At this date Babar Padishah was established on the throne of Kabul, and his power was nearly absolute. Having reached this point in the Khan's story, it is necessary for the better understanding of the history, that I should now revert to the stories of my father and Babar Padishah. CHAPTER IX. FLIGHT OF MY FATHER MUHAMMAD HUSAIN KURKAN FROM BEFORE SHAHI BEG KHAN INTO KHORASAN; WITH SOME INCIDENTAL BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. IT has been related above, how Kunduz submitted without resistance, on the advent of the victorious army of Mahmud Sultan; also how I, after being confined in prison by Khusrau Shah for a year, obtained my release, went and joined my father, and together with all the members of my family, proceeded to Shahr-i-Sabz, which Shahi Beg Khan had given to my father [together with its dependencies]. In the beginning of Sagittarius, Shahi Beg Khan marched on Khwarizm. All the heads of the Moghuls, whether Sultans or Amirs, together with their train, were dwelling among the Uzbegs, and fear and apprehension continually occupied their hearts. In the meanwhile, Mahmud Sultan, who had always been a defender of the Moghuls, died in Kunduz, whereat all the Moghuls, and especially my father, were much afflicted and saddened. For Mahmud Sultan had borne him such love, and had bestowed so much kindness on him, that if ever one of Shahi Beg Khan's nobles wrote a letter of cruelty or violence upon the tablet of the imagination concerning my father, he would draw a line through it with the pen of his protection; or else would erase this writing from the tablet of the rancorous heart of the evil- minded man, with the penknife of punishment. In fact, he recognised it as his duty to side with my father in all things. His death was a source of great uneasiness to the Moghuls in general, and to my father in particular. But Shahi Beg Khan said privately to Amir Jan Vafa, who was an intimate friend of my father, that he would on no account whatever leave Khwarizm until he had reduced it, and it was clear that the siege* would be a very protracted one: — "There are, at the present moment, about 30,000 Moghuls among our Uzbegs. So long as any of the Moghul chiefs remain, these men will continue to serve them, and never enter our service. If a favourable occasion presents itself, they will do to us that which we did to them. The first among them is Muhammad Husain Kurkan; I think of him all day, but feel that to kill him would be like killing one of the Khans — an act that would obliterate all the kindnesses I have ever shown the Khans. Hence, it will be best for you to announce to him my intention, so that he may rise up with all speed and escape while he has yet a foot [to walk upon], and no longer tempt his fate. For after his departure, I must make all the other Moghul Amirs feel the blood- drinking scimitar." Amir Jan Vafa immediately sent a messenger, who reached my father at the hour of midday prayer, and by the time of afternoon prayer my father, having chosen me from among his children to accompany him, together with sixteen of his servants, fled towards Khorasan. This event remains fixed in my mind like a dream or a fantasy. In those days Sultan Said Khan was also in Samarkand. Three days after [our flight] he fled to Moghulistan; but this story has been told above. Of those children whom my father left behind him in Shahr-i-Sabz, the eldest was Habiba Sultan Khanish; Shahi Beg Khan kept her in his haram at Tashkand, where he also kept Aisha Sultan Khanim, the daughter of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and who is nowadays better known as Moghul Khanim. After a while he married her, with various ceremonies, to Abdullah Khan, son of Mahmud Sultan. [2.] Next in age was Ganhar Shah Begum, whom Amir Jan Vafa obtained, in marriage, for his own son Amir Yar, in return for having carried the message to my father. [3.] I come next. I accompanied my father. [4.] Another was Muhammad Shah, whom one of my father's relations had taken after my father into Khorasan. [5.] The youngest of all was Abdullah Mirza, who has been mentioned above, as having accompanied his mother, Sultanim Begum. I shall tell his life in these pages. In short, we left Shahr-i-Sabz, and, passing one night on the road, reached, at the close of [the second] day, the banks of the River Amuya; the cold was very severe and we only succeeded in crossing with great difficulty; without entering Balkh, we went on to Khorasan. Those were the last days of the life and reign of Mirza Sultan Husain, who was a grandson of Mirza Jahangir,* son of Amir Timur. None of his ancestors, as far back as Amir Timur, had attained to sovereignty. Mirza Sultan Husain, however, had, after many years of struggles and hardships, won Khorasan at the point of the sword, and during forty-eight years, while firmly established on the throne of Herat, he governed the four quarters of Khorasan. He encouraged all the arts and crafts of the world to such a degree that in every separate profession he produced an unsurpassed master. Having reached this point, I meditated and felt that I ought to write something concerning these lords of revelation and masters of manifestation, who lived at this time. And though I did not, with my lack of capacity, seem fit for the task, yet strange to say, I could not see my way to omit recording one or two circumstances in relation to these men. In any case I will make a beginning, in the hope that, with the aid of existing memoirs [tazkira], which shall supplement the deficiencies of my humble reed, it may prove worthy of the perusal of the clear-sighted. ******* As it does not lie in my power to write a separate book in memory of these men, I have in this Epitome only devoted a few lines to some of them, in order to satisfy my mind and to calm my inner man. [Quatrain] . ..* Shaikh Ul Islam, the Light of Religion, Mauldnd Abdur Rahman Jdmi. He was far the greatest and most excellent and learned of all the saints and spiritual guides of the time of Mirza Sultan Husain. He is much too great to stand in need of any mention from my humble pen; so I will simply trace his discipleship. He was a disciple of Maulana Sad-ud-Din Kashghari, disciple of Maulana Nizam-ud-Din Khamushi, disciple of Khwaja Ala-ud-Din Attar, disciple of His Holiness the Kibla of the Pious, Khwaja Baha 'ul Hakk va ud-Din, generally known as Khwaja Nakshband. Maulana Sad-ud-Din Kashghari. He belonged to one of the most noble families in the country of Kashghar, and his race had produced Ulamas, and many pious and devout men and saints. Among whom was Shaikh Habib, the disciple of Shaikh Sayyid Kardgar, disciple of Shaikh Mohibb Mujarrad.* Amir Sayyid Ahmad, my great-great-grandfather, placed his son Mir Sayyid Ali in the service of Shaikh Habib, when he was very young. ******* Maulana Nizam-ud-Din Khdmush. I have heard from a certain distinguished person that [even] before Maulana Nizam-ud-Din became a disciple of Khwaja Ala-ud-Din he was an exceedingly pious and chaste man. He used to sit in the mosque of the Lawyers, and was an admirer of the spirituality of the Shaikh. ******* He performed many miracles, as is related in the Nafahdt ul 'wis. ******* Return from the Digression. My father arrived in Khorasan at the time when its pomp and splendour and learning were at their highest, and the fame of Herat and its people was spread over the world. At that time the sons of Mirza Sultan Husain, who had revolted against their illustrious father, had repented and had been allowed to kiss his feet, and they now surrounded the Mirza's throne with honour and respect. When my father arrived in Herat, the people came out to receive him, and attended his passage with honour. They then conducted him to a magnificent residence — worthy of his rank— which they had made ready for him. [When my father went to pay his respects to Mirza Sultan Husain], Mir Muhammad Baranduk Barlas, who had been one of the Amirs of Shah Rukh and who, at that time, in respect of age, rank, understanding, intelligence, and knowledge of the laws and customs, had not his equal among the whole of the Chaghatai Ulus, came and spoke to my father about kneeling at the audience. My father agreed to his proposals. The Mirza also showed my father great honour, and placed him above all his children, even above his son Badi-uz-Zaman, who was the eldest and most respected of the Mirza's sons. In this city, which might have been compared to Paradise, my father commanded the utmost respect and distinction, and enjoyed every possible luxury. The Mirza, for his personal satisfaction, had determined on an alliance between one of his granddaughters and my father. The latter did not approve of this connection, because the Mirza was very old and afflicted with paralysis and gout, and the power of his children would not be such that, when they succeeded their father, they would be able to cope with Shahi Beg Khan. Nevertheless, as it had been arranged, he contracted the marriage. In the meanwhile, Shah Begum, as has been mentioned above, went from Moghulistan to Samarkand with a petition for Shahi Beg Khan. The latter was intent on the conquest of Khwarizm, which was a dependency of Mirza Sultan Husain. It was on Shahi Beg Khan's warning that my father had fled to Khorasan, and Sultan Said Khan had taken refuge in Moghulistan. Most of the Moghul chiefs had gone to the kingdom of the next world, while some had been thrown into confinement. Shah Begum was banished and sent to Khorasan. The rest of the Moghuls accompanied the expedition into Khwarizm. In enumerating the names of the children of Yunus Khan, I mentioned that the eldest was Mihr Nigar Khanim, who married Sultan Ahmad Mirza, king of Samarkand. When Shahi Beg Khan seized and put to death Sultan Ali Mirza and subdued Samarkand, he married Mihr Nigar Khanim. When he besieged Babar Padishah in that city, for the last time, and compelled him to capitulate, he demanded Khanzada Begum. Babar Padishah gave up Khanzada Begum in exchange for his own life, and escaped, as has been mentioned. Now as Mihr Nigar Khanim was maternal aunt to Khanzada Begum, and as it was unlawful for both to be wedded to the same man, he divorced Mihr Nigar Khanim, and married Khanzada Begum. The Khanim had dwelt in Samarkand. When Shah Begum was sent to Khorasan, the Khanim accompanied her mother-in-law. My father had a maternal aunt, who had remained in Shahr-i-Sabz, whither many of her connections had fled: she, having taken my brother Muhammad Shah with her, came with the Begum and the Khanim to Khorasan. Before the arrival of this party, my father resolved to make the Pilgrimage of the Hijaz, but when they joined him he gave up this intention, thinking that they would be in danger if left alone in a strange land. He then decided to remove them to Kabul, where Babar Padishah was, as has been related. Shah Begum was the stepmother of the Emperor's mother; Mihr Nigar Khanim was his maternal aunt. In short, having, with this intention, obtained leave to depart from Mirza Sultan Husain, they set out for Kabul. A few days before they reached Kabul the mother of Babar Padishah, Kutluk Nigar Khanim, died, and her death was a great misfortune to all. In spite of his mourning, Babar Padishah came out to receive them, and gave the party a warm welcome, accompanied by every honour that he was able to show them. Here they spent some time in the greatest ease and comfort. Soon after this, came news of the death of Mirza Sultan Husain. In the natural order of things, and in conformity with recognised custom and practice, Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman should have succeeded his father on the throne. But Khadija Begum, one of the late Sultan's wives, who was at the head of a factious party, succeeded in getting Muzaffar Husain Mirza, who was her own son, to share the government with Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman. This she did, in spite of the objections of the wise men of the time [who were at last compelled to consent to the unstable arrangement] which was in consequence carried out. In the meantime, Jahangir Mirza, who was in Ghazni, being discontented with the narrow limits of his territories, marched for Khorasan. [At the same time] he sent a petition to the Emperor, saying: "Sultan Husain Mirza has lately departed this life. It has occurred to me that, at this crisis, I should go and offer my help and alliance to his sons. Probably I may be able to help them in some way." When this petition reached Babar Padishah, he at once set out, with the intention that if he fell in with Jahangir Mirza on the road, he would turn him back, or if not, would pursue his brother into Khorasan. [In either case] he would not be long in ascertaining what schemes Mirza Jahangir had in his mind. As soon as the Emperor had resolved on this plan, he came to my father's house, and asked him to undertake the management of Kabul and its dependencies. My father would not accept the invitation, but said, in excuse: "When in Khorasan, I resolved to undertake the Pilgrimage; if I were to bind myself to the measure you propose, my resolution would be to no purpose. Let this business be entrusted to one of your great Amirs, and I will render him assistance to the utmost extent of my ability." The Emperor then sent for Nizam-ud-Din Ali Khalifa Maulana Baba Bishaghari, Amir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur,* and one or two other of his [trustworthy] chiefs, and after complimenting [my father], said to him: "I am about to start for Khorasan, having the most perfect reliance on you. These Amirs will conduct the different affairs of the State under your general supervision." Having thus spoken, and after further compliments, he set out for Khorasan. CHAPTER X. BABAR PADISHAH'S EXPEDITION INTO KHORASAN. TROUBLES AND CON-TENTIONS IN KABUL. AFTER the Emperor's departure for Khorasan, up till the middle of the winter, all was order and quiet in Kabul. He, however, stayed away a long while, and various reports began to circulate; the main roads were also blocked by the Hazara highwaymen. In the list, given above, of the children of Yunus Khan, it was stated that he had five daughters and two sons. By his wife, Isan Daulat Begum, he had three daughters: [1.] Mihr Nigar Khanim, who has been already mentioned as being at this time in Kabul; having accompanied Shah Begum from Samarkand. [2.] Kutluk Nigar Khanim, the mother of the Emperor, who died just before the arrival of Shah Begum, the Khanim and my father, in Kabul. [3.] My mother, who died during the interval of peace [amdni] in Tashkand, which has been mentioned. By Shah Begum he had four children: [1] Sultan Mahmud Khan; [2] Sultan Ahmad Khan; [3] Sultan Nigar Khanim, who was the wife of Mirza Sultan Mahmud (son of Mirza Sultan Abu Said) and the mother of Mirza Khan; and [4] Daulat Sultan Khanim, who was wife of Timur Sultan, son of Shahi Beg Khan. All of these have been mentioned before. From this it will be seen that Shah Begum was step-grandmother* to both the Emperor and myself; and [actual] grandmother to Mirza Khan. After the defeat of the Khans, when the Emperor went to the hill country of Hisar, he was there joined by Mirza Khan, who accompanied him wherever he went. And the Emperor looked upon him as his own son; for, as has been explained, Mirza Khan's father and mother were of the same family as the Emperor's father and mother. On account of straitened circumstances [Mirza Khan] did not accompany the Emperor on that expedition, but stayed behind in the service of his grandmother Shah Begum. As various reports came in concerning the Emperor and the Mirzas of Khorasan, the motherly love of Shah Begum began to burn in her heart, and she persuaded herself that the Emperor had fallen into the hands of the Mirzas of Khorasan. Also, on account of the enmity that existed between Sultan Husain Mirza and Abu Said Mirza, and the bloodshed which had resulted therefrom, [she thought] that the Emperor would never escape from their power. Moreover, reports which seemed to confirm this view were constantly arriving; and it was considered time to put Mirza Khan upon the throne in the Emperor's place. When this plan was suggested to my father, he would not hear of it. An altercation followed which led to much sorrow; and the distress of Shah Begum gave offence to the Khans. All this brought much trouble upon my father, who at last, being exasperated, said: "As you will not be warned by me, I will no longer be your adviser." Nevertheless, the Emperor's Amirs, who used to come daily out of the castle to wait on my father, continued to come, as was their wont. After one month's bickering and quarrelling, Shah Begum had quite resolved to set Mirza Khan up in the Emperor's place.* My father [then] said privately to the Amirs, that it was not necessary for them to come to him any more. When the Amirs re-entered the castle, my father went away to a place called Ab-Baran, which is a day's march from Kabul, and withdrew himself from public affairs. Shah Begum and some Moghuls [then] read the Khutba in the name of Mirza Khan, and did their utmost to seize the fort of Kabul; whereupon numerous fights ensued. Shah Begum sent a letter of entreaty to my father to return, and as entreaties and remonstrances were unlimited, my father could not choose but come. During twenty-four days they laid siege to the castle of Kabul; and in the course of these operations the Emperor himself arrived.* CHAPTER XL BABAR PADISHAH'S JOURNEY INTO KHORASAN, AND HIS RETURN FROM KHORASAN TO KABUL. WHEN Babar Padishah went in pursuit of Jahangir, he came upon him in the mountains of Hazara. After holding a consultation, it was determined that the wisest plan would be to proceed into Khorasan, as with some aid, the sons of Sultan Husain Mirza might be enabled to withstand Shahi Beg Khan. So with this object in view, they turned towards Khorasan, and, on their arrival, these two brothers were warmly welcomed by the people of Khorasan, while the two Mirzas, for their part, were overjoyed at their advent. But there existed no accord between these two Mirzas. In the first place, Babar Padishah knew that they were not at one; he also knew that without unity they could effect nothing. Moreover, Jahangir Mirza, from having indulged too freely in wine drinking, was suffering so severely from dysentery, [from a disease called] mui, and a burning fever, that it was generally reported that Khadija Begum (after her old fashion) had put poison in his wine. For these and other reasons, he took his leave and returned to Kabul. On reaching the Hazara mountains, he learnt that Mirza Khan and Muhammad Husain Mirza were besieging Kabul. Leaving the heavy baggage with Mirza Jahangir (who, being sick, was travelling in a litter) he advanced with all possible speed towards the passes of Hindu Kush, accompanied by a small body of men. [The passes] were covered with snow. They, however, crossed them with much difficulty, and advanced, by forced marches, upon Kabul. At dawn one day they made a rapid descent upon the town. Those who were outside the fort of Kabul, and had been attacking those within, crept into concealment on every side, while those who were within, rushed out and carried off, as plunder, all that fell in their way, both within and without [the walls] . The Emperor, in conformity with his affectionate nature, without ceremony, and without a sign of bitterness— nay, with the utmost cheerfulness and good- humour —came into the presence of his step-grandmother, who had withdrawn her affection from him, and set up her grandson as king in his stead. Shah Begum was confounded and abashed [at his generous behaviour] and knew not what to say. The Emperor, going down on his knees, embraced her with great affection, and said: "What right has one child to be vexed because the motherly bounty descends upon another? The mother's authority over her children is in all respects absolute." He added: "I have not slept all night, and have made a long journey." So saying, he laid his head on Shah Begum's breast and tried to sleep; he acted thus in order to reassure the Begum. He had scarcely fallen asleep, when his maternal aunt, Mihr Nigar Khanim, entered. The Emperor leapt up and embraced his beloved aunt with every manifestation of affection. The Khanim said to him: "Your children, wives and household are longing to see you. I give thanks that I have been permitted to behold you once again. Rise up and go to your family in the castle. I too am going thither." So he went to the castle, and on his arrival all the Amirs and people began to thank God for His mercy. They made the dust of the feet of that loving king, powder [kohl] for their eyes. Then the Khanim conducted Mirza Khan and my father before the Emperor. As they approached, the Emperor came out to receive them. The Khanim then said: "Oh, soul of your mother! I have also brought my guilty grandson and your unfortunate brother to you. What have you to say to them?" and she pointed to my father. When the Emperor saw my father, he instantly came forward, with his wonted courtesy, and smiling, openly embraced him, made many kind inquiries and showed him marked affection. He then embraced Mirza Khan in like manner, and displayed a hundred proofs of love and good feeling. He conducted the whole ceremony with the utmost gentleness of manner, bearing himself, in all his actions and words, in such a way that not a trace of constraint or artifice was to be seen in them. But however much the Emperor might try to wear away the rust of shame with the polish of mildness and humanity, he was unable to wipe out the dimness of ignominy which had covered the mirror of their hopes. My father and Mirza Khan obtained permission to go to Kandahar. The Emperor, by entreaty and unremitting attentions, detained Shah Begum and the Khanim. When they reached Kandahar, Mirza Khan remained there, while my father proceeded in the direction of Farah and Sistan, with the intention of carrying out that holy resolve which he had made while in Khorasan. On his arrival in the territory of Farah, he heard of the conquest of Khorasan, by Shahi Beg Khan, and the overthrow of the Chaghatai. The high roads and passes were in a dangerous state, being obstructed and even closed. Thus my father was prevented from executing his purpose. This happened in the year 912.* CHAPTER XII. BRIEF ACCOUNT OF BABAR PADISHAH'S SOJOURN IN KABUL, AND A FEW STORIES CONNECTED THEREWITH. IT has been already related that the Emperor, in the year 909, conquered Kabul from Mukim, son of Zunnun Arghun. [On this expedition] he was accompanied by nearly 20,000 men of the army of Khusrau Shah. Now as Kabul was unable to support so great a host, the Emperor resolved to invade Hindustan. But on that expedition, from ignorance of the roads, they frequently came to places where provisions were scarce, and most of their cattle perished. Although there was not a single battle in that campaign, yet the army suffered a severe reverse. On their return to Kabul, many of Khusrau Shah's men deserted him. At this crisis Shah Begum and my father arrived in Kabul, and the Emperor proceeded to Khorasan (as has been related above). After we went to Kandahar, in consequence of all that had passed, the people were reduced to the most afflicting want and distress. In addition to this, Jahangir Mirza, who was at that time the stay and support of the Emperor's government, died. After the occurrence of these events, he [the Emperor] wished to strengthen his power by whatever means were available, in order that he might be firmly and securely established in Kabul. To this end, he sent an envoy to Shah Beg in Kandahar. Shah Beg was the son of Zunnun Arghun, who was one of the greatest Amirs of Mirza Sultan Husain, under whom he had, during thirty years, conducted the affairs of Kandahar and Zamindawar. Although he was a brave and intelligent man, yet by denying himself everything, he amassed great wealth. He had gone in person to Khorasan to assist the Mirzas. When Shahi Beg Khan attacked Herat, he alone went out to oppose the advance of the Uzbeg army, and in the engagement which ensued, he was slain. He was succeeded, in Kandahar, by his son Shah Beg. [As has been stated] the Emperor sent an envoy to Shah Beg, saying: "Since the children of Mirza Sultan Husain have been extirpated, it is fitting that the gates of obedience and service should be opened, and at this time there is no one in the palace of our sovereignty, who is more worthy than yourself of occupying the highest post." But in spite of all the Emperor's assurances and promises, Shah Beg refused; for he had higher views of dignity than that of entering into a state of dependence. To be brief, this refusal led to an outbreak of hostilities. The Emperor marched to Kandahar, in the neighbourhood of which town a battle was fought, and that a very bloody one. Finally victory declared for the Emperor; the dust of flight filled the eyes of Shah Beg's men, and they were thrown into such confusion that they were unable to enter the fort of Kandahar. Thus, without baggage, they crept on towards Sui,* and his good fortune was changed to desolation. So much treasure fell into the Emperor's hands, that [the gold and jewels] and Shahrukhi* were divided among the army by the shieldful. Mirza Khan, who had stayed in Kandahar, now joined the Emperor, who returned to Kabul laden with much spoil and treasure, having left Sultan Nasir Mirza, younger brother of Jahangir Mirza, in charge of Kandahar. On his return to Kabul [important] news came from Badakhshan. When the country of Khusrau Shah* was annexed by the Uzbeg, some of the people of Badakhshan refused to submit, and on several occasions put the Uzbeg army to flight, wherefore every commander of 1000 men [mir hazdri] attained the rank of Sardar, and placed the heads of the Uzbeg on their pikes.* Their leader was Zobir Raghi.* Shah Begum laid claim to Badakhshan, saying: "It has been our hereditary kingdom for 3000 years.* Though I, being a woman, cannot myself attain to the sovereignty, yet my grandson Mirza Khan can hold it. Males descended from me and my children will certainly not be rejected." The Emperor assented, and Shah Begum and Mirza Khan departed for Badakhshan.* My brother Muhammad Shah, who was in the service of the Begum, accompanied them. As they approached Badakhshan, Mirza Khan was sent forward to announce to Zobir Raghi the arrival of the Begum, and to explain her intentions. No sooner had Mirza Khan left them, than the army of Aba Bakr marching from Kashghar came upon them. All the men and the Begum, and all who were of the party, were seized and carried off [to Kashghar]. An account of Aba Bakr* will shortly follow. Mirza Khan [hearing of this event] hastened to Zobir Raghi. At first Zobir treated him with respect and honour, but afterwards paid so little attention to him, that he allowed only one or two servants to wait on him. When things had gone on a short time in this way, Yusuf Ali Kukildash Divana, one of Mirza Khan's old retainers, conspired with eighteen other persons, and one night fell on Zobir, slew him, and set Mirza Khan upon the throne. From that date, 913, till the end of his life, Mirza Khan reigned over Badakhshan. After the conquest of Kandahar, Babar remained in Kabul. Those Moghuls of Khusrau Shah's army who had stayed behind, to the number of about 3000, now raised Abdur Razzak* to the throne, and declared against the Emperor, who had only 500 men left with him. However, with these 500 men, he met them in a pitched battle. This was one of the Emperor's greatest battles. After much giving and taking of blows and countless hand-to-hand fights, the Emperor broke and routed the foe. In that action he personally, and alone, engaged five different champions of the enemy: Ali Sayyid Gur, Ali Sinar, and three others, and with brave strokes and sword cuts, put them all to flight. In this same battle, Abdur Razzak Mirza fell into the Emperor's hands, but was treated with generosity and set at liberty. After these events, the affairs of the Emperor began to march favourably in Kabul, where he remained until the year 916 [1510], when Shahi Beg Khan was slain, as will be mentioned below. CHAPTER XIII. EXPEDITION OF SHAHI BEG KHAN INTO KHWARIZM. HIS CONQUEST OF THAT COUNTRY. HIS RETURN TO MAVARA-UN-NAHR, AND HIS MARCH INTO KHORASAN. WHEN Shahi Beg Khan had disposed of the Moghuls, Sultan Said Khan fled to Moghulistan, and my father to Khorasan. Some [of the Moghuls] were put to death and others imprisoned. Shah Begum was sent into Khorasan, while the rest of the Moghuls, [Shahi Beg] carried with him into Khwarizm. He besieged [Khwarizm] for eleven months. Chin Sufi was then acting as governor for Mirza Sultan Husain. During all that time no one came in answer to his appeal for help; and he fought some marvellous battles, which even now are celebrated among the Uzbeg. At length, in consequence of the dearth of provisions, most of his men died of hunger, and resistance became no longer possible; then Shahi Beg Khan took the citadel, put Chin Sufi to death, and returned to Samarkand. As, before the conquest of Khwarizm, he had laid siege to Balkh for six months, and had left that enterprise only half completed (as has been related above), he now went and conquered Balkh, and then returned to Samarkand, where he passed the winter. In the spring he set out against Khorasan. Mirza Sultan Husain had died the year before, and his sons, in their indolence and indifference, could not come to any mutual agreement. When the news arrived of Shahi Beg Khan's approach, everything was thrown into dire confusion and disorder. Every one had some suggestion to offer, but no conclusion could be arrived at, [and while they were still engaged in these arguments] news came that Shahi Beg Khan had reached Herat. Mirza Zunnun led out an army [to oppose him], but [saw] that it was too late to dam the torrent with earth, or to smother the blazing fire with dust, and he was himself slain at the first onset of the Uzbeg, who forthwith entered and plundered Herat. The Mirzas all fled in different directions, and the greater part of the army did not even know how Herat had been taken. Thus easily fell that important city with its vast population. Mir Muhammad Salih, one of the Amirs of Sultan Abu Said, whose name is to be found in the "Lives of the Poets" [tazkira] discovered the date of this event, namely, 912, in the words Fath-i- Khordsdn — "Conquest of Khorasan." CHAPTER XIV. THE REASON WHY MY FATHER, MUHAMMAD HUSAIN KURKAN, SUR-RENDERED HIMSELF TO SHAHI BEG KHAN. MARTYRDOM OF MY NOBLE UNCLE, SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN, AND OF MY FATHER. MY father and Mirza Khan left Kabul and went to Kandahar, whence the former proceeded, with the intention of making the Holy Pilgrimage, while Mirza Khan remained at Kandahar. [My father] had resolved to go to Sistan, and taking the road by Neh and Bandan, to reach Kirman; since if he travelled by way of Khorasan, he would be hindered by the importunities of the Mirzas.* On nearing Farah he was met by a body of fugitives, in the most pitiable state imaginable, who told him that Shahi Beg Khan had seized Khorasan in the manner above related.* When they reached Farah they found that the roads on every side were unsafe, and there was nothing left for my father but to remain where he was. Thus he stayed three months in Farah. On Shahi Beg Khan hearing of his whereabouts, he sent him a most courteous invitation [which he accepted], and, accompanied by the magnates of Farah, he went to visit Shahi Beg Khan, who was then encamped at Ulang Kahdastan,* in great magnificence; but the limits of this Epitome prevent me from giving full particulars. No one would ever have imagined that change and destruction were coming over his affairs within a few years; it is wonderful how, in a short space of time, all went to ruin, in a way that will be briefly described. In short, he received my father with every mark of attention and honour, and showered down innumerable presents upon him. After this [Shahi Beg Khan] went against Kandahar, where Sultan Nasir Mirza* was [ruling], as has been mentioned above. He laid siege to the town for forty days, and then, having made peace, he returned, carrying away much booty. During the same year there were battles between the sons of Mirza Sultan Husain and Shahi Beg Khan's Sultans at Mashhad, Nishapur, Astarabad, and Turshiz. In all these encounters the Uzbeg were victorious, and the Chaghatai defeated. A great number of the Chaghatai were slain, and those who escaped became so scattered that they were never again united. At this time, Ubaid Ullah Khan,* who was Sultan (and many victories were in his name), was going to Bokhara, which was his hereditary seat of government. He begged my father to allow me to accompany him. The reason for this was that Habiba Sultan Khanish (who has been mentioned, in the detailed list of my father's children, given above) had been married by Shahi Beg Khan to Ubaid Ullah Sultan, after [my father's] flight from Shahr-i-Sabz. So, with my father's permission, I was taken to my sister in Bokhara. In the winter of the same year, Shahi Beg Khan went to attack the Kazak in Mavara-un-Nahr, that is to say, the Dasht-i-Kipchak.* Shahi Beg Khan [first] took my father to Bokhara, but when he went to attack the Kazak, he left him in Samarkand. He returned in the spring, and then set out for Khorasan, entrusting my father to the care of Timur Sultan, his son, to whom he had given Samarkand. So my father spent that spring in Samarkand, while I was living with my sister in Bokhara. At this time news came that Sultan Mahmud Khan had left Moghulistan and was advancing on Andijan, with complaints and demands. Shahi Beg Khan sent to beg my father to come into Khorasan. My father accepted the invitation and went. He felt his end was drawing near, and on the tablet of his fate he recognised the hue of martyrdom. His hope of safety being more slender than a spider's web, he devoted all his attention and energy to providing for my safety, so that should his precious soul be drowned in the whirlpool of martyrdom, I at least, on the shores of safety, should be protected from risks and dangers. On his first visit to Herat, my father had sought out a pious and talented man to be my teacher, whose name was Hafiz Miram. He was, indeed, a pious and ascetic man [fakir], possessed of numerous talents. He could recite the Koran [with special attention to the] modulations of the voice, and wrote the Naskh Tdalik hand and others beautifully. My father was much pleased with him; and during [his stay in Herat] this man was his constant companion, whether in the time of contentment and pleasure, or in the days of trial and sorrow. He instructed me in the Koran and in calligraphy. When the time came for starting for Khorasan, my father showed me, in private, much kindness, and did his utmost to console and comfort me, saying: "Your uncle Sultan Mahmud Khan has arrived [from Moghulistan] in spite of my having warned him both by word and in writing. I said to him, 'After the conquests of Amir Timur, and the devastation [takhrib] of Moghulistan, your forefathers, though dispersed, remained in that country, and were awaiting their opportunity. Contenting themselves with scanty clothing and simple food, they took care of their people and their army. Thus passed 150 years, until the sun of your noble nature rose in Moghulistan, which is an eastern clime and the quarter where rise the lights of the Khakans. At the middle season of your youth, in the manner of your noble ancestors, you restored the fallen Moghulistan to its former glory, and together with Yunus Khan, you seized that opportunity, which had been long sought by your forefathers, and brought under your control those states which they so earnestly coveted. Thus you spent nineteen years in complete success. It is now clearer than the day, that the power of your victorious forces cannot be compared with the numbers of Shahi Beg Khan's army. Hence it is your obvious duty to remain in Moghulistan, both for your own personal safety and for the welfare of your people. For though you may there be exposed to many hardships, that is better than extinction. It is, moreover, quite evident to me that should you ever fall into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan, he will subject you to the most painful of tortures, and will deem your death his own life: on no account whatever will he spare you.' "Thus did I use all the arguments in my power to dissuade the Khan, but as often as my remonstrances reached him, certain base advisers, in their short-sighted ignorance, represented to him that 'Muhammad Husain Mirza does not wish you to go, because lately Shahi Beg Khan has shown him great favour, and he knows that your going would put an end to this.' To absurd representations of this kind they would add: 'It is our firm conviction that if [Shahi Beg Khan has treated Muhammad Husain Mirza well, in return for his services, he will treat a hundred, nay, a thousand, times better, you who have done so much more for him'].* After the expression of all these impossible and absurd ideas, the following answer was sent back: 'Oh! Dash' (that is, oh! Friend, for these two had become 'friends' according to the Moghul custom, in their youth, and called each other by this name up to the end of their days): 'how strange it is that you should be leading such a happy life in Khorasan and Samarkand, in spite of your knowledge of the pitiable state of affairs in Moghulistan! How can you allow me to be exposed to so much suffering?' But taking my words and advice as mixed with evil intentions, he failed to recognise their truth, and came. This instance is not the same as the former one.* Certainly Shahi Beg Khan will fill the cup of the Khan's hopes with the fatal wine of martyrdom, and whatever dregs remain he will cause me to drink. I now commit you to the care of God. Though your company would be dearer to me than my own life, I fear Shahi Beg Khan would not allow it, and I prefer the idea of your life being prolonged, even though it involve the bitterness of separation; you must therefore bear my absence patiently. Patience is bitter, but it has a sweet fruit. Remember that when the father dies, the children are his heirs. You also have become an heir. If the bird of my life escape from the net of Shahi Beg Khan's intentions against me, we shall have the joy of meeting again. "Now as your teacher, Hafiz Miram, is a devout man, and is not on friendly terms with any of our people, if anything happens to me, he will, with the advice of my partisans, be able to look to your interests. Moreover, his family is also in Khorasan. It is just a year since he left them to follow me; therefore he is going along with me. "I entrust you to the care of Maulana Muhammad. Be careful to pay attention to all he may say to you, for he is my vicar [khalifa].* His father was my instructor and guide. From the day of his birth up to the present time, he has been my confidant and companion. I trust that he will always be your support in times of trouble, and that he will protect you through thick and thin." Having thus threaded many pearls of good counsel upon the string of wisdom, and hung them on the attentive ear of my understanding, my father departed to go and wait on Shahi Beg Khan, who was at that time besieging Kalat* To all outward appearance he received my father with friendship, and then allowed him to proceed to Herat. When he reached Herat, a person was sent after him [to put him to death]. Sultan Mahmud Khan and his children were killed on the river of Khojand.* My father was buried in the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Husaini, while Sultan Mahmud was placed in the mausoleum of Shaikh Muslih-ud-Din, Khojandi. This happened in the year 914. For the Khan, the chronogram Lab-i-daryd-i-Khojand [the banks of the river of Khojand] was discovered. [Here follow some blessings upon the martyrs . . .] CHAPTER XV. SOME OF THE AUTHOR'S OWN ADVENTURES. AFTER Shahi Beg Khan had put my father to death, he despatched an emissary to Bokhara with instructions to throw me into the river, and thus send me to join those who had been drowned in the river of Khojand. Although the order was an obnoxious one to Ubaid Sultan, who received it (for he was married to my sister), still it was impossible for him to refuse. But how excellent a thing it is that the Almighty has power to check the violent and, if He so wills it, to restrain the hand of the cruel: so that, without His consent, the tyrant cannot touch a single hair of any man's head. And this is confirmed by the events of this disturbed time.* For, in his glory, vanity and magnificence, see how many royal families Shahi Beg Khan destroyed, and the number of princely houses he annihilated! For example, Sultan Husaini* and his followers, to the number of nearly 200,000 persons; Sultan Mahmud and the Mirzas with nearly 50,000 men— these all suffered at the hands of Shahi Beg Khan. Again the royal houses of Samarkand and of Mirza Sultan Ahmad: to what extremities were they not all driven by this tyrant? In a short space of time, he scattered to the winds of annihilation many governors and officials, so that the dust of their existence formed towers on the plains of non-existence, which reached up to the heavens, and from the mists of their sighs a frightful whirlwind arose in the deserts. This king, who could commit such atrocities and practise such violence, was resolved on my death, at a time when I had only just passed the half of my childhood, and did not know my right hand from my left, nor good from evil; nor had I the ability to use my strength— nay, I had not enough intelligence to execute my own wishes. I had become an orphan, without father or mother, my paternal uncles were scattered and my maternal uncles slain. I had not [even] an elder brother who could share in my grief; no friend or relation to comfort me. That year, 914,* proved one of disaster for the Sultans of the day in general, and of massacre for the Moghul Khakans in particular. When God willed that all my uncles, aunts, and cousins should be carried off in different directions and murdered, I was the weakest and youngest of the family. The strangest part of it all is that they were, everyone, at a great distance [from Shahi Beg Khan], as has been mentioned above, but being helpless, nay, having no alternative, they came and threw themselves into calamity and were murdered; while I escaped, though in the town of Bokhara, in the middle of the ocean of Shahi Beg Khan's dominions. Since the decree of the will of the Almighty had not been issued for my destruction, but for my preservation, Shahi Beg Khan, with all his boasting and power, was not able to touch one hair of the head of that helpless little child whom he wished to kill. (Thanks be to God, the Lord of Heaven and Earth, the Possessor of Might, Majesty, and Power.) The details [of my escape] are briefly as follows: at the above date, my father went to Khorasan and was put to death by Shahi Beg Khan, who also sent an emissary to Bokhara to kill me. And although this was an act that would have been distasteful to Ubaid Ullah Khan, it was quite impossible for him to disobey the orders of Shahi Beg Khan. He handed me over to the emissary, with instructions to throw me into the river Amu, that I might join those others who had been drowned in the ocean of divine mercy. He was engaged in investigating some of the property which my father had left [in Bokhara], alleging that the Mirza had said to him: "Bring my property along with my son." This occasioned a delay of a few days. During this interval Maulana Muhammad, who was my master and my father's Khalifa, went to see Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Kazi, who asked him: "When are you starting for Khorasan?" Maulana Muhammad replied: "We have decided to depart in a few days." Hazrat Maulana then said: "Come back in a little while, I have something I wish to say to you." After a time, when the assembly of faithful men had dispersed, Maulana Muhammad came in again, and Hazrat Maulana asked him: "How could I consent to Muhammad Husain Mirza going to Khorasan, and now to the Mirza's son going there too?" Maulana Muhammad replied: "Verily, we are taking him, fully trusting in God's protection." Then, said Hazrat Maulana: "The Holy Prophet, when his life was threatened by the infidels of Mekka, did not put his trust in standing still and being captured, but took to flight. Therefore, what you should now do is, trusting in God, to take the Mirza and flee; and if danger or cause of fear presents itself, I am your security. You ought certainly to set out without delay." Maulana Muhammad used to say: "I never had any such thought in my mind, but those words of Hazrat Maulana had a wonderful effect on me, and the determination to go and seize you and carry you away, took so strong a hold of me that as soon as I had left him, I turned my whole attention to our flight." Having reached this point in my narrative, I think fit to give some details of the life of Hazrat Maulana, who has been mentioned above, in connection with my illness. CHAPTER XVI. HAZRAT MAULANA MUHAMMAD KAZI. HIS name was Muhammad bin Burhan-ud-Din. His father was one of the intimate friends of Kazi Imad-ud-Din Maskin, Samar-kandi, and for this reason Hazrat Maulana was known as Maulana Muhammad Kazi. After he had acquired a certain proficiency in the sciences, he devoted himself to the study of theology— walking in the way of God— and to this end he repaired to Khorasan. On leaving Samarkand, he went to pay his respects to that much beloved and respected example of piety, Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din Ubaidullah, who lived there. He asked Hazrat Maulana where he was going. The latter replied that he was going to Khorasan. Again he asked: "Are you going for the sake of study, or for some other object?" A certain student, who was in the company of Hazrat Maulana, said: "His greatest desire is to become a darvish." His Holiness [the Khwaja] telling them to wait a little, went into his garden, and after a prolonged absence returned, bringing two letters for Hazrat Maulana: one was a letter of recommendation to Khwaja Kilan, the son of Maulana Sad-ud-Din Kashghari; the other contained an account of the rules and practices of devotees, which he had written, and which he now gave to Hazrat Maulana. * * * * * [Here follows an epitome or summary of the contents of the "Tract," which contained commendations to the study of divine truths, through following Muhammad, and warnings against associating with dancing and singing (or howling) darvishes, and against listening to heretical doctrines.] In the Salsalat id Arifin, one of Hazrat Maulana's works, it is written: "It was most strange that in spite of the Khwaja's admonition, my desire to visit Khorasan was in no way lessened; I at length obtained Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din's sanction to depart, and set out for Khorasan. But as, on the road, incidents occurred which prevented me from proceeding further, I returned and entered the Khwaja's service." The writer remained some time with him, and managed his private kitchen; and so great was his devotion that he used himself to come, on foot, and lay the meals before Hazrat Ishan. He, by degrees, won his entire confidence, and Hazrat Ishan used to address Hazrat Maulana in the presence of all his most distinguished guests.* In all matters, the most perfect intimacy and trust existed between them— so much so, that Maulana Muhammad became an object of jealousy to the other companions of Hazrat Ishan and his children. And as this gave rise to much unpleasantness, Hazrat Maulana set out for Khorasan in company with Maulana Muhammad Amin, who was also a disciple of Hazrat Ishan... ***** And there they spent six months in the enjoyment of the society of Maulana Abdur Rahman Tami. Hazrat Maulana then entered the service of Hazrat Ishan in Tashkand, who encouraged him and honoured him with the respectful style of "Ishan." . . . * * * * *2 It was the fashion, at that time, for every Sultan to have one of Hazrat Maulana's disciples for a spiritual guide. Thus Sultan Abu Said Mirza entertained Maulana Kasim; Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Maulana Khwaja Ali; and all the Sultans observed this practice. Sultan Mahmud Khan was guided by Hazrat Maulana. I have heard this last say: "I was once praising Sultan Mahmud Khan to Hazrat Ishan, when he remarked that Sultan Mahmud Khan was indeed a very capable young man, but he had one fault, which was a hinderance to his advancement. A pupil, with such an instructor, ought to do all that his instructor told him, and not rely on his own judgment; but, like a hawk, he should pounce down upon whatever prey he is sent against, whether or no he has strength sufficient, and should not hesitate and doubt, as the Khan did. It was this that prevented him rising to that elevation which his people had expected of him." In a word, after the death of Hazrat Ishan, Hazrat Maulana went to Tashkand, where he was welcomed with honour and devotion, and where he remained until the destruction of Tashkand, when he migrated to Bokhara. At that time Mahmud Sultan, brother of Shahi Beg Khan, and father of Ubaid Ullah Khan, was ruler of Bokhara, as representative of Shahi Beg Khan. He cultivated the society of Hazrat Maulana and was his disciple for one winter, which greatly pleased Hazrat Maulana, who for this reason stayed on in Bokhara from that date to the year 916, when my father went to Khorasan* and was martyred. It has been mentioned in my own story, and will be related again, how kind Hazrat Maulana was to me. When the Kizilbash* overran the land (as will be described), Hazrat Maulana left Bokhara and went to Andijan and Akhsi, where he resolved to stay.* There, many people became Nakhsh-bandi under his guidance, thus attaining high rank, and are, to this day, a blessing in the land, where they propagate the doctrines of their sect. An account of these men will be given below, in connection with the biographical notice of Hazrat Makhdumi. Wherever in this history Hazrat Maulana, absolutely, is mentioned, Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Kazi is indicated. Further details of his life will be given in their proper place. CHAPTER XVII. RETURN TO THE HISTORY. BEFORE entering upon the life of Hazrat Maulana, I had reached that point in my narrative where Hazrat Maulana Muhammad, who was my tutor [ustdd], had resolved that he would escape with me. Though he had previously had no intentions of this sort, the idea gained complete ascendency over his Christ-like mind. With this intent he came to me, in private, and asked me: "Do you propose to go to Khorasan now?" I replied: "Yes, I must go, for I have been sent for." He then said: "It is quite certain that Shahi Beg Khan will put you in chains, but what he will do with you after that I cannot say." Then he added: "I have something to tell you, but will only do so on the condition that you will reveal the secret to no one." I then took a very solemn oath and swore I would not repeat what he told me, after which he said: "They have murdered the Mirza in Khorasan, and have now sent for you. They have given orders that you are to be sunk to the bottom of the River Amu, and thus to be despatched to the next world. If you know of any one who will carry you off, then fly at once. For death attacks alike both old and young, And fills with fear the minds of all it strikes:" Fear and dismay overcame me, and I began to weep: I longed to flee, in the hope of saving my life. The Maulana said: "You must keep this secret well hid; be on the watch: for the moment I give the sign you must hasten away." He had a friend who lived outside the town of Bokhara, and arranged that I should pass a few days in perfect concealment in this man's house. He informed certain of my father's servants of this plan, and arranged that on the night of our flight, these servants should take some saddle horses and start in a certain direction, in order to make the spies think that we had fled on horseback, and [thus cause them] to scour distant roads, searching only the outside of the town while not suspecting the inside. Accordingly, the same night that we took refuge in the house of this friend, the servants took the horses and carried out the orders which had been given them. All turned out as we had expected. The spies imagined that we had escaped on horseback, and no one made search for us in the town. We remained fourteen days in the house of that excellent man. After this lapse of time, we joined a party of donkey-drivers and accompanied them to the town of Hisar Shadman. In the bazar of that town one of my father's servants recognised Maulana Muhammad. Fearing lest he might trace us out, we at once fled from Hisar. On the road I fell from my donkey, and dislocated my left elbow. We dared not re-enter the town, or the bazar, and in the villages we could not find a bone-setter; thus I endured the greatest agony for two months. At Pushang, one of the villages in Khatlan, we spent some days in the house of one of its holy men, who was known as Khwaja Habib Ullah. He was a benevolent person, and after diligent search found a bone-setter, whom he brought. The bone-setter broke the joint again, and set it. I had not been able to use my arm for two months, and from the intensity of the pain, had, during all that time, never slept at night. That night, however, I fell asleep. One day, while we were there, a soldier came in and, placing his quiver in a corner, sat down. Having scrutinised the company, he came quickly forward, and said with great respect and courtesy: "Does not Khwaja Maulana Muhammad know me again? I was Mirza Muhammad Husain's cook at such and such a time; in those days I rendered you good service." And as he gave such clear proofs of recognition, it was vain to disclaim his acquaintance. Moreover, Maulana Muhammad seemed much pleased, gave expression to his joy, and began to enumerate the good qualities [of that man]. That day and night they spent in friendly inter- course. When day broke and he was about to depart, he stood in the doorway of the house, in a respectful attitude, and said: "Oh, Khwaja Maulana Muhammad, blessings be upon your zeal and fidelity. It was a noble and a suitable act of yours to take Mirza Husain's son and escape with him. If I had had any power or means, I would have given my assistance; but I have not. However, if I can, in any way, further your plans, I will hasten to bear my part." So saying he departed. A little while after, there came an intimate friend of Khwaja Habib Ullah, who whispered something in the Khwaja's ear; whereat the Khwaja's colour fled from his face. He immediately took the man apart, and said: "Now repeat what Shaikham* said." The man replied: "Shaikham told me to go and tell Khwaja Habib Ullah that 'this man' has fled with the son of Mirza Muhammad Husain; the child is the cousin of Mirza Khan and of Babar Padishah. Perhaps the Khwaja is keeping him in his house, and in this case he will incur the enmity of Hamza Sultan.* Behold, I am going to inform the Navab Matlab Sultan [of the matter], so that the house and home of Khwaja Habib Ullah may be swept away with the broom of plunder, its dust mount to the skies, and its vapour be diffused over the earth." With these words he went away. This Matlab Sultan was the son of Hamza Sultan, a one-eyed wretch, whose inward vision was rendered blinder than his outward sight by the darkness of tyranny. All the oppressed of those countries united, at his court, in a common protest against his tyranny. The leaves of the trees of these people's lives were constantly trembling from the violence of his blasts. Khwaja Habib Ullah remained for a while buried in thought, then raising his head, he said: "No one has delivered you over to me as hostages. I will not, from fear of being held responsible* for a charge I have not taken upon myself, deliver this little child into the hands of death. To do so, would be conformable neither with the teachings of Islam nor the dictates of humanity. Rise up and flee whithersoever you may be safe. And whatever chastisement may fall upon me, on your account, I will consider as treasure laid up for me in the next world." We then, having returned him thanks, bade him farewell, and set out at once. At this time Shah Razi-ud-Din, who was a Chiragh Kush, appeared in Badakhshan. His followers used to put to death every one they met, deeming it a means of salvation, and reward in the next world. He had caused all the roads to be stopped, so that it was impossible for us to journey into Badakhshan. Shah Razi-ud-Din was one of the cursed Mulahida of Kohistan, whose story is to be found in all histories. Most of the people of Badakhshan are adherents of that sect. They hold the world to be without beginning or end [kadim], and do not believe in resurrection or a future state. They say that during the lifetime of the Prophet, it was incumbent on all to abide by the statutes of the Holy Law; but at the present time, the sole duty of man is to speak fitting words and to be faithful to their meaning. All other ordinances are futile. Sexual intercourse [vati] with their own kindred is lawful, and the enjoyment of it is, in no respect, dependent on marriage; thus, should one have a passion for somebody with whom its indulgence is practicable, it is lawful to gratify it— be it with daughter or son or mother. It is also lawful for them to take one another's lives or property. [In fact] the sect of Mulahida is the worst form of heathenism in the world.* At the time of the conquests of Shahi Beg Khan, the people of Badakhshan (as has been mentioned) were acting independently; still, they had never neglected to pay tribute to Razi-ud-Din, who was a Pir-zada, or to his ancestors. At that time Shah Razi-ud-Din was brought from Sistan into Badakhshan. But before his arrival Mirza Khan, as already stated, had come, and having killed Zobir, set himself up as king. As the people of Ragh, as well as most of the Hazara of Badakhshan, attached themselves to him, his supremacy was absolute. All the inhabitants of Badakhshan, both far and near, openly and privately, adhered to him. When we reached Dili Bazar, one of the chief villages of Khat-lan, we heard of these events. Whereupon we debated together as to what should be done; some of the people of that place counselled us, saying: "Nik Pai Shah, although he professes obedience to Hamza Sultan, is nevertheless a well-wisher of Mirza Khan, and has also pretty constant intercourse with Shah Razi-ud-Din. If you throw yourselves upon him for support and protection, he will be able to convey you to Mirza Khan." The Maulana, having left me in the house of some person, went to see Nik Pai Khan, to whom he explained that he was the preceptor of Mirza Khan,* and that, having escaped the tyranny of the Uzbeg, he was desirous of repairing to the foot of the throne of Mirza Khan. "If," he continued, "you will help me in this matter, your reward shall be great;* I shall, moreover, be able to represent your loyalty in the most favourable light to Mirza Khan." Nik Pai Shah received the Maulana with great respect and honour, and instructed five of his most trusted men to escort him across the river to Rustak, which, though in ruins, was at least a place of security from the violence of the Chiragh Kush. At about the hour of midday prayer, those five men came and conveyed us across the river Amu, whence we advanced towards Rustak. When the blazing torch of the sun descended into the oven of the West, and the sparks of the stars were scattered over the smoke-streaked vault of heaven, fire fell upon the souls of those five men, and they began to brawl and wrangle. Three other poor men, who carried a little merchandise, were of our party, being bound for Kala-i-Zafar, where they hoped to realise a small profit. These [five men] said to us: "You must pay duty [bdj]"; and what was demanded was accordingly handed over. Again they said: "To each of us, separate payment is due"; and this also they took. Finally they said: "[You have no need of money]/' and they threatened to plunder us. How could five poor artless men withstand five stalwart ruffians [ghalcha].* Besides, they gave us no time, but began to bind us all, as a first step towards putting us to death. When they laid hold of Maulana Muhammad, he called out in an authoritative and severe tone of voice: "You dare not do us any injury. Do you know who this is?" (pointing to me). "This is the brother of Mirza Khan, who, flying from Bokhara, is on his way to visit his brother. A great number of his servants are following after him, as fast as they can, while others have stayed behind with Nik Pai Shah. If we do not reach Kala-i-Zafar in safety, you can imagine what will be done to you." When Maulana Muhammad had said this, the ruffians [ghalcha] became mild [sust], and replied in their own dialect: "Take back your possessions, oh! Khwaja." So saying they restored what we had given them, and turned to depart. In spite of our insistance, they would not help us any further, but returned. We, however, had no intention of returning; but putting our whole trust in God's protection, continued our road until dawn. During the day we crept into hiding, and on the following night again set out. At daybreak we reached Rustak, where we were safe from the hostility of the accursed Mulahida. On the following day we arrived at Kala-i-Zafar. During the time of the Uzbeg domination, of which I have spoken, when the people of Badakhshan raised their heads in every corner, and the Uzbeg made several unsuccessful invasions, one of the chiefs of Badakhshan was Mubarak Shah. He had chosen out a strong place for himself, but before he was able to complete the fortifications, the Uzbeg came upon him. He gave them battle in that place, and defeated them, and for that reason he called the fort Kala-i-Zafar [the Fort of Victory], which name is the more appropriate seeing that Mubarak Shah was of a tribe called "Muzaffari." It is the capital of Badakhshan.* This Mubarak Shah was put to death by Zobir Raghi, who had defeated him, but who was, in turn, killed by Mirza Khan, as already mentioned. [Mirza Khan then ruled Badakhshan] and resided in Kala-i-Zafar. Mirza Aba Bakr had taken many of the upper [baladast]* Hazara of Badakhshan, and the lower [pdydn] side, which is flat country, he had joined on to the Uzbeg states, which lie on the borders of this territory. But the best of the country that was left between these [two territories] was under the sway of Shah Razi-ud-Din, the Chiragh Kush, and his Mulahida. Mirza Khan encountered many difficulties and hardships in Badakhshan. When I came to him, he gave me a warm and affectionate welcome. Eighteen days before my arrival, Sultan Said Khan had come to visit him, [had stayed a short time] and then left [for Kabul], as will be presently related. I remained one year in the service of Mirza Khan. The rest of my adventures will be told after the account of the Khan's journey to Kabul. CHAPTER XVIII. ADVENT OF SULTAN SAID KHAN IN ANDIJAN. HIS CAPTURE AND ESCAPE TO BABAR PADISHAH IN KABUL. IT has already been stated that Sultan Said Khan had passed some time in the service of Shahi Beg Khan, and was consequently well acquainted with his disposition and that of his nobles. He felt assured that Shahi Beg would not spare the Moghul Sultans, merely in recognition of having once been released by them, after having fallen into their hands.* So, whenever he had heard praises bestowed on Shahi Beg Khan, he had protested. Ultimately, things came to such a pass in Moghulistan, that he had no resource left but to surrender himself to the Uzbeg. Under these conditions, he entered Andijan. The government of the province of Farghana was, at that time, in the hands of Jani Beg Sultan. He had given Andijan to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who was one of Shahi Beg Khan's most trusty men, and whom he now promoted to the rank of Atcilik* [guardian]. He was partially mad, but, in military and state affairs, exceedingly capable. The Khan reached Sulat-Kand,* which is one of the dependencies of Andijan, but, before he told his name and descent, asked the inhabitants what had happened to Sultan Mahmud Khan, and whither Sultan Khalil Sultan had been sent. They answered him: "Sultan Mahmud Khan and all the Khakans of the Moghuls, who have come here, have been sent to the City of Non- Existence, by the Gate of Martyrdom." At this announcement, the thread of the Khan's hope, which was slender as a spider's web, snapped in two. But he did not regret that he had come, for he had done so as a last resource, with his eyes open and knowing the risk he was running. Khwaja Ali Bahadur sent people to seize whatever they had brought with them, and imprisoned the Khan in an apartment which was above the gateway of the citadel of Andijan. On the morrow, when the glorious sword-bearer of the East drew his sword from the sheath of the horizon, and caused its dazzling brightness to illumine the earth, the resplendent world was utter darkness in the eyes of the Khan, who was sent, with his hands tied to his neck, to Jani Beg Khan in Akhsi. But Khwaja Ali Bahadur was depressed and sorrowful; he felt deeply for the Khan, but as he did not dare to disobey Shahi Beg Khan's orders, he could not so much as think of releasing the Khan. Before sending him off he had despatched a special messenger [to announce the Khan's approach]. At about that time, Jani Beg Sultan had fallen from his horse onto his head, and his brain had become severely deranged, so that now, most of his actions and words were inconsistent with a healthy understanding, and the reins of memory fell from the hands of his intellect. On the day that this news was brought to him, it chanced that his brain was influenced by the spirit of Islam and the Holy Law (the Most High God had ordained this, for the purpose of delivering the Khan), and he said: "I am not an executioner that I should endeavour to take any man's blood." He then ordered a letter [nishdn] to be written to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, saying: "The Moghul Sultan who has come [to you] has not been delivered into our custody. It would not be acting in conformity with the statutes of the Holy Law were I to take his life. [It behoves me] to open to him the meadows of mercy and safety, that he may wander whither he will." [Such was the purport of his letter.] When the Khan related these incidents to me, as he frequently did, he used to say: "I had, for a long time, felt quite assured that the Uzbeg would spare none of the Moghul Sultans, and had become so convinced of this, at the time of my first visit to Andijan, that when I arrived there [on this occasion], and* certain pious men had written to me and sent prayers [for me to repeat], I said in reply to them: 'One of the conditions [of prayer] is that nothing impossible should be prayed for; now my deliverance must be reckoned among impossibilities, and therefore these prayers for my safety would be ill-advised.' To which they answered: "Though these prayers may not have the power to bring about deliverance from the imminent peril in which you stand, yet on account of them, God will give you a greater reward in the next world.' On this assurance I repeated the prayers which they had sent me. I began also to turn over in my mind my chances of safety, and how my escape might be achieved, but not one of the ideas that occurred to me seemed feasible. If, for example, Shahi Beg Khan were now to die, how could his dying in Khorasan, at the time when they were going to put me to death in Akhsi, in any way further my escape? If, again, Jani Beg Sultan were to die, his death would not throw the affairs of the Uzbeg into such confusion that, during the disturbance, my escape could be effected. In short, I could not conceive any possibility or probability of deliverance. As we drew near to Akhsi, we saw a horseman riding towards us; I was persuaded that he was coming to put me to death, and wondered how he would do it. But when he approached, we found that it was Maulana Haidar Kharsuz, one of the notables of Andijan. Throwing himself from the saddle, he came and kissed my stirrup, with joy and delight that knew no bounds, and said: 'Good news for you! Jani Beg Sultan has issued an order for your release. The joyful mandate is now being brought by Dust Ali Chulak.' It then occurred to me that he was saying this just to set my fears at rest, so I said: 'May God reward you with good things! As for me, I have withdrawn my mind from life, and therefore do not stand in need of such comfort." But Maulana Haidar reiterated his assertions, and was confirming them with the strongest asseverations and the most solemn oaths, when Dust Ali Chulak arrived, and commanded my guard [muvakkal] to return, to escort me back to Khwaja Ali Bahadur and perform all the details of the mandate concerning me. Thus, from within one farsdkh of Akhsi I was conveyed back to Andijan. "When the mandate was delivered to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, he [having read it] handed it to me. On perusing it, I found it to contain exactly what Maulana Haidar had told me. Khwaja Ali Bahadur then said: 'Though he should not abide by this decision but, changing his humour, should issue a second mandate reversing this one, still this is sufficient pretext for me; you must be cheerful, and enjoy now the soul-stirring wine-cups of the spirit of youth. Be at your ease.' However much I insisted that it was but base deceit and a mean device to pollute the cup of martyrdom with [earthly] wine, [my protestations] were of no avail.* Moreover, in conformity with the rules of good breeding [ilm-i-madsh], I was obliged to give in to his mode of thinking [and with an unwilling heart I accepted his invitation]. As the wine-cup was passed round, the rose-coloured liquor diffused itself over our cheeks, which had become yellow as saffron, from the jaundice-tainted order of the livid-souled Shahi Beg Khan, but now opened out like the red rose or the new-blown tulip. All that day was spent in wine drinking, [and when night came on] the feast adorning torches made the banquet hall bright as the day. [The festivities had scarce recommenced] when one of Jani Beg Sultan's chamberlains named Allah Birdi came in and placed a sorrow-bearing mandate in the hands of Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who passed it on to me, saying: 'Read thy letter.' In it was written: 'The question of the release of Sultan Said Khan has been reconsidered, and found to be contrary to the orders of the Khan. He must be sent to join those who have gone before him and who will never return: or, otherwise, according to the old Moghul custom, he must be sent to the capital, where he should, by means of the gallows, be sent to his lasting home.' On reading this ill-favoured mandate, the rosy tints of joy were exchanged for the saffron hues of apprehension. Khwaja Ali Bahadur grasped the situation, and asked: "What is the cause of your dejection? Read out the mandate.' So I read it aloud. Then Khwaja Ali Bahadur became enraged, and said: 'His brain is disordered with mischief: what- ever emanates from such a mind, if it be originally a good thought, becomes a sin, and if it be a premeditated sin— then God preserves us! When a man has escaped from the edge of the sword, or from the foot of the gallows, he is as difficult to lay hold of as quicksilver— he disappears like camphor unmixed with pepper. Where can I find him?' The chamberlain, kissing the ground of respect, said: 'It is not reasonable that you, Bahadur, should deviate from the straight-road of loyalty and adopt that of falsehood, which is the worst of qualities. You say that the Sultan, like quicksilver, is not to be caught; but he is now at your side, and of this I am a witness.' [At these words] Khwaja Ali Bahadur blazed up, like a fire, with rage, and cried: 'Have all the worthy services and deeds of valour I have performed in the employment of Jani Beg Sultan, resulted in so little, that a Chaghatai like yourself (whose skirt of service is still so defiled with the pollution of hostility that no water of forgiveness could cleanse it) should come and give me the lie direct, and point out to me the straight road of loyalty to this family? I will report your answer in full to the Sultan.' He then ordered a hole to be cut out of a beam, and that the beam should be placed upon the man's neck [and he be made to sit before the gate]." After the Khan [Sultan Said] had been invested with the robe of sovereignty of Andijan, this same Allah Bardi was taken before him, and he was thus reminded of the man's former base conduct. But he said: "Khwaja Ali Bahadur avenged me that same night, and the rancour I bore him was washed from my heart. Let him now be restored to his former post of chamberlain;" and he gave him the middle rank of chamberlain, which was a high office for him.* "That night was spent in companionship, until day dawned; on the morrow, attended by a few men, we set out for Karatigin. After travelling for one day, the men sent to accompany us, having lost the right road, turned back. When Khwaja Ali Bahadur was informed of this, he vented his wrath upon these men and punished them severely." He kept the Khan with him some days, while he selected for him some distinguished and trusty persons. The first among them was Maulana Khaliki, a talented, good, and studious man; he wrote the Naskh-Tdalik perfectly, and composed good poetry; he was also a proficient musician. Another of them was Khwaja Salih, who was the leading merchant in the province of Andijan, and was known by every one he met on the road, while people often appealed to him for advice in their affairs. A third was Maulana Yusuf Kashghari, who was an accountant [muhtasib], much esteemed in Andijan for his judgment. Another was Gadai Piri, a professional courtier [nadim] and a skilled musician. Another was Mir Ahmad, one of the Andijan Turks; he had travelled much and knew all the best routes. Another was Jalal, a very serviceable man. Having given him these few men as an escort, he started the Khan off a second time. Khwaja Salih and Maulana Yusuf were dressed like merchants, Maulana Khaliki, Darvish Piri and the Khan were in the guise of students, and looked very like kalandars. Mir Ahmad and Jalal passed as servants of the merchants. Thus attired, they set forth and reached Kala-i-Zafar in perfect peace and safety. Here they found Mirza Khan, who received and entertained them as well as his straitened circumstances would allow. They remained there eighteen days. Now, since Mirza Khan was a very feeble man, some of his retainers, on account of his weakness, thought fit to offer the Khan the government of Kala-i-Zafar (which was not worth half a loaf of bread). But the Khan declined, saying: "Mirza Khan, who is my cousin, has been exposed to a thousand hardships, by crooked fortune. It would be contrary to all rules of good feeling and justice to oppose him, or to deprive him of this [possession]." The Khan accordingly hastened to depart, and went on to Kabul. Eighteen days after his departure, I arrived at Mirza Khan's [capital], as has been mentioned above. On reaching Kabul, the Khan was welcomed with the utmost respect and honour by the Emperor. The Khan used to say [when telling his story]: "Those days that I spent in Kabul were the freest from care or sorrow of any I have ever experienced, or ever shall experience. I spent two years and a half at the court of this excellent Prince, in a continual succession of enjoyments, and in the most complete abandonment to pleasure and absence of preoccupation. I was on friendly terms with all, and made welcome by all. I never suffered even a headache, unless from the effects of wine; and never felt distressed or sad, except on account of the ringlets of some beloved one." In short, the Khan remained in Kabul as the companion and confidant of the Emperor. There existed between these two great princes perfect accord and love and trust. The Khan's visit lasted from Shaban 914 to Ramazan 916/ at which latter date Shahi Beg Khan fell into the hands of Shah Ismail, and was killed by him, as will be related. CHAPTER XIX. MIRZA KHAN'S LIFE IN BADAKHSHAN. THE AUTHOR GOES FROM BADAKHSHAN TO KABUL. I HAVE mentioned that I arrived at Kala-i-Zafar just eighteen days after the Khan's departure for Kabul. Mirza Khan was living there in exceedingly straitened circumstances, being without provisions and surrounded by the scheming natives of Badakhshan. The Tangi Bala/ in which are situated the strongest places of the Hazara, had been annexed to Kashghar, as will be mentioned below. The flat country of Badakhshan, the most fertile and prosperous part of that state, was under the control of the Uzbeg; while the rest [of the land] from fear of the Uzbeg had [been abandoned and had] become a waste. What yet remained over from the panther of the mountains of enmity, on the one hand, and from the crocodile of the river of tyranny, on the other, (that is to say, the Uzbeg and the Kashghari) had passed to Shah Razi-ud-Din, the Chiragh Kush, who, having been brought from Sistan to Badakhshan, had been appointed king [of this portion]. He had introduced the religion of the Mulahidas, and outdid the oppression of his two tyrannical predecessors. Mirza Khan, as a Musulman, was much harassed [by these infidels] and had scarcely the necessaries of life. That winter was passed in suffering. In the early spring, a dissension arose among the supporters of Shah Razi-ud-Din, which ended in their cutting off his head and laying it at the feet of Mirza Khan. By this defeat of the Mula-hida [Mirza Khan] gained a little power. Thus passed the spring; and at the end of autumn [tirmdh] a compulsory order came from the Emperor of the following purport: "The son of Muhammad Husain Mirza has been with you; your country is always exposed to the forays of the Uzbeg, and my mind can never be at rest as long as he remains there; you must send him to me." When Mirza Khan gave me leave to go to Kabul, he tried his best to procure a coloured garment for me, but was unable to find one [and was obliged to excuse himself]. On that day a most curious incident occurred. I have already mentioned that I fell from my horse and dislocated my elbow at Langar Mir Amad (which is a dependency of Hisar), and that it had been broken again and set at Pushang. Although the pain had subsided, I was not able to bend and straighten my arm. I could not bend it enough to touch my face with my hand, nor straighten it sufficiently to draw a bow. During the spring I spent with Mirza Khan, a man of Badakhshan, having stolen a two year old horse from the Uzbeg, had brought it as a present [pishkash] to Mirza Khan who, in turn, gave it to me. One day the Mirza was taking a ride for pleasure, and I accompanied him on that particular horse. While we were riding along, a thorn ran into [the khdrish-gdh * of] my horse. He gave two or three bounds into the air, and as I had not strength enough to keep hold of the bridle, it fell from my hand, and I was thrown on to the ground upon my injured arm. As I struck the ground, I heard a sound in my bad elbow. The shock was so violent that I fainted. After a time I came to, and found that Mirza Khan was holding my head upon his knees. He asked me how I felt. When I had quite recovered my senses, having bound up my arm, they conveyed me to Kala-i-Zafar. There they sent for the bone-setters [kamdngar].* On examination, they found that my arm had gone back to its proper place, so that after a short time I recovered the entire use of it, and no injury was traceable. This was certainly a very strange occurrence. In a word, at the beginning of the month Rajab I left Kala-i-Zafar and the service of Mirza Khan, and turned towards Kabul, accompanied by a party of sixteen. We only had two horses with us, and so limited was our baggage that I had nothing to lie on at night. Maulana Muhammad, who was a sort of father to the party, had nothing but one meagre shawl, such as is worn by the poorest men in Badakhshan. What the condition of the others was, may be surmised. When we reached Kabul, we were received by Shirun* Taghai, who was maternal uncle to the Emperor and myself, and one of the pillars of state. With a hundred marks of respect, he invited me to his own house, where I was entertained with distinction and kindness. Later, the Emperor sent a messenger to say that, after three days, the happy hour would arrive when he would send for me. After that, the moon of my ascendency and [the star of my good-luck] emerged from their eclipse, and my misfortune changed to prosperity. An order came that I should have the honour of waiting [upon the Emperor]. When I came into his presence, the joy- diffusing glance of the Emperor fell upon me, and from the excess of his love and the intensity of his kindness, strung pearls and set rubies began to rain down upon me from his benign, jewel-scattering eye. He extended towards me the hand of favour and bade me welcome. Having first knelt down, I [raised myself and] advanced towards him. He then clasped me to the bosom of affection— drew me to the breast of fatherly love, and held me thus for a while. When he let me go, he would no longer allow me to observe the formalities of respect, but made me sit down at his side. While we were thus seated, he said to me with great benevolence: "Your father and brother and all your relations have been made to drink the wine of martyrdom; but thank God, you have come back to me again in safety. Do not grieve too much at their loss. For I will take their place, and whatever favour of affection you could have expected from them, that, and more, will I show you." With such promises and tenderness did he comfort me, so that the bitterness of orphanage and the poison of banishment were driven from my mind. He then asked me: "Who was it that carried you off in flight?" I replied: "My master, Maulana Muhammad Sadr." He then sent for the Maulana. When he arrived [the Emperor] honoured him with many kind speeches, and kept asking him the particulars of his story, while the Maulana several times recounted the details of our escape. [The Emperor] praised him highly and rejoiced his soul with promises of favour. [When the Maulana had taken his leave] the Emperor said to me: "You have not yet paid your respects to Sultan Said Khan," and thereupon he ordered one of his private officers to take me to the Sultan. I accompanied this officer, and at once waiting on the Khan, benefited likewise by his joy- scattering glances. I then returned to the presence of the Emperor. After sitting with him for a short time, I took my leave, amid assurances of royal favour. When I came out, a man advanced to meet me with great respect, and said: "I am the steward [kaldvuz] of the abode which the Emperor has appointed for you." So saying, he led the way to an elegant mansion; its rooms were spread with many-coloured carpets and beautiful thrones [masnad]. Everything in the way of furniture, food, clothing, servants, and slaves, had been so fully prepared as to leave nothing to be desired in the whole building. It may be imagined how I enjoyed so sudden a transition to comfort, ease, and abundance from a state of poverty, misfortune, suffering, and hardship, which had rendered the soul weary of its confinement within the cage of the body. How can I ever show sufficient thankfulness? May God reward him with good things! Thus I passed a long time in the service of the Emperor, in perfect happiness and freedom from care; and he was for ever, either by promises of kindness or by threats of severity, encouraging me to study. If he ever noticed any little virtue or new acquisition, he would praise it in the highest terms, commend it to everybody, and invite their approbation. All that time, the Emperor showed me such affection and kindness as a fond father shows his son and heir. It was a hard day for me when I lost my father, but the bitterness of my desolation became scarcely perceptible, owing to the blessed favours of the Emperor. From this time, to the year 918 [1512 A.D.] I remained in his service. Whenever he rode out, I had the honour of riding at his side, and when he received friends, I was sure to be among the invited. In fact, he never let me be separated from him. When I was studying, for example, directly my lesson was over he would send someone to fetch me. And in this fatherly manner did he continue to treat me till the end of my stay [td akhar-i-hdl]. CHAPTER XX. EXPEDITION OF SHAHI BEG KHAN AGAINST THE KAZAK, AND THE BEGINNING OF HIS DECLINE, AS Shahi Beg Khan had filled the cups of the Khans and my father with the wine of martyrdom, and had made them drink it to the last dreg, so also was his own cup of life full, and his fortune departed; for has it not been said: "The wine which thou hast made others drink, that must thou also drink of in the end"? The goblet of his prosperity was upset, and that which he had caused others to taste, he was himself, in turn, obliged to drink to the dregs. To be brief, as soon as he had set his mind at rest concerning the Khans and my father, Shahi Beg Khan carried devastation in all directions. In the year 915 [1509 A.D.] he proceeded against the Kazaks. At that time, although Baranduk was Khan, yet all the business of government was conducted by Kasim Khan. In spite of his great power, Shahi Beg Khan had not force enough to withstand Kasim Beg. At that period, the numbers of his army exceeded 20,000. In winter time every one stayed in some place* where there was fodder for the cattle. In the middle of the winter, Shahi Beg Khan was engaged in plundering on every side, but he soon returned, his object being not to remain too far from his own country.* About the time above mentioned, he made his last expedition, but the strength of his horses and soldiers was quite exhausted; he himself remained in the district of Kuk Kashana, and having detached a force, whose horses had some strength left, sent them forward. This party fell in with a few men, whom they despoiled and made prisoners. One day they had halted for the sake of feeding their horses, when news came that Kasim Khan was close at hand. This news alarmed them. Buyun Pir Hasan, one of Kasim Khan's Amirs, having heard of the invasion of the Shaiban, advanced against them with his own followers; he spread the report that Kasim Khan was approaching and had let himself be seen in the distance. Shahi Beg Khan's men, being fully persuaded that Kasim Khan was really upon them, abandoned all they had seized— nay, even all they had brought with them— and retreated, in the utmost disorder and confusion, to Shahi Beg Khan, bearing the news of Kasim Khan's approach. Shahi Beg Khan at once ordered them to sound the drum of departure, without paying attention to anything [but getting away]. Those who liked stayed, those who wished to go went. Broken and in disorder, they reached Samarkand at the end of the winter. [Shahi Beg Khan] himself went on to Khorasan, where he spent the spring. In the beginning of autumn [tirmdh] he led an army against the Hazara; but search as he might, he could not find a trace of them in the Hazara mountains. For they had crept into hiding, so that it was impossible to find them. He returned by way of the passes, and along the bottom of a ravine where flows the River Halman [Helmand]. There were but few roads by which it was possible to descend the ravine, and these were extremely difficult. It was well nigh impossible for an army of that magnitude to pass by one or two paths, or to carry away [sufficient] water [or to water the horses and beasts of burden]. They marched as they could for several days, but from want of water they lost their courage. Numbers of the cattle perished; and this army, too, having received the decree of defeat, returned to Khorasan. As it was winter, and as two armies in succession had fared thus badly, he gave his soldiers a general leave of absence [allowing every man] to return to his own home and country, whether he came from the confines of Turkistan or the farthest extremity of Irak and Kirman. At this juncture, news came that Shah Ismail was advancing on Khorasan. Now, as the army was dispersed, Shahi Beg Khan did not think it advisable to remain in Herat. He sent messengers to the surrounding districts, to summon the Sultans and Amirs to assemble in Merv, whilst he himself proceeded thither; and when he reached Merv he found Shah Ismail was already close upon him, as shall be presently related. CHAPTER XXI. THE BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES BETWEEN SHAHI BEG KHAN AND SHAH ISMAIL. DEATH OF THE FORMER AT THE HANDS OF THE LATTER. IT is written at the beginning of this Part, and is mentioned in the list of the kings who were reigning in the different countries in the year 905, that Shah Ismail had gained complete dominion over Irak. His dynasty had driven the Perfect Law [Shariat] out of that country, and had brought about general massacres. However, there is no room in this Epitome for an exposition of his misdeeds. When the frontiers of Shahi Beg Khan's states came to border on Irak, the Uzbeg used to make forays into those parts of Irak which immediately adjoined Khorasan. On this account Shah Ismail sent an envoy to Shahi Beg Khan, bearing suitable gifts, together with a letter, which ran as follows: "Hitherto the dust of dissension has never settled upon the skirts of our thoughts to such an extent as to raise a cloud of enmity. Let the path of fatherly conduct be observed on your side, and on this side the bonds of filial relationship shall be established. [Verses] Plant the tree of friendship: for its fruit will be the desire of your heart; Root up the sapling of enmity, which produces countless griefs." When the bearer of this missive arrived* at the court of the Khan, the [following] answer was returned: "It is fitting that every man follow the profession of his father. If he follows his mother he is going backwards. For Uzun Hasan withdrew himself from the circle of kings, on the day that he gave his daughter in marriage to your father, as did also Sultan Yakub, son of Hasan, in giving him his sister. You had a right to make claims on your mother's side, so long as there was no son in the world like me— Sultan, son of a Sultan. As the proverb says: 'Let the son do the father's work, and the daughter the mother's.' [Verses] Kings know the secrets of the business of the realm. Oh! Hafiz, thou beggar, sitting in the corner, do not complain." Having exhausted his eloquence, Shahi Beg Khan sent back by the envoy a staff [dsd] and a beggar's bowl [kachkul], adding: "In case you have forgotten your father's trade, I remind you of it. [Verses.] Oh! my friend, if you value your life give ear to good counsel; Ye happy youths, listen to the wisdom of the sage old man. If you place your foot on the step of sovereignty think of your own danger. [Verses.] He may clasp the bride of sovereignty firmly to his breast, Who dares to kiss her amid the clashing of keen swords." So saying, he dismissed the envoy from Irak, while he himself led an army against the Hazara. The envoy, on his return, delivered the reply to Shah Ismail, who, on hearing it, said: "If it is incumbent on every son to follow his father's trade, we, being sons of Adam, ought all of us to practise prophecy! If sovereignty had been confined to the hereditary descendants of kings, there would have been more Pishdadi, and never any Kaiani. How would Chingis himself have become king? and where did you come from? [Verses.] Oh! youth, do not boast of your dead father; Do not, like a dog, take delight in bones!" Then, in return for his presents, he sent Shahi Beg Khan a spinning-wheel and spindle, saying: "You wrote in your letter to me, 'Whosoever would clasp the bride of sovereignty close to his breast . . .' I, too, say the same thing, and behold, I have bound on the girdle to offer you fight, and have placed the foot of contest in the stirrup of fierce warfare. If you come out to meet me face to face in battle, our claims shall be thereby decided. And if you will not fight, go and sit in a corner and busy yourself with the little present I am sending you. [Verses.] We have had many experiences in this monastery of Recompenses. Whosoever quarrelled with the Family of the Prophet was defeated." Shahi Beg Khan had disbanded his army, and was in Merv when this letter arrived. He despatched expresses to every quarter to collect his forces, but before even the troops of the neighbouring districts could assemble, Shah Ismail arrived and pitched his camp in the vicinity of Merv. During three days there were continual skirmishes, and the army of Shahi Beg Khan began to muster from all directions. Shah Ismail then came out from the broken ground [where he was camped], and when the pickets of the Uzbeg army saw this movement they reported it. The Uzbeg [at once] imagined that the enemy had repented having come, and were about to turn back. At the hour of afternoon prayers, on the ruz-i-shak of Ramazan in the year 916 [1510 A.D.], they marched out, with a force of about 20,000 men. Some of his advisers, such as Amir Kambar and Amir Rai, represented that: "To-day we had better suspend hostilities [and not pursue Shah Ismail]; for Ubaid Ullah Sultan and Timur Sultan are encamped with 20,000 men at a distance of one farsdkh; [to-morrow they will come and join their force to ours]. Moreover, it has been positively ascertained that the enemy, in thus returning, either means to retreat or [to draw us on to] battle. If they wish to fight, we had better [wait until more of our troops have assembled from the surrounding districts] and engage them with as large a force as possible. And if they are really in flight, there is no necessity for the chief to pursue them in person. Ubaid Ullah Sultan, Timur Sultan, and a few other Amirs can follow them, while His Majesty the Khan can travel quietly and leisurely, stage by stage, right into Irak. It is evident that in the case of his retreating from this place, our men can drive him forward and rout him, so that he will not have strength to establish himself even in Irak." To this the Khan replied: "[You have said well] nevertheless, to make war on Shah Ismail is a holy war, and one of importance: moreover there will be much plunder, and it would be a sacrifice of gain in this world and advantage in the next, were I to share [this undertaking] with the Sultans. We must be bold." So saying, he [mounted his horse and that same hour] set out [in pursuit of Shah Ismail]. When they had crossed the broken ground and entered the open plain, they saw that the enemy had halted, and they calculated them to be 40,000 strong. Before the Uzbeg army had time to get properly into fighting order, the Turkoman contingent charged them. When Shahi Beg Khan's men saw themselves outflanked by the enemy, they lost their steadiness and turned in flight. But the leaders of the army stood their ground, till at length Shahi Beg Khan and all his officers were killed. No history has recorded, nor has any one read or heard of [another] battle in which all the commanders of the army were slain. When the fugitives reached the fort of Merv, every man of them who was able to do so, took his family and fled, while such as were unable, repeated the verse [from the Koran] about separation from wife and children, and then departed. Now, most of the Moghuls had been sent to Khorasan by Shahi Beg Khan, so that they might be further from the Khans and from Moghulistan. When the Uzbeg reached the River Amu, they fell into the hands of these Moghuls, who did not fail to plunder them. 20,000 Moghuls then separated themselves and went to Kunduz. Ubaid Ullah Sultan and Timur Sultan were still encamped near Merv, when news of the defeat reached them. They immediately repaired to the fort of Merv, when they seized the haram of Shahi Beg Khan, and of several of the Sultans and nobles, together with anything that caught their eye, and went off again the same night. Of those who stayed behind, all the men were compelled, by the flashing swords of the Turkomans, to taste the wine of martyrdom, while the women were carried off into bondage. There followed, also, a general massacre of the people of Merv. Meanwhile Shah Ismail returned to Herat, where he commanded all the chief men [akdbir] of the town to assemble in the Mulkan mosque, and read the Khutba; also, while the Khutba was being read, to pour out curses upon the Companions of the Prophet and the faithful Aisha. When the chief men were met together in the mosque of Mulkan, they carried out that unseemly order, and then remained silent, until Hafiz-ud-Din, who was the preacher [khatib], was conducted to the pulpit. Hafiz ascended the pulpit and gave out praise and thanksgiving to the Bestower of all good gifts, and praises to the Lord of all living things [the Prophet]. When the turn came for the blessed names of the Companions of the Prophet, the hand of honour and piety seized the collar of [faithfulness to] Islam and gave him the courage of Hafiz, so that he, preferring the good things of the next world, and eternal felicity, to this transitory life, said: "For many years I have read the Khutba in accordance with the Sunna. To-day, the sun of my life has reached the west of old age. If it were the dawn of my days, I might not have hesitated to perform this act of infidelity to preserve my young life; but now that my days are just drawing to a close, what benefit could I derive from such an act of blasphemy [kufr]?" So saying, he proceeded to read out the names of the Companions, with the customary honour and respect. The accursed Kizilbash (may God curse them) rose up to a man, and pulled the hoaryheaded Hafiz down from the pulpit, by his collar, trampled him under their feet, and then cut him in pieces; while the great men of the city all fled. On the following day, the Shaikh-ul-Islam (who has been mentioned among the great men of Khorasan) was sent for by Shah Ismail. When the Shaikh came into the king's presence, the king turned to him and said: "Oh, Shaikh! you are a learned man. It is a pity you should commit an error. Come and curse the Companions and adopt the Shia faith." The Shaikh then opened his lips and said: "Oh, my son! what do you know of religion, that you should point out the way thereof to me? Bring before me those cowardly men who are nothing more or less than infidels and worthy of death, and who have brought you to this sad plight. If their words convince me, I will renounce my own faith and enter their sect. But if the superiority of my religion is proved against them, then you will renounce your corrupt belief and adopt my pure faith." Then Shah Ismail turned to his Ulama and asked them what they had to say to this. They replied: "With people such as these words are of no avail." That hundred times a wretch twice turned towards the Shaikh ul-Islam and said: "Come, Shaikh, renounce your sect." But the Shaikh retorted insultingly: "Oh, cursed infidel, may your mouth he filled with the earth of malediction, and your head struck with the stones of execration! You, who are deceived by false and wicked guides, and cannot distinguish between the path of life and the road to perdition: what do you know of religion, or of sects? How do you know Satan from God the all-merciful? By what science, learning, intelligence, or perception can you distinguish the true from the false, that you should lecture me on the True Faith?" On hearing these scornful remarks, the king laid hold of his bow and let fly an arrow at the Shaikh, which struck him. The Shaikh pulled the arrow out, rubbed some of the blood that issued from the wound, over his blessed face and white beard, saying: "Thanks be to God, that after a life of eighty years spent in the confirmation of the True Faith, and the refutation of false doctrine, I have seen my white beard stained with the blood of martyrdom." That black-faced heretic [bad-kish] then drew another arrow from his quiver [kish], and shot it at the Shaikh. He then gave orders for him to be carried out and hanged on a tree, and for the tree to be afterwards cut down from the root. The Shaikh fell with the tree, and they carried him away and burned him in the Malik bazaar. Try as they might, they could not make the blessed breast of the Shaikh to burn, and he lay for some time in the bazaar exposed to the kicks of infidels. . .* In short, the persecution was continued as long as Shah Ismail remained in Khorasan. A summarised account of the rest of his reign will follow. CHAPTER XXII. ARRIVAL OF THE NEWS OF THE DEFEAT OF SHAHI BEG KHAN BY SHAH ISMAIL. MARCH OF THE EMPEROR FROM KABUL TO KUNDUZ. IN the early part of Ramazan of the year 916 [1510 A.D.] a person came to Kabul with a letter from Mirza Khan to the Emperor. The passes were blocked with snow, for it was the season of the beginning of Capricorn. The letter contained the news that Shah Ismail, having come from Irak, had engaged and defeated Shahi Beg Khan at Merv. It had not been fully ascertained whether Shahi Beg Khan had been killed or not.* All the Uzbeg had recrossed the river Amu, and fled to Kunduz, where Amir Urus Durman then was.* Nearly 20,000 Moghuls, having separated from the Uzbeg, had also gone to Kunduz from Merv. "I, myself," he added, "have gone over to Kunduz. If you will quickly turn the reins of your power in the direction of Kunduz, I will attach myself to you, and I have the firmest hope that you may soon recover your hereditary kingdom." [As soon as the Emperor had read the contents of this letter] he set out with all possible speed [although it was] in the depth of winter. [He took the route] of Ab Dara* [since by that route] there were no high passes to cross. He kept the Feast of Ramazan* in the Bamian district, and at the beginning of Shawal reached Kunduz, where he was received by Mirza Khan, and by the Moghuls who had been with the Uzbeg. Having reposed for a few days in Kunduz, after the fatigues of the journey, it was proposed that they should proceed against Hisar, where Hamza Sultan and Mahdi Sultan, two of the most eminent of the Uzbeg Sultans, were ruling. The winter was nearly over when they passed the River Amu, at the ford of Tukuz Taram. When Hamza Sultan heard of their approach, he rode out of Hisar and repaired to Vakhsh, while the Emperor advanced to the plain [dasht] of Kulak,* which is one of the most noted localities in Khatlan. There he learnt that Hamza Sultan was in Vakhsh. That same night he set out by the higher road to surprise Sultan Hamza, and at sunrise reached his camp. Nobody was there. They searched on every side, and found a few peasants, who gave them the following information concerning Hamza Sultan: "Yesterday, at the hour of midday prayers, news came that the Emperor had pitched his camp in the plain of Kulak, whereupon [Hamza Sultan] immediately set out for that place, by the lower road." The Emperor at once started in pursuit, along the road which Hamza Sultan had taken, and at noontide prayers again found himself at his quarters of the night before. Hamza Sultan, for his part, had reached the camp at dawn, and found a precisely similar state of affairs; he, too, set out in the track of our army, and at midday prayer time re-entered his own camp. The Emperor and his men believed that Hamza Sultan would not be able to resist them; while Hamza Sultan, on the other hand, thought that [the Emperor] had only brought a few men with him from Kabul, and that the Moghul army, having only just arrived, would not yet have made sufficient preparations to be able to fight. As both sides entertained such ideas as these, they became afraid of one another.* That same night the Emperor pressed on to Kunduz, while Hamza Sultan fled to Hisar. After a few days, they each received the news of the other's flight, and both of them repeated, in thankfulness for their escape, the verse "Praise be to God who has averted from us an affliction." The Emperor, on reaching Kunduz, found that an ambassador had arrived from Shah Ismail, bearing tenders of friendship. In the meantime Khanzada Begum, the Emperor's sister, had come from Khorasan [having been sent by Shah Ismail]. It has been already related how the Emperor, at the siege of Samarkand, had given his sister, Khanzada Begum, to Shahi Beg Khan, as a ransom for his own life, and had thus escaped. The Begum was taken into Shahi Beg Khan's haram, and by him, had a son named Khurram Shah Sultan. After this, the Khan [Shahi Beg] began to fear that she might, in concert with her brother, plot against his life; he therefore divorced her, and gave her to Sayyid Hadi, one of the most eminent Sayyids of the Sayyidatai* —a man who was held in the greatest respect and honour by himself and the Sultans and all the Uzbeg. Sayyid Hadi had been killed in the battle of Merv, and the Begum and her son had fallen into the hands of the Turkomans. When Shah Ismail discovered that she was Babar Padishah's sister, he treated her with great attention, and sent her back, with an ambassador bearing costly gifts, to the Emperor. When Khanzada Begum arrived [the Emperor was overjoyed] and despatched Mirza Khan to Shah Ismail laden with presents, and charged with protestations of submission, good faith, and entreaties for support and assistance. Shah Ismail received him well, and having acceded to his requests, speedily gave him leave to return. During this interval, a messenger came from my uncle to announce that he had entirely cleared Farghana of the Uzbeg, and that he had brought that country under his complete control, so that the extermination of the Uzbeg and the conquest of Mavara-un-Nahr would now become an easy matter. This brings me to the next chapter. CHAPTER XXIII. BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF MY UNCLE SAYYID MUHAMMAD MIRZA, AND DETAILS OF THE CONQUEST OF THE COUNTRY OF FARGHANA. AT the time of the devastation of Tashkand, my father's brother, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza (who is everywhere spoken of in this book as "my uncle" in an absolute sense), was in Tashkand, in the service of Sultan Mahmud Khan. When the Khans went to attack Andijan, they first of all easily subdued Kasan, and gave it to my uncle; they next proceeded to Akhsi, whither Shahi Beg Khan had also gone, and there a fight ensued, which has been already mentioned. On the news of Shahi Beg Khan's victory reaching my uncle, he left Kasan [immediately], and though he himself had not been defeated, he joined those who were flying into Moghulistan. When Sultan Mahmud Khan went into Moghul-istan (as has been mentioned) my uncle remained with him until the death of Sultan Ahmad Khan. After this event (as has also been related) the Khan said to my uncle, in disparagement of Aksu and Moghulistan: "The position of towel-washer in Tashkand is better than that of king in Moghulistan." To which my uncle responded: "Verily, it is better if one is allowed to wash towels." The Khan was offended at these words, and some of those base men [ardzil], whose manner it always is to slander good people behind their backs, strove to aggravate the Khan's anger to such a degree as to cause him to put my uncle to death, and succeeded in preventing any reconciliation ever being effected between the two. However, the Khan said: "He is too near a relation for me to take extreme measures with. As he has no evil intentions against me, let him take himself off; let him go to Mansur Khan at Turfan." My uncle, therefore, was sent to Turfan, while the Khan himself went to Moghulistan. In journeying towards Turfan, my uncle allied himself, at Aksu, with the survivors of Sultan Ahmad Khan's people, who had remained in that province. When Sultan Mahmud Khan came to his brother in Aksu, his son, Sultan Muhammad Sultan, and Amir Ahmad Itarji were left in Moghulistan, with some other persons, and on the whole ruled with success. They sent out some men who brought my uncle; and he and Sultan Muhammad Sultan lived on the most friendly and intimate terms, until one night some assassins \fiddi], disguised as servants, came and murdered Amir Ahmad. It was never discovered by whose order this deed had been done. After this, the entire government of Moghulistan, and the authority of Sultan Muhammad Sultan, devolved upon my uncle. But for want of the old army and of able councillors [sahib-i- rdi] my uncle's affairs did not prosper. All the old stock and the chief councillors were with my father, and had accompanied him to Hisar, so that nothing could be accomplished with the hundred men or so, that my uncle had with him. During that time, Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan, together with the Kirghiz, made repeated forays into Moghul-istan, so that my uncle [at length] fled from that country to Yati- kand, which was the residence of Sultan Mahmud Khan. Those same base men [ardzil] again commenced their intrigues, and caused my uncle to be seized and sent to the Uzbeg. Jani Beg Sultan was at the time in Andijan, and to him my uncle was taken. Jani Beg Sultan did nothing [to injure him], but rather treated him with his wonted kindness and consideration. With him my uncle remained until the time of Shah Ismail's conquest, and the Emperor's expedition from Kabul.* In the spring following the winter when Shahi Beg Khan was killed, all the Sultans of the Uzbeg assembled in Samarkand; Jani Beg Sultan also went thither, taking my uncle with him. At that meeting, the Sultans came to the conclusion that not one of the Moghuls who yet remained in Mavara-un-Nahr, should be left alive. But to this Jani Beg Sultan would not consent. He dismissed my uncle, and all the Moghuls who were in attendance upon him, [per- mitting them] to go to Andijan and join their families. My uncle, however, placed no trust in the permanence of Jani Beg Sultan's decision, and fearing a change in his humour, got away with all speed. Soon after this, Jani Beg Sultan regretted the action he had taken, and sent some men in pursuit of these Moghuls, with orders to put to death any they should find of them. My uncle had only just escaped in time. On his arrival at Andijan he joined the remainder of the Moghuls and the people of Andijan; with these he raised a revolt, and drove all the Uzbeg out of the country of Farghana. He then sent a messenger to the Emperor, by way of Karatigin,* to inform him of these events, and to beg him for help, as has been mentioned above. The news filled the Emperor with joy. CHAPTER XXIV. BABAR PADISHAH LEARNS THE SUCCESS OF MY UNCLE SAYYID MUHAMMAD MIRZA, AND SENDS SULTAN SAID KHAN TO HIS AID IN ANDIJAN. BEFORE this news reached Kunduz, a deputation of the leading men [sahib-i-rdi] of the Moghuls, such as Mir Sharim, Mir Mazid, Kul Nazar Mirza, Amir Ayub, Mir Muhammad, Mir Ibrahim, Yadgar Mirza, Kara Sultan Ali Mirza, Mir Ghuri B arias, Amir Daim Ali, Mirza Muhammad, Mir Beg Muhammad, Mir Kambar, Shah Nazar Mirza, Kutluk Mirak Mirza, and others, came and represented to the Khan, at a private interview, that if he desired it they would make away with the Emperor, and set him [Sultan Said Khan] in his place. [For at that time there were 20,000 Moghuls armed and fully prepared, while there were not more than 5,000 Chaghatais.] But the Khan replied: "During the period of the hurricane of Shahi Beg Khan's conquests, when the buffetings of the waves of calamity and contention dashed in pieces the ships of the life and prosperity of the Moghul Khakans, [and they had all been drowned in the ocean of annihilation] I saved myself upon the plank of concealment, and arrived at length at the island of Kabul, which Babar Padishah had contrived to save from the violent shocks of the billows of events, and where he then was. On this island, the Emperor protected me with the utmost benevolence. Now that I have attained the shore of prosperity, how malicious, how ungrateful it would be for me to perform so ignoble an act. [The Holy Law and the dictates of humanity prevent my entertaining any such base thoughts.]" By the hand of Amir Kasim Kuchin, who stood in the place of guardian to the Emperor, he sent the following message: "Praise be to God, the affairs of [your] State are to-day prosperous, and the various peoples are turning their faces towards the palace of that Refuge of the Nations [your Majesty]. The Moghuls, more especially, who are distinguished above all other tribes by their numbers and their strength, and whose Amirs have been the most eminent of Amirs, have always devoted their energies to the advancement of the work of their colleagues [ibnd-i-jins]; they now turn to your Majesty. It is no longer expedient for me to remain near you; it is fitting that our ancient union should be changed to separation. If your Majesty send me to some quarter, where it will be possible for the bonds of our old affection to remain fastened, it will contribute to the welfare of both." Just at this time news came from Andijan, together with my uncle's petition for help. The Khan was immediately sent off to Andijan, together with every one that thought fit to go. These events will be presently related, if it please God. CHAPTER XXV. ACCESSION OF BABAR PADISHAH TO THE THRONE OF MAVARA-UN-NAHR. AFTER the Khan had been despatched to Andijan, Mirza Khan arrived with the auxiliary force which had been sent by Shah Ismail, and thus the power of the Emperor became complete. Then, without delay, his Majesty marched for the country of Hisar; on learning which the Uzbeg, on their part, collected their forces, and under the leadership of Hamza Sultan, Mahdi Sultan, Timur Sultan, and several others of their great Sultans, set out to oppose the Emperor. Kuchum Khan— who had been set up in the place of Shahi Beg Khan— Suyunjuk Sultan, Jani Beg Sultan, Ubaid Ullah Sultan, and all the other [Uzbeg] Sultans, had assembled and encamped at Karshi, which was originally called Nakhshab. When the Emperor approached the Pul-i-Sangin, Hamza Sultan advanced and occupied it. Both sides remained encamped for nearly one month. Finally it became apparent that the Uzbeg force was numerous, their Sultans renowned, and that it would be a difficult matter to resist them. The Uzbeg, on their part, came to the conclusion that the Emperor was unable to withstand them, and crossed the river by swimming it below the Pul-i-Sangin. Intelligence of this reached [Babar] at about afternoon prayer-time, and he immediately broke up his camp and advanced towards Abdara, a locality where there are mountain fastnesses. They continued to march at their best speed all through that night, until the midday prayers of the following day, when they reached a spot which the most experienced leaders considered strongly enough protected to justify a halt. At midnight news came that the Uzbeg were advancing in full force; the commanders announced this simultaneously to the whole army, and up to daybreak every man was busy egtting his arms ready [for action]. About sunrise . . .* our pickets came in and reported that the Uzbeg army was approaching, Thereupon the Emperor mounted his horse and rode to the top of some rising ground. He saw that there was only one road by which the enemy could advance; on the left hand of the elevation [on which he stood] there was another hill, and between the two there was a deep ravine, through which, also, only one road led. When the enemy had deployed on the level plain, they saw that it would be no easy task to ascend [the first mentioned] hill. Timur Sultan and some of the other Sultans, with about 10,000 men, detached themselves from the rest of the army and began to mount the other hill. Against these the Emperor sent Mirza Khan with a detachment of brave warriors. At this moment his eye fell upon a body of men, and he asked who they were.* When [my father] had left Kabul, there were nearly 3000 of his hereditary retainers, [who had come from Khorasan to Kunduz with the Moghuls]. The chiefs and leaders of these men, the Emperor had taken into his own service, and some of the remainder became attached to myself. It was upon this latter body that the Emperor's eye now fell. They replied: "We are Mirza Haidar's followers." The Emperor then [addressing me] said: "You are still too young to take part in such serious affairs as these. Stay by me; [keep by you] Maulana Muhammad and a few others, and send the rest to the aid of Mirza Khan." When my retainers came up with Mirza Khan, the Uzbeg made a charge, bearing down [bar dashtand] every one who was in front of Mirza Khan, till they came close upon the Mirza himself. At that crisis my retainers arrived on the scene. Their leader was Ataka Fakir, whose name was Jan Ahmad Ataka;* hereafter, wherever his name occurs, he will be called by the latter style. He attacked the Uzbeg with the men under him, and put them to flight. Then those who had fled from before Mirza Khan rallied, and returning to the fight, drove the enemy back. In the midst of this confusion and scuffle, one of my men took one of the enemy prisoner, and led him before the Emperor, who viewed it as a good omen \fdl], and said: "Inscribe the name of Mirza Haidar upon the first trophy [juldu]." Thus, fighting continued on the left of the army till evening. But on the Emperor's side [of the army] there were no engagements, for the road was very narrow, and his position was not easy of approach from cither side. At the hour of afternoon prayers the brave warriors, having left the Emperor's presence, dismounted and encamped. At nightfall [bigdh] the enemy found it impossible to encamp where they were, on account of the absence of water— for none was to be had except at a distance of one far sdkh — so, with the object of being near water when night came on, they retreated. The infantry, who had descended [the hill], ran after them, shouting Hai! Hai! [and making a great noise]. That portion of the enemy's army which was opposite to Mirza Khan, also became anxious to retire, as soon as they saw that Hamza Sultan, who was in their centre [ghirt]* was in retreat. As long as the two armies remained facing each other, neither side prevailed over the other. But when the enemy turned to retire, those of Mirza Khan's men who had been facing them, [suddenly] made a charge, and the enemy at once fled. When the centre saw this division put to rout, they too let the reins of self-possession fall from the hand of stability, and likewise turned and fled. It was at the hour of evening prayers that Hamza Sultan, Mahdi Sultan, and Mamak Sultan, who had been captured, were led before the Emperor, who did to them that which Shaibani had done to the Moghul Khakans and the Chaghatai Sultans.* From night to morning and from morning to the next night, did our men pursue the Uzbeg— as far as the frontier [of the State] of Darband-i-Ahanin. The whole of the victorious army now assembled in Hisar, when further help arrived from Shah Ismail, besides bodies of men from all the surrounding tribes, so that the entire force amounted to 60,000 men. They next marched out of Hisar and proceeded to Karshi. Most of the Uzbeg Sultans were in Samarkand, while Ubaid Ullah Khan had fortified himself in the castle of Karshi. All [the Emperor's] councillors (and they were those who solved the difficult questions of State) were against laying siege to Karshi. "It would," they argued, "be far wiser to push on to Bokhara. For if Ubaid Ullah keeps himself strongly fortified and garrisoned in the castle of Karshi, Bokhara, which is devoid of troops and full of fools, will fall easily enough into our power. He has nothing to gain by staying in Karshi. [God forbid that, fearing to remain there,] he should abandon the fort and come out."* The Emperor agreed with these opinions, and passing Karshi, went and encamped [at a distance of one stage beyond it]. Scouts came, in rapid succession, to report that Ubaid Ullah had come out of the fort of Karshi and was on the road to Bokhara. At that same hour the Emperor mounted his horse, and set out with all speed in pursuit of the Uzbeg. He marched night and day until he reached the city. The pursuers drove the Uzbeg out of Bokhara into the deserts [chul] of Turkistan, plundering as they went. When the Uzbeg Sultans who were assembled in Samarkand heard this news, they were suddenly filled with terror and fled, scattered and dismayed, to different parts of Turkistan. Now when the Emperor arrived in Bokhara, he sent back the auxiliaries of Shah Ismail,* after praising them for their services and bestowing upon them adequate rewards, while he himself, victorious and covered with glory, proceeded to Samarkand. All the inhabitants of the towns of Mavara-un-Nahr, high and low, nobles and poor men, grandees and artizans, princes and peasants —alike testified their joy at the advent of the Emperor. He was received by the nobles, while the other classes were busy with the decoration of the town. The streets and the bazaars were draped with cloth and gold brocades, and drawings and pictures were hung up on every side. The Emperor entered the city in the middle of the month of Rajab in the year 917, in the midst of such pomp and splendour as no one has ever seen or heard of, before or since. The angels cried aloud: "Enter with peace," and the people exclaimed: "Praise be to God, Lord of the Universe." The people of Mavara-un-Nahr, especially the inhabitants of Samarkand, had for years been longing for him to come, that the shadow of his protection might be cast upon them. Although, in the hour of necessity, the Emperor had clothed himself in the garments of the Kizilbash (which was pure heresy, nay almost unbelief), they sincerely hoped, when he mounted the throne of Samarkand, (the throne of the Law of the Prophet) and placed on his head the diadem of the holy Surma of Muhammad, that he would remove from it the crown of royalty [Shdhi], whose nature was heresy and whose form was as the tail of an ass. But the hopes of the people of Samarkand were not realised. For, as yet, the Emperor did not feel able to dispense with the aid and support of Shah Ismail; nor did he consider himself sufficiently strong to cope single-handed with the Uzbeg; hence he appeared to overlook [muddra] the gross errors of the Kizilbash. On this account, the people of Mavara-un-Nahr ceased to feel that intense longing for the Emperor which they had entertained while he was absent— their regard for him was at an end. It was thus that the Emperor began [already] to flatter the Turkomans, and associate himself with them.* CHAPTER XXVI. THE KHAN'S JOURNEY TO ANDIJAN AND EVENTS THAT OCCURRED THERE. IT has been recounted above, that the Emperor sent the Khan to Andijan. Along with him he sent, of the Moghul Amirs, Mir Ghuri Barlas, Mir Daim Ali and his brother Ahmad Ali, Mahmud Kuli, Mirza Muhammad Begjik and his brother Beg Muhammad; of the tribe of Dughlat, Shah Nazar, Mirza Ali, Kutluk Mirak; of the Kunji Amirs, Kul Nazar Mirza, Khananki* Mirza, Amir Kambar, son of Haidar Kukildash Barki, and others. All these departed in the train of the Khan. This party, on their arrival at Andijan, were received by my uncle and the Amirs who had assisted him in the conquest [istikhlds] of Farghana, such as Sultan Ali Mirza Begjik, Pishka Mirza Itarji, Tubra Nuyaghut and others, who all came and kissed the Khan's stirrup. After the Khan had come to Andijan, the Uzbeg Sultans in Samarkand heard of his arrival and of the support he brought the Moghuls of Andijan. [Moreover] as was mentioned above, Hamza Sultan, Mahdi Sultan and Timur Sultan, together with a few other Sultans, had assembled in Hisar with the intent of opposing the Emperor. Although Ubaid Ullah Sultan knew that Shah Ismail had given over [the kingdom of] Mavara-un-Nahr to the Emperor, and was not going there in person, he [Ubaid Ullah Sultan] nevertheless, by way of precaution, stayed and occupied Karshi. What happened to him has just been mentioned. Jani Beg Sultan, Kuchum Khan and Suyunjuk Sultan advanced towards Akhsi and Andijan, in order to check the downfall of Farghana. The Khan had made no preparations in Andijan, when news of their approach arrived, but he then despatched Sultan Ali Mirza and Tubra Nuyaghut Mirza to Kasan. As the castle of Kasan was not well fortified, these men went and made it strong. It was the first place which the Uzbeg Sultans attacked, and they reduced it to straits. On learning this news, the Khan sent all the captains of his army to the hills of Kasan, [hoping that] although they were not strong enough to cause the Uzbeg to fear them,* yet they might, at least, be able to harass their flanks, and inflict some discomfort and annoyance on them; also that the force in Kasan would thereby be somewhat encouraged. When this body was sent to [help] the Kasani, news of the event reached the ears of Aba Bakr Mirza, who had just come from Kashghar, with the project of seizing the kingdom of Farghana. He had taken possession of all the country above Andijan, such as Uzchand* (better known as Uzkand), Madu* and Ush, which comprise the best parts of Farghana; and he now [on hearing that these troops had left Andijan] marched towards that place intending to lay siege to it. [He imagined that the fort of Andijan was a very strong and large one, and that, without the necessary siege appliances, it could not be taken by a party of two or three thousand assailants. Therefore, he first got ready some engines [manjanik], ladders, etc., and then set out for Andijan]. When news of this was brought to the Khan, he and all his people were filled with the utmost alarm. In the meanwhile the Uzbeg Sultans had delivered a simultaneous attack on the fort of Kasan, had made breaches on all sides and applied the scaling ladders. Such was the violence of their assault that those within the fort, giving up all hope of being able to defend it, made their escape by the gateway on the side removed from the river. All the Uzbeg army had dismounted and were on foot; they had not thought of the garrison taking flight, and before they had time to get back to their horses and mount, the fugitives had gone a great distance. But those who lagged behind they put to death, together with the people of the fort.* The garrison that had escaped from the fort, fell in with those captains who had been sent to the hills of Kasan to succour them. They now all went straight on, until they arrived at a spot within half afarsdkh of Andijan, where they found Aba Bakr Mirza encamped, with all his siege appliances made ready; for he had determined to deliver an assault from all sides, early the next morning. This same night the army arrived from Kasan. [On the morrow the enemy] advanced with the intention of storming the fort, quite ignorant of the fact that the Khan's troops had arrived. At early dawn, the Khan in person issued from the castle, and drew up his troops in order of battle. Mirza Aba Bakr, on his side, brought forward his force ready to lay siege to the castle. The opposing armies met at a place on the road called Tutluk; both sides at one drew up, and raising their battle-cries, began the struggle. It would take too long to detail all the particulars of this battle. In short, the standard of the Khan was filled by the winds of victory and success, while the faces of his enemies were covered with the dust of death and destruction. The victorious breezes of the Khan scattered the enemy (who in strength and numbers might be compared to mountains) like chaff before the wind. Thus the army of Mirza Aba Bakr suffered an overwhelming defeat. All of the enemy who were taken captive by the conquering army, were brought together, and the order was issued for them to be put to death in the park [kuruk] of Andijan. Having, accordingly, made them sit down in lines [the victors] began to kill them. At that moment my uncle [Sayyid Muhammad Mirza] placing the knee of intercession upon the ground of entreaty, said to the Khan: "Praise and gratitude we owe to God for this victory, for it is the key by which may be opened the whole kingdom of Kashghar. I sincerely hope that Kashghar may fall into our hands with the same ease. But these prisoners whose execution is permitted by, and is in accordance with, the laws of retaliation [mazhab-i-intikdm], are all natives of the country [of Kashghar]. If you do not spare them here, it will be as if you had committed a general massacre in that place itself— an act that would, in the end, be a cause of repentance and regret [to yourself]. If his Highness the Khan will forgive these men, who yet remain, and hand them over to me as my share of the spoil, his reward in this world and the next will be enhanced by such an act of mercy." When the entreaty of my uncle reached the blessed ears of the Khan, he drew the line of forgiveness with the pen of pardon, upon the tablet of the existences of those prisoners. Thus about 3000 persons were rescued from death. Then, raising up their hands in prayer, they filled the air with acclamations of thanksgiving. This important victory caused the Uzbeg to keep the foot of reflection yet longer within the skirt of hesitation. Following this event, news arrived of the defeat which Hamza Sultan had suffered from Babar Padishah, and of his death, by the Emperor's order, after the battle [which has been mentioned]. A short time afterwards, intelligence was received of the Emperor's march on Samarkand and his reception by its inhabitants; also that the Uzbeg, who were in the city, had taken flight and therefore were unable to surround him. After these occurrences, the Emperor and the Khan reigned absolute in Samarkand and Andijan, respectively. Shah Ismail returned to Irak. The Emperor gave Kabul and Ghaznin to his younger brother, Sultan Nasir Mirza. The Uzbeg all collected together in Turkistan. The rest of the events that ensued will, please God, be recounted below* —how, for example, the Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan came, one after the other, to Andijan. Sultan Khalil Sultan left one son, who was still at the breast, named Baba Sultan; and the wife of the Khan, who has been mentioned above, was with child, at the time when the Khan was put to flight by Khwaja Ali Bahadur the Uzbeg:* she fell into the hands of the Uzbeg, and after a short time was delivered of a son. The Khan arrived in Kabul at the same moment as this news.* The Emperor said to the Khan: "As your illustrious name is Said, it would be very suitable to call him [the child] Abdur Rashid," and the Khan decided upon that name. Both [these Khanzada], Baba Sultan, son of Sultan Khalil Sultan, and Abdur Rashid Khan, son of Sultan Said Khan, were taken in charge by Tutuk Khanim, daughter of Sultan Mahmud Khan, who, at the destruction of Tashkand, had been captured by Jani Beg Sultan, as has been mentioned. When the Khan gained his victory at the battle of Tutluk, and drove the Uzbeg out of the country of Farghana, these two Sultans were brought to him. I shall speak of them hereafter. Having reached the story of what passed between the Khan and Mirza Aba Bakr, my history would not be complete without a brief account of the Mirza's career. CHAPTER XXVII. SHORT ACCOUNT OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. AMIR SAYYID ALI, my great-grandfather [sivum jadd], whose history will, God willing, be told in the First Part, had two sons: Saniz Mirza, whose mother was of the line of the Jaras Amirs, and Muhammad Haidar Mirza, my grandfather, whose fortunate and blessed name has devolved upon me. His mother was an aunt [amma] of Sultan Yunus Khan. On the death of the great Amir Sayyid Ali, his elder son, Saniz Mirza, according to the ancient Moghul custom, succeeded to his father's throne. After seven years, he went to join his father in the next world, leaving two sons, the first Aba Bakr Mirza and the second Omar Mirza. The mother of these children was married [afterwards] to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, in conformity with the Moghul custom of Yangalik* By her, Muhammad Haidar Mirza also had two sons: the first was my father Muhammad Husain Mirza, and the second my uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. After the death of Saniz Mirza, the government of all the districts of Kashghar devolved upon Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who for a period of twenty-four years ruled with perfect justice and impartiality. He was a prosperous man, for he had inherited great riches; he always realised his desires, and examined into details; [he experienced no trials or troubles]. But those young men in whose conduct, indications of bravery and intelligence were traceable, he failed to encourage. Most of those experienced and wise men whom Amir Sayyid Ali had gathered round him, during a space of eighty years, had died by the end of Muhammad Haidar Mirza's life, or if they were not actually dead, they were only decrepit old men [shaikh-i-fdni], whose hands and intellects were no longer capable of guiding or controlling. Their sons [had developed into incapable young men] quite unworthy of their parents. At this time, Mirza Aba Bakr was about twenty years of age, and was in the service of his guardian [abwi-mddb] uncle [Sayyid Muhammad Mirza]. He mixed and associated, in the most friendly way, with the princes and youths [of the court], while they, for their part, from equality of age and from fellow service, became very devoted to him. Mirza Aba Bakr was so open handed and generous, that in a few days he distributed all his property and household possessions, as if they were plunder [batdraj middd]. One day, one of his followers, hearing of some spoil, came in great haste, but found everything gone, and that others had already exhausted the booty. So he came and laid hold of the skirt of Mirza Aba Bakr, who was standing at the door of his own house, saying: "Although I have come the last [and am disappointed of booty], nevertheless I have found a good pledge [which I will not give up until a ransom is paid]." At these words Mirza Aba Bakr laughed, and bought himself free from the man with a large sum. In a word, his liberality was so unbounded, that all men flocked to him. At this period he went to Aksu and Moghulistan, and paid his respects to Dust Muhammad Khan, son of Isan Bugha Khan. Dust Muhammad Khan treated him with honour, and after giving him his own sister in marriage, allowed him to depart. It would take too long to tell this story, and the details would carry us too far afield. In short, he managed, by one means or another, to reduce Yarkand, which is one of the most renowned cities of the province of Kashghar, and is distant four days' journey from the town of that name. To-day Yarkand is the capital of Kashghar. He had collected 3000 men in his following, who had to oppose 30,000. When his troops reached that district, he openly sounded the drum of ascendency, and rang the bells of independence. Muhammad Haidar Mirza went out to meet him with an army of 30,000 infantry and cavalry, but he was defeated and fled. He sought refuge with Yunus Khan, who was his cousin. The Khan also undervalued the strength of Mirza Aba Bakr, and did not take his whole army. He came against him with 30,000 armed men. Muhammad Haidar Mirza again made ready his forces, as best he could, and set out [with Yunus Khan]. This time, also, [Mirza Aba Bakr] sallied forth from the gates of the citadel of Yarkand with 3000 chosen men, and defeated and scattered these two armies; and Yunus Khan and Muhammad Haidar Mirza both retired, crestfallen, to Kashghar. The Khan passed into Moghul-istan, and in the following year returned with the whole of his troops. On this occasion, Mirza Aba Bakr had made fuller and better preparations. He strengthened his cavalry by embodying with it lightly-armed archers on foot, as he had done on two former occasions, and engaged in such a battle [as the tongue of the reed is incapable of describing]. His men then again became bold, and showed more steadiness [and courage] than ever, so that they easily put to rout that numerous army; and the Khan, with Muhammad Haidar Mirza, returned once more, defeated, to Kash-ghar. But this time it became impossible for Muhammad Haidar Mirza to remain in Kashghar, so taking his household with him, and accompanied by Yunus Khan, he went to Aksu. Meanwhile Mirza Aba Bakr gained complete domination over the whole of the kingdom of Kashghar. After this, he put out the eyes of his full [yak zada] brother Omar Mirza, and then banished him from his territories. Omar Mirza went and lived in Samarkand. [Subsequently] when [Sultan Said] Khan took Yarkand and Kashghar, Omar Mirza returned to Kashghar, where the Khan paid him unbounded honour and attention, until his death. The affairs of Muhammad Haida Mirza and of Yunus Khan will be related in the First Part; the object of this chapter is to give a brief account of Mirza Aba Bakr. For forty-eight years he remained firmly established and successful in Kashghar, exercising always absolute authority [istild]. During this period [he was attacked] on one other* occasion, when Sultan Ahmad Khan, son of Sultan Yunus Khan (and known as Alacha Khan), in the course of the year 905, came against Kashghar. But his army likewise was put to rout, as will be mentioned in the First Part. After the above mentioned victory over Sultan Ahmad Khan, Mirza Aba Bakr began to extend his conquests on all sides. In the first place, he sent an army into Tibet. It gained glorious victories, subdued most of the districts of Tibet as far as the* frontiers of Kashmir, and carried such desolation [zabun] into those countries, that nobody was left to withstand him. He next sent armies in the direction of Balur, which gained decisive victories and carried off untold booty. After this, he sent a force into Badakhshan, where he subdued most of the Hazara of Badakh-shan. At the time when Shahi Beg Khan was making the whole world tremble, Mirza Aba Bakr despatched an army to Andijan and reduced Jani Beg Khan to great straits. He took Ush, Madu and Uzkand from the Uzbeg, and reduced the whole of Moghul-istan to such a condition, that not a single Moghul was able to remain in the country,* as already mentioned in the history of the Khan. The reason of their [the Moghuls] passing into Andijan has been explained. All the Moghuls who were in Moghulistan fled in different directions before the prowess of his army. Even the Kirghiz, who are the ravening lions* of Moghulistan, were no longer able to stay there, but had to join Mansur Khan in Chalish. After the death of Ahmad Khan, and the arrival of Sultan Mahmud Khan in Moghulistan, Mirza Aba Bakr went to Aksu, which he seized, together with Uch,* and carried off all the people from the neighbourhood of the latter place. He also left a garrison in the fort of Uch. My object in relating the prowess and valour of Mirza Aba Bakr, and the extent of his conquests, is to show what a great warrior Sultan Said Khan was, to have defeated such a man, as he did, at the battle of Tutluk. CHAPTER XXVIII. THE EVIL DEEDS AND WICKED WAYS OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. ONE of the obligations I have imposed on myself in writing this Epitome [mukhtasar] is, that what I have heard from other people and on good authority, I would briefly rehearse, when it was of importance; but what I have not witnessed myself, I would not dwell on too long, for fear of exaggeration, which I desire to avoid. But what I have witnessed or taken part in, that I have written as personal experience. I have divided the strange life, the evil deeds, and the depraved conduct of Mirza Aba Bakr into three sections. Firstly, what I have heard from others and from trustworthy reports: this I have stated briefly; secondly, what I have myself seen or heard [directly], but which I could not bring myself to relate; and thirdly, what I have myself witnessed, and have written down in this Epitome. But this is only as one in a thousand incidents — a little out of many— a long story cut short. Heaven forbid that any reader of these pages should accuse me of exaggeration or of slander. If I had deemed it permissible to depass the limits [of truth] in any way, I should not have said anything about Mirza Aba Bakr, for he was my uncle. But if I were to omit his history, all other facts connected with him would be obscure and incomprehensible. It is my duty both to shun exaggeration and to avoid omissions. The truth is that for more than forty years Mirza Aba Bakr ruled supreme. Towards the end of his life, the spirit of tyranny so mastered his nature, that if an offence was committed against him, though the offender might not be liable to any sentence according to the law, yet his evil heart was not satisfied with killing him once, but desired the death of the sinless sinner, a thousand times over. If any one had, in the slightest degree, opposed him, and he only heard of it ten years after, he was sure to punish, not only the offender, but likewise his children, relations, connections, and dependants. On this account, his subjects grew so submissive to his government, that nobody dared dream of acting contrary to his orders. When he had brought his authority to the point of complete supremacy in all things, he made such a collection of wealth, in treasure, property, mules and cattle, as surpasses all reckoning. He used to set culprits to work, involving difficulty which was proportionate to the gravity of their offence; he arranged for the separate employment of men and women, but he got some work out of everybody. [For instance] he ordered the old cities [known as] Kazik* to be excavated by these [prisoners], and the earth dug from them to be washed. If there were anything big, they would come upon it in digging, while anything small [such as gems] they would find when they washed [the earth]. In this way, innumerable treasures in precious stones, gold and silver, were discovered. I have heard some of his confidants say that a treasure was found in the citadel of Khotan* There were twenty-seven jars [khum] of such a size that a man, with a quiver on, could get inside them, without stooping or bending [and without touching it on any side]. Inside each of these jars was a copper ewer [dftdba-i-mis]. One of these ewers fell into my possession. It is a sort of flask [surahi] with a long narrow neck, to which is fixed a rough iron handle. In the centre of the ewer is a copper spout, the nose of which is on a level with [bardbar] the mouth of the ewer. The height of it is, at a guess, over one and a half gaz* When filled with water, two persons had great difficulty in lifting it, and they could not carry it from one place to another. Inside each of the jars was placed one of these ewers, filled with gold dust, and outside [the ewers] the space was filled with bdlish of silver. In historical works, such as the Jahdn-Kushdi, the Jami-ut-Tavdrikh , and others, a bdlish is thus described: "A bdlish is 500 mithkdl [of silver], made into a long brick with a depression in the middle."* I had [at that time] only heard the name [and had never seen one myself, but had read the description in these books]. These bdlish had been placed outside the ewers, but inside the jars. Many of them were brought, just as they were, to the treasury, which fell into the hands of the Khan's army [when Sultan Said Khan conquered Yarkand]. I myself possessed some of them. Thus [subsequently] I saw the bdlish [and found them correspond to the description I had seen in books]. One of the most singular things that I heard from those who had worked at the Kazik was this: In every one of the ewers was a letter written in Turki, which read: ["This treasure was pre- pared for the expenses of the ceremony of circumcision of the son of the Khatun called Khamar."] But no one could discover who this Khamar Khatun was, nor when she had lived, nor how. How strange that in spite of witnessing such examples, man is not restrained in his lusts, desires, and vain fancies! After the discovery of this treasure, Mirza Aba Bakr urged forward the men employed at the Kazik, to work with greater diligence and care than before, and several other treasures were brought to light in the old cities of Kashghar, Yarkand, and Khotan. The mode of operations at the Kazik was as follows: eighteen or twenty prisoners, more or less, were secured together by a chain running from one to the other, at their backs, through a collar fastened round the neck of each. In their hands they carried spades [kaland].* They laboured both summer and winter. [During the day they worked] and at night they were put into a prison. If the prisoner's offence was very grave, neither friends, relations, nor strangers were allowed to speak to him or give him anything. So that not even one of the same gang [chain] as himself was able to tell him a story. There was an overseer to every gang, and over every eighteen of the overseers was another person, and there was one man at the head of the whole of the Kazik. If any one of these overseers, whether superior or inferior, in the slightest degree neglected his duty with regard to the convicts, as in flogging, commanding, urging them on, or throwing them into prison, and the like, he was himself consigned to a gang of convicts. Moreover, such was the strictness of discipline, that the overseers never dared to show any leniency. In fact, they could never speak a word, except officially. Those who were confined for lesser offences, were allowed to see a relation or friend once a week; and in like manner, there were many different gradations for individual cases, from which [favours], however, not the slightest deviation, in the way of enhancement, could be made, without authorisation. [Separate] work was found for the men and the women. The above is only one example, out of many, of Mirza Aba Bakr's cruelties. Many more instances might be mentioned, but they would disgust the reader, and the mind shrinks from narrating them. It has been related above, that Shah Begum, Mihr Nigar Khanim, my brother Muhammad Shah, and the maternal sister of my father (who was the full sister of Mirza Aba Bakr), when they were coming from Kabul, on their way to Badakhshan, were captured by the army of Mirza Aba Bakr. The Mirza brought them to Kashghar. His sister, Khan Sultan Sultanim, was a very pious woman, and had spent all her life in acts of religious devotion. For a long time he allowed her no food but wine, and when she was brought to the point of death by hunger and thirst, she was made by force to drink some of that [wine], so that she died in torture and suffering, all the same.* He kept my brother, Muhammad Shah, up till the age of fifteen years among his eunuchs [ghuldm-i-akhta]. When [my brother] reached this age [the Mirza] ordered a roasting-spit to be thrust into his stomach, then to be driven through with a hammer, so as to come out at his back, and impale him against a wall; thus nailed to the wall, he was left [to die in agony]. From these examples, one may judge of his treatment of his nephews and nieces, and of those two noble women, the Begum and the Khanim. On consideration, I have decided to withhold my pen from further details, for I do not wish the honourable mind of the reader of this Epitome to be clouded by the darkness of that black nature; I will therefore not detain him longer on this subject. In spite of all these [barbarities] Mirza Aba Bakr affected great piety, and was given over to good works, charity, and almsgiving to such an extent, that he never rested from these matters; while Mullas and doctors of the law were continually in his assemblies. In all his affairs and actions he relied upon a fatwd; he even procured fatwd for the most atrocious of his deeds.* If the Ulama granted the fatwd, well and good; if they refused it, he would accuse the Mufti, find him guilty and sentence him to death, but would pretend to show him mercy, saying: "He ought, according to the law, to die, but owing to my regard for him, I will remit the sentence of death, and will give him some work to do instead." But the work he gave him was far worse than death. Among the fatwd he demanded were the two following. If Amr attack Zaid with the intention of killing him, Zaid does all he can against Amr in self- defence, and according to the law is justified* Again, if Khalid* be one who excites sedition and carries his evil intentions to another kingdom, in order to stir up rebellion in his own, the governor of his own country does all he can to prevent Khalid from going to another country, lest he may become a source of distress to his own people; and in so doing is justified by the law. On the strength of these two fatwd, Mirza Aba Bakr put to death 3000 of the men of Jagirak, Uzkand, and Madu, who had designs upon his life. And he cut off the feet of several thousands of others, with the excuse that: "if these men run away to another country, they will stir up revolt [against me]; in this manner I will keep them within my own kingdom, that they may not escape." Such were his acts of cruelty. [In this book] there is no place for a further record of them. Haply they are contained in the book of the Most Merciful of Scribes. On this account, I will now close the description of these repulsive matters. The rest of Mirza Aba Bakr's reign will be related presently. CHAPTER XXIX. UBAID ULLAH KHAN MARCHES FROM TURKISTAN AGAINST BOKHARA. IS MET AT KUL MALIK BY BABAR PADISHAH. A BATTLE TAKES PLACE, IN WHICH THE LATTER IS DEFEATED. EVENTS THAT ENSUED. WHEN the Emperor, in Rajab of the year 917/ mounted the throne of Samarkand, as has been stated above, the learned men and nobles of Mavara-un-Nahr were indignant at his attachment to Shah Ismail and at his adoption of the Turkoman style of dress. When that winter had passed and spring had set in (the plentiful drops of her rain having clothed the earth in green raiment) the Uzbeg advanced out of Turkistan. Their main body marched against Tashkand, while Ubaid Ullah went to Bokhara by way of Yati Kuduk. As the citadel of Tashkand had been fortified by Amir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur, [the Emperor] sent him some reinforcements, under the command of such men as Amir Dust Nasir, Sultan Muhammad Duladi,* and others, while he himself [the Emperor] advanced on Bokhara. When he neared the town, news of his approach reached Ubaid Ullah Khan, who [becoming alarmed] immediately drew his bridle and returned along the road by which he had just come. The Emperor pursued him, overtook him at Kul Malik, and compelled him to retreat. Ubaid Ullah Khan had 3000 men with him, while the Emperor had 40,000.* Ubaid Ullah Khan having repeated to the end of the verse: "And how often has not a small force defeated a large one, by the permission of God?" [faced the Emperor], and a fierce battle began to rage. God, the most high, has shown to the peoples of the earth, and especially to kings and rulers, that no boast is to be made of, no reliance to be placed in, the numbers of an army nor their equipment; for He in His might gives victory to whomsoever He will. Thus Ubaid Ullah Khan, with 3000 shattered [rikhta] men, who eight months previously had retreated before this same force, now entirely defeated an army of 40,000, perfectly equipped and mounted on fine horses [tupchdk].* This event occurred in Safar of the year 918.* The Emperor had reigned eight months in Samarkand. When the Emperor returned to Samarkand, he was unable to get a firm footing upon the steps of the throne, and so bidding farewell to the sovereignty of Samarkand, he hastened to Hisar. He sent one ambassador after another to Shah Ismail, to inform him of what had passed, and to beg for succour. Shah Ismail granted his request, and sent Mir Najm, his commander-in- chief,* with 60,000 men, to his aid. Thus at the beginning of the winter succeeding that spring, [the allies] once more marched against the Uzbeg. On reaching Karshi, they found that Shaikham Mirza, the uncle of Ubaid Ullah Khan, had strengthened the fort of Karshi. They, therefore, began by laying siege to the fort, which they quickly reduced. Then they put to death Shaikham Mirza, and massacred the whole of the people of the fort, killing both high and low — the sucklings and the decrepit. Of the Uzbeg Sultans, each one had fortified himself in his own castle. Thus Jani Beg Sultan had stood on the defensive in the fort of Ghajdavan. When the Turkomans had finished with Karshi, they asked the Emperor about the condition of all the fortified cities of Mavara-un-Nahr, and he described them one by one. It appeared that the easiest of all to take was that of Ghaj- davan; towards it, therefore, they marched. The Uzbeg Sultans heard of their coming, and entered the fort on the same night that the Turkomans and the Emperor, who were encamped before the place, were busy preparing their siege implements. At dawn they arranged their forces in the midst of the suburbs, and stood facing [the enemy]. On the other side, too, preparations were made for a fight.* Since the Uzbeg were in the midst of the suburbs, the field of battle was narrow. The Uzbeg infantry began to pour forth their arrows from every corner, so that very soon the claws of Islam twisted the hands of heresy and unbelief, and victory declared for the true faith. The victorious breezes of Islam overturned the banners of the schismatics. [The Turkomans] were so completely routed, that most of them perished on the field; all the rents that had been made by the swords at Karshi, were now sewn up with the arrow stitches of vengeance. They sent Mir Najm and all the Turkoman Amirs to hell. The Emperor retired, broken and crestfallen, to Hisar. And now a difference arose between the Emperor and those Moghul Amirs who, when the Khan went [to Andijan], had stayed behind and entered the Emperor's service. To make a long story short, one night, Ayub Begjik, Mir Muhammad, Yadgar Mirza and Nazar Mirza, in company with the rest of the Moghuls, fell upon the Emperor so unexpectedly that he was with difficulty able to escape, naked, into the castle of Hisar; while [the conspirators] having plundered all they could find outside [the fort], marched away towards the mountains of Karatigin. The Emperor was powerless to oppose them: having left several of his trusted Amirs to defend the castle of Hisar, he himself proceeded to Kunduz. The whole province of Hisar, except the fort, fell into the hands of the Moghuls. The Moghuls have a proverb which runs: when a place is left unoccupied, the pigs will mount to the top of the hillock. . .* They withdrew the hand of tyranny and oppression from the sleeve of violence and enmity, and seized upon the households, families, possessions and cattle of all the people. One of the most distinguished of those Moghuls, who was in my service [at one time], used to relate: "They once [by way of paying my allowance] gave me an assignment [bardt] for obtaining provisions, which was addressed to one of the inferior officials at Vakhsh. I alighted at his house and showed him my assignment. He pondered for a while; then he came out and displayed before my view about 200 horses, and a proportionate number of sheep, camels, slaves, household furniture, clothes and [various] materials, saying: T entreat you to let me and my children and wives go with the clothes we have on, while you take possession of all that is here, and release me from the balance of the sum that is mentioned in the order.' When I had reckoned up the value of the cattle and property, though it came to a considerable sum, it was only half of that entered in the assignment." This story shows what degree of tyranny, violence and oppression they had begun to practise. Whatever property or flocks they found among the people of Hisar, they extorted from the owners, whom they ruined with waste and extravagance. There ensued a terrible famine among the Musulmans,* and in the whole town of Hisar [only] sixty persons survived. The living eat the dead, and when these had died in such a condition that no nourishment was left in their flesh, the living fell upon one another. The end of these odious and revolting scenes was, that out of those thirty or forty thousand people, only about two thousand escaped, leaving their property behind; the rest were all engulfed in the ocean of violence, or annihilated with the sword of vengeance. The women and children were led away captive by the Uzbeg, and bear the burden of the ignominy to this day. To add to all this distress and suffering, that winter there was such a prolonged and incessant snowfall, that the plains became like hills and the hills like plains. But as for that abominable race [the Uzbeg], as their tyranny and cruelty increased, so did their prosperity decrease. They, also, began to suffer from want of grain; and as the fodder all lay buried under the snow in the plains, they had nothing to give their horses; nor could they find any corn for themselves. Thus were these cursed people likewise reduced to great distress, and became impotent. When news of their helpless condition reached Ubaid Ullah Khan, most of whose efforts were guided [at least] by good intentions, he felt it his bounden duty, both from a desire to restore order in the country, and also from a sense of right and justice, to go and expel these evil doers. At the end of the winter, therefore, he set out for Hisar. When [the Moghuls] heard of the approach of the Uzbeg, they knew not which way to turn, for they had themselves darkened their road to the Emperor; nor did they think fit to go to the Khan in Andijan, because whenever they might enter the Khan's service, they would be obliged to do some work which they considered beneath their dignity: the hands of their tyranny would be cut off and the feet of their insubordination crushed. On this account they abhorred the idea of going to the court of the Khan. Moreover, the roads were rendered impassable by the snow. For these several reasons, they took up a strong position in the mountains of the Surkhab and of Vakhsh. On one side it was protected by the River Surkhab, on two others by the mountains, while on the remaining side was deep snow, on which they placed much reliance. When the Uzbeg drew near, they reconnoitred on all sides and found the enemy well fortified. As the Ustad says: "Life is like snow under the summer sun." The snow on the one flank, on which they had put reliance, thawed a few days later, and left a very broad way through the defile. This wide passage caused joy to [the Uzbeg] and depression to those wicked [Moghuls]. One morning the Uzbeg charged down upon [the Moghuls], who, when they saw them coming, threw themselves into the water ... (Couplet)... Most of those wretches passed through the water to the flames of hell, some few escaped; and all those who had not reached the river, went to hell by way of the flashing scimitar. Those that survived were taken prisoners, and all the suffering that they had inflicted on the people in Hisar during a year, God Almighty now caused, by the hand of Ubaid Ullah Khan, to descend upon them in one hour . . . (Couplets) . . . All those that escaped the Hisar river and the glittering sword, went to the Khan in Andijan, in the condition that has been described, or rather, their condition would not be possible to describe. I have heard Mir Ayub relate: "Often, when I experienced ill-treatment from the Moghuls, and witnessed their dealings with the people [in Hisar], I have prayed to God to hasten to send down calamity upon them, that true Musulmans might thereby be delivered." The moral to be drawn from this story is that one should shun cruelty, which embitters life and destroys happiness: one should practise justice, which strengthens prosperity and sweetens life. "Divine aid is a precious thing, and is only given to the faithful servant."* In short, through the villany of that tribe [the Moghuls], Hisar fell from the hands of the Emperor, and came under the domination of the Uzbeg. So long as the Emperor entertained any hopes [of recovering Hisar], he remained in Kunduz, though exposed to the greatest distress and want. Mirza Khan possessed that country, but in spite of his entire subordination [to the Emperor], he was not able to give up his own country to oblige him. The Emperor, with his accustomed courtesy, bore the situation patiently, and made no attempt to deprive Mirza Khan of his dominions. At last, despairing altogether of recovering Hisar, he returned to Kabul. When he conquered Mavara-un-Nahr, he left Sultan Nasir Mirza upon the throne of Kabul. On learning the Emperor's approach, Sultan Nasir Mirza came out to receive him, with protestations of devotion and respect, saying: "When you withdrew your foot from the throne of the glorious kingdom of Kabul, you entrusted the high honour of government to me. And I have guarded this imperial treasure for you until, through the changes of fortune and the revolving of the spheres, you have again come to place your noble foot upon the steps of the throne. I would now crave your permission to be allowed to return to my former government of Ghazna, and would be most grateful if a few Amirs, of whom I stand in need, were appointed to my service." This devotion on the part of Sultan Nasir Mirza made a deep impression on the mind of the Emperor, who showed his gratitude by many favours, and allowed him to return to Ghazna, where Sultan Nasir Mirza died soon after [dar human ayydm]. Whereupon grave disputes arose among the Amirs in Ghazna, which shall be spoken of in their proper place. The Emperor remained in Kabul until the conquest of Kandahar; after that he conquered Hindustan, which shall likewise be mentioned in its right place. CHAPTER XXX. ACCOUNT OF MY UNCLE, SAYYID MUHAMMAD MIRZA. IT has already been briefly related how the Khan, on the 14th of Safar, in the year 917,* separated from the Emperor, and went to Andijan; also how he defeated [Mirza Aba Bakr] and the Kash-ghari [at the battle of Tutluk]. At the same time the Emperor seized Samarkand: while the Khan became absolute master of Andijan. In speaking of the children of Sultan Ahmad Khan, it was mentioned that Sultan Khalil Sultan, being in great distress, had come to Andijan, and that Jani Beg Sultan had been affected in the brain, by falling from his horse onto his head. At the time when Sultan Khalil Sultan came [to Andijan], Jani Beg Sultan ordered my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, Sultan Ali Mirza Begjik, and Tubra Nuyaghut,* to kill Sultan Khalil Sultan, in order that he might be assured that they were cut off from the Moghuls, otherwise [he feared that], on the first opportunity, they would stir up a rebellion and attach themselves to the Moghul Khakans. These three, fearing for their own lives, drowned Sultan Khalil Sultan in the river of Akhsi. The Sultan was younger brother to the Khan.* So long as the Uzbeg had the upper hand and were successful, these three men lived in peace; but when the Uzbeg were overthrown, they grew apprehensive lest the Khan should take vengeance upon them for that crime [and this thought was never out of their minds]. One day the Khan, in a state of intoxication, killed Tubra. It came about in this wise. Tubra was a rude, unpolished man, who had never been in personal attendance on the Khakans, but had always lived in the deserts of Moghulistan and Uzbegistan, engaged in forays [kazdki] and skirmishes [kardvuli].* He was ignorant of the manners of an Amir. He now looked upon himself as one of the pillars of the State, and thought that for him to speak gently or courteously to a prince was but flattery, while flattery was the vilest of qualities; that coarse speech was a sign of power, and that a rough manner and the non-observance of the rules of politeness due to a king, should be regarded as a mark of dignity in himself. The people thought he was insane, and that pride had thickened the fibres of his brain. In spite of fear and apprehension, he had certainly made roughness of speech and rude manners his second nature. One day, at a feast given by the Khan, the wine was passing freely, and Tubra's head became hot with intoxication; reason left his brain, and in its place came pride and wickedness. All those thoughts which, when sober, he kept to himself, he now let free with full force, and began to talk wildly. It was in vain that the Khan expostulated and pointed out to him that his railleries were out of place: that he should not let loose the reins of coarse speech and vulgarity. Tubra retorted in a speech reflecting on the Khan's family.* At this answer, the Khan quite lost control over his temper, and the harvest of his patience was consumed; he then and there gave orders for Tubra's head to be struck off and hung over the gate, as an example to all not to forget the respect due to authority. When Sultan Ali Mirza, who was one of the three, heard of this event, he fled to the Emperor in Samarkand, and joined his brothers, Mir Ayub, Mir Muhammad, and Mir Ibrahim. My uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, who was their leader, was plunged into the greatest alarm. This event had occurred at Akhsi, while my uncle was in Andijan. The Khan immediately sent off Mir Kambar, in great haste, from Akhsi [to explain the matter to my uncle], saying: "Tubra was an ass; but no ass would endure him, even to buckle on his nose-bag* Moreover, he had entirely given himself up to the paths of rudeness." Mir Kambar succeeded in quieting the Khan with this message. Soon after this, the Khan himself came to Andijan. Here he treated my uncle with such friendliness and affection, as to blot out all fears from the latter's mind, and such a firm friendship was established between them, that it lasted all their lives. In later times the Khan never mentioned my uncle's name without shedding tears of affection. [Verse] Behold the kindness and mercy of the Lord; The servant has sinned, and the master is ashamed. 1 * After settling this matter, the Khan became firmly established upon the throne of the Khanate, until the time when the Emperor abandoned Samarkand, and the Uzbeg again obtained the ascendency in Mavara-un-Nahr. The Emperor appealed to Shah Ismail for assistance, which came in the person of Mir Najm, with whom he again marched against Samarkand, as has been already recorded. On learning this news, the Khan set out for Andijan; and with the desire to anticipate [pishdasti] the Emperor and Mir Najm, before they had crossed the Darband-i-Ahanin, he attacked Suyunjuk Khan,* who was one of the chief Uzbeg Sultans. With him a pitched battle was fought at a place called Bishkand.* But the Khan was defeated, after displaying great personal valour and receiving many wounds, and he arrived discomfited at Andijan, where he awaited news of the Emperor and Mir Najm. The Uzbeg, for their part, were unable to pursue or harass his troops to any great extent, for the Emperor and Mir Najm had turned towards Samarkand, thereby causing them great alarm. On this account, the Khan remained in Andijan, to repair the effects of his defeat and wait for news of the Emperor. CHAPTER XXXI. PERSONAL ADVENTURES OF THE AUTHOR. IT has been already related that in Rajab of the year 915/ 1 left Mirza Khan and proceeded to Kabul, to be honoured by the blessed glance of the Emperor, who welcomed and entertained me with the warmest affection. In public he ranked me with his brothers and nephews; but in private he regarded me with a truly paternal eye, as one of his own children, and I was the special object of his fatherly sympathy. So much did he comfort me, that he entirely banished from my mind the bitterness of orphanage, and grief at separation from my friends. Thus did I pass my time in perfect ease and contentment. In the meanwhile the Emperor resolved to lead an army against Kunduz, as has been already mentioned. It was the season of the polar star, and in the rigour of Dai* when he said to me, with great affection: "The difficulty of the road and the coldness of the air are extreme. [You had better] stop in Kabul this winter. When spring comes, and the air is cleared of the bitter cold, you can come to me." But I remonstrated with him, saying: "In this country, it is the consideration and kindness of the Emperor which have enabled me to endure the bitterness of my desolation. If the Emperor leaves me behind, to whom shall I turn for comfort?" When he saw that to insist upon my remaining behind, in Kabul, would prey upon my mind and break my heart, he ordered such preparations for my journey to be made as the limited time allowed, and permitted me to accompany him to Kunduz. As many of my father's old followers were among the Moghuls, they all hastened, at this crisis, to enter my service, bringing with them such presents and offerings as their circumstances admitted. In short, I was well equipped with arms and men. More especially [I must mention] my foster-father, Jan Ahmad Ataka, whose name will frequently occur hereafter, in its proper place; he, together with the rest of my father's old retainers, attached himself to me. This Ataka was a trustworthy man, and had distinguished himself by his personal exploits at the time of the Uzbeg ascendency. He had made a goodly collection of horses and arms, which he put at my service. It was thus that he was employed until the winter, when [the Emperor] led his army into the Dasht-i-Kulak, as has been mentioned. I personally accompanied that expedition. On our return from the Dasht-i-Kulak, in the spring, the Emperor sent the Khan to Andijan. The Khan was very anxious to take me with him in his service, and, I for my part, had a strong desire to go. But when I asked leave of the Emperor, his blessed heart became heavy, and he put all such ideas on one side. Thus the Khan went to Andijan, while I remained in the service of the Emperor. Soon after this, followed the campaign of Hisar, in which the battle with Hamza Sultan and the defeat of the Uzbeg occurred. In the former engagement, the aforesaid Jan Ahmad Ataka led my men into battle, and having captured one of the Uzbeg chiefs alive, brought him to the Emperor, who promised him a reward for his bravery [juldu]* saying: "This is Mirza Haidar's first exploit, and is a good omen." He then ordered them to record the juldu in the book, under Mirza Haidar's name. This story has been already related. I was with the Emperor when he captured Samarkand. In mentioning my father's children, I said that the eldest of all was Habiba Sultan Khanish; [she was my full sister] and had fallen to Ubaid Ullah Khan. When Ubaid Ullah fled from Karshi to Bokhara and entered Turkistan, he was not able to look after his own family properly. Every one who could find means to make that difficult journey went; those who could not, stayed behind. Among these last was my sister, Habiba Sultan Khanish, whom I joined in Bokhara. We then came to Samarkand, where we found my uncle, who had come, that winter, from the Khan in Andijan, on business of the State. Having settled his affairs to the best of his powers, he returned to Andijan, taking with him my sister, whom on his arrival he gave in marriage to the Khan. In the spring of that year, when the Emperor went to encounter Ubaid Ullah Khan at the battle of Kul Malik, I was detained in Samarkand by an access of fever. When the Emperor retired to Samarkand discomfited, and then again departed [being unable to remain there], I was in a state of convalescence; nevertheless, I continued to follow him to Hisar. The Khan sent messengers several times to the Emperor to fetch me, and at last, displeased and irritated, he gave me leave to go. In my childish folly I did not (as it was my duty to do) pay attention to the Emperor's consent [but determined to go to Andijan]. Thus, on the arrival of Mir Najm, the Emperor mounted his horse and joined the expedition, while I set out for Andijan. I have already mentioned how the Emperor joined Mir Najm. I [as I say] went to Andijan; but before reaching my destination, the Khan* had been put to rout by Suyunjuk Khan, and returned to Andijan just as I arrived there. This occurred in Rajab of the year 918. From that date to the day of the Khan's death, in Zulhijja 939/ 1 remained constantly in his service, and was all the while distinguished by his regard and liberality. In short, until he conferred upon me the rank of Kurkani, I was never absent from him. At night, where-ever his bed was spread, one was also spread for my convenience, at his side. At royal banquets, the right hand of my fortune was joined to the left hand of the Khan's favour. Whenever a consultation was held, my uncle was sure to be at the head of the meeting [sar-i-daftar], but he gave me precedence over my uncle; nay more, he did so at the request of my uncle, who used frequently to point out to the Khan that [although] I was only the son of his brother, still he recognised that my precedence over him was not only proper, but necessary. When he rode out, I always rode at his side; and when he went hunting, he used to instruct me in the sport [and initiate me into its secrets and subtleties]. He used to lead the hunt himself, for he was a keen sportsman. He never allowed me out of his sight, but used to persuade me to go hunting with him, and if ever I showed any reluctance, he would compel me to enjoy it. He used to set me various tasks to do, at the same time pointing out what benefit I should derive [from doing them], and would say: "Until young men begin to perform duties, they can never gain experience. [Otherwise] in important affairs and in large assemblies, in mosques and in the battlefield, where the leaders of the people, whether Khakans or Sultans or Amirs, take part, they become confused, and meet with opposition from their people. But when young men practise themselves in the business of their elders, they gain insight into the particulars of their various duties, and in all such matters as wars and the like, they acquire a certain confidence. This self-reliance gains for them the esteem of the people, which strengthens their authority. In the performance of these duties they learn to recognise their own merits and demerits, and to judge of the best modes of action. "While in the service of my father and my uncle, I had these principles indelibly engraved upon my heart, and they used to make me perform numerous duties, that I might turn the advantages derived from them to the best possible account. What I learnt from my elders I now am teaching you, that you, in turn, may also profit by it." Till the age of twenty-four, I was employed in every kind of service, and all that the Khan gave me to do, both great things and small, I carried out single-handed. But if, even in the councils of the Amirs, in which I had my special place, an opportunity of some service presented itself to me, the Khan would forbid my performing it, saying: "In the battlefield you must remember your rank, so that you may not fall in the estimation of the people." When I was between twenty-four and twenty-five years of age, he bade me desist from all these services, and said: "All that I have given you to do, you have done well. Now you can return to your favourite pursuits." Thereafter, till the age of thirty, he entrusted to me the affairs of the army. But he caused me to be attended by men of judgment and experienced Amirs, and instructed me never to deviate from what they considered right, but to follow them in all matters. When several campaigns [lashkar] had been carried through in this way, he gave me leave to speak my mind in debates and plans of action. Up to the age of thirty I had never received this permission, nor had I ever spoken in an assembly, but had always remained silent. After sanction was accorded me, however, I spoke much, and whenever I used to speak in the assemblies, the Khan would say to me: "Explain this matter more fully, give us your proofs and your reasonings." If I explained myself well and said what was fitting, he would praise me, and desire the people to applaud; and when I did not say exactly what was right, he would add: "What he means to say is so-and-so"; and thus would improve my words and satisfy the Amirs. When some time had passed in this way, he said to me: "I have now learnt to rely on you thoroughly;" he then entrusted to me the entire management of the army and the direction of the government, giving me, in these matters, absolute freedom of action, together with sanction to issue mandates and firmans. When I returned from my expedition into Kashmir, and came to kiss the Khan's feet in Tibet,* he called me by no other name than "brother," both in private and in public. The details connected with [these events] will be given in the account of the Khan. I shall not record the rest of my own life until I have related the end of his. CHAPTER XXXII. ACCOUNT OF SULTAN SAID KHAN AFTER HIS DEFEAT BY SUYUNJUK KHAN. [SOON] after I entered the Khan's service, news arrived of the defeat of the Emperor and Mir Najm at Ghajdavan. This was at the beginning of the same winter in which the Moghuls revolted against the Emperor, when the severe famine broke out in Hisar, [and much snow fell] . During that winter the whole of the province endured great misery and want. At this crisis, news came of Suyunjuk Khan's march [on Andijan]. Three months previously [the Khan] had been defeated [by Suyunjuk], and his power of resistance had been broken. After much deliberation, it was resolved that my uncle should fortify himself in the citadel of Andijan; that Mir Ghuri B arias should defend Akhsi and Mir Daim Ali should hold the citadel of Marghinan, while the Khan should retire to the hills on the north of the province of Andijan, with his family and the rest of the army; for it would be difficult for the Uzbeg to come into the hills [to fight], and the fact that the Khan was still in the field [birun] would make them fear to besiege the citadels. Having decided upon these plans, they were at once put into execution. When Suyunjuk Khan learnt this, he did not see fit to advance, but abandoning his purpose, remained quietly where he was for that winter. In the spring, news came of Kasim Khan. The incidents were as follows. When the Emperor conquered Mavara-un-Nahr, he gave Tashkand [in charge] to Mir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur, and Sairam to the latter's brother, Kitta Beg. When the Emperor left Samarkand and went to Hisar, the Uzbeg, having regained their composure, laid siege to Tashkand, and at length reduced the defenders to great straits. One night, however, [the garrison] rushed out of the citadel, and attacking one corner of the Uzbeg army, got away. The Uzbeg looked upon their departure as a great blessing, and did not follow them, but were satisfied with the reduction of Tashkand. Afterwards, Mir Ahmad Kasim went to the Khan in Andijan, and on leaving that town, proceeded to join the Emperor in Hisar. But his brother, Kitta Beg, had put the citadel of Sairam into a state of defence, [lest the Uzbeg should come and besiege him], and could find no road for escape. All that winter he remained within his fortifications. Early in the spring he sent to Kasim Khan for help, saying: "If you will come to me, I will deliver the citadel of Sairam over to you." With such words did he entice his brother and arouse his ambition, thus bringing him against Tashkand. But at this point, in order to understand what follows, it is necessary to say something about Kasim Khan. CHAPTER XXXIII. ACCOUNT OF THE KAZAK AND THEIR SULTANS: THE ORIGIN OF THEIR NAME AND THEIR END. 1 * WHEN Abulkhair had made himself master of the whole of the Dasht-i-Kipchak, he desired to remove several of the Sultans of the race of Juji, in whom he detected symptoms of seditious designs. Karai* Khan and Jani Beg Khan, perceiving the intentions of Abulkhair Khan, fled, together with a few other Juji Sultans, to Moghulistan. This country was at the time under the Khanship of Isan Bugha Khan, who received them favourably and assigned a corner of Moghulistan for them to live in. Here they dwelt in peace. On the death of Abulkhair, differences arose between the Uzbeg Ulus. As many as were able, repaired to Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan, for the sake of peace and security; and in this way [the two Khans] became very powerful. Since they had first of all separated from the mass of their people, and for some time had been in an indigent and wandering state, they got the name of Kazdk, which has clung to them [ever since]. On the death of Karai Khan, his son Baranduk Khan succeeded to the Khanship, while Kasim Khan, son of Jani Beg Khan, like his father, became obedient and submissive to Baranduk Khan. In addition to Baranduk Khan, Karai Khan had many sons, and Jani Beg Khan had others besides Kasim Khan. Among [Jani Beg's sons] was Adik Sultan, who married Sultan Nigar Khanim, the fourth daughter of Sultan Yunus Khan, on the death of Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza. After the devastation of Tashkand, Adik Sultan abandoned Shahi Beg Khan to join the Kazak, and was followed by Sultan Nigar Khanim. But Adik Sultan dying soon after this, Kasim Khan took Sultan Nigar Khanim to wife. At the death of Adik Sultan, Kasim Khan obtained complete ascendency, and Baranduk was Khan in name only. Finally he banished Baranduk Khan, who repaired to Samarkand and died in exile. Kasim Khan now brought the Dasht-i-Kipchak under his absolute control, in a manner that no one, with the exception of Juji Khan, had ever done before. His army exceeded a thousand thousand. In the year 924 he died, whereupon contests ensued among the Kazak Sultans. He was succeeded in the Khanate by his son Mumash Khan, who, in one of the wars, died of shortness of breath,* and was succeeded by Tahir Khan, son of Adik Sultan. Being a harsh man, he practised much cruelty, so that his people, who numbered about 400,000 persons, suddenly deserted him and dispersed, while he was left alone among the Kirghiz, and died, at last, in misery. Nearly 30,000 men being now collected together in Moghulistan, they appointed as their Khan, Bulash* Khan, brother of Tahir Khan. But the wheel of Fate has made such strange revolutions, that for the last four years, not a trace has been visible of these people. In the year '30, the Kazak numbered a thousand thousand; in the year '44, not a vestige of all this host remains on the face of the earth. They will be frequently mentioned [in this history] in connection with the Khan. Such is the story of the Kazak. Even previous to the time of Kasim Khan's assumption of the title of Khan, his power was so great that no one considered Baranduk Khan; nevertheless he did not wish to live side by side with Baranduk Khan, because, if near him, he would not be able to pay him due respect, but would offer him opposition; and [he felt that] if he did treat him with honour, he could not reconcile passive submission with his own private convictions. He therefore kept at a distance. Baranduk Khan lived at Sarai Chuk,* and Kasim Khan, in order to be far away from him, went to the confines of Moghulistan. He made Karatal* his winter quarters, intending, early in the spring, to return to his original capital; when one of Kitta Beg's men, with some of the chief inhabitants of Sairam, arrived, bringing the keys of Sairam and beseeching him to accept the town, which he did. He then marched on Taraz, which the Moghuls call Yangi. In advance of himself, he despatched one of his own Amirs, into whose hands Kitta Beg delivered the town of Sairam. [Kitta Beg waited on Kasim Khan in person, and induced him to attack Tashkand.] Kasim Khan then set out with a countless army for Tashkand, where Suyunjuk Khan had fortified himself within the citadel. Kasim Khan arrived, spent one night outside, and then turned back again, plundering all the environs of Tashkand as he went. The rest of the events of Kasim Khan's life will be related in their proper place. CHAPTER XXXIV. EVENTS THAT FOLLOWED THE BATTLE WITH SUYUNJUK KHAN; ALSO SULTAN SAID KHAN'S JOURNEY TO THE KAZAK AND TO KASIM KHAN. IN the spring of the year 918, the Shaiban Uzbeg (by which name is meant the followers of Shahi Beg Khan) had become absolute masters of Mavara-un-Nahr. The fear of them had sunk into every heart. That winter had been spent in the above-mentioned plot;* in the spring they were busy devising further schemes, and thinking what they should next attempt, when suddenly news of Kasim Khan's advance [on Tashkand] was brought to them. Before Kasim Khan's arrival, however, the Khan went and plundered Ahangaran, one of the most important towns in Tashkand, and I accompanied him on this foray. When, at early morn, we came upon the people of Ahangaran, they retired with their wives and children and effects into a wood, and there took up a strong position. On one side of the wood was a large river, and on the other a deep ravine, which could only be approached by one road. They would not allow the pillagers to approach, and when the Khan heard of this he put me under the care of Khwaja Ali, saying: "Hold the bridle of Mirza Haidar's horse, lest he get into some dangerous place." For I was still too young to distinguish good from evil or to keep myself out of danger. [Having entrusted me to Khwaja Ali, the Khan placed himself at the head of his men and advanced on the enemy.] When he drew near them, he saw that their foot bowmen had made ambushes in every corner, and were ready to shoot. They had stretched their bows, washed their hearts of life— made straight, crooked, and the left, right. As our men advanced, the Khan stimulated and encouraged the champions of his right and the warriors of his left, warning them not to ride impetuously, but to make a charge in one body. The heroes drew their horses up in line ready to charge, and so busy were they getting into order, that they did not notice the Khan, who had made a charge all alone. It had been the Khan's intention to conceal his design from them by his words. Thus he threw himself upon the enemy before any of the others. Three men who were lying in ambush let fly their arrows simultaneously at him; but by the mediation of the Almighty, they all three missed the mark. Then the Khan made his bright sword to flash upon one of those three men who, bleeding, and in fear for his life, fell at the feet of the Khan's horse. The Khan turned against another of them; but the first had just put out his head from behind the horse, when Abdul Vahid, who was the Rustem of the Khan's warriors, having followed close behind [his master] came up and struck a blow with his sword at the wounded man's head, which sent it flying a bow's length off, while the Khan fell upon the second. Then commenced a conflict, in which all the enemy were annihilated, and where the Khan exceeded all the other warriors in valour.* On his return, in safety, from this expedition, laden with booty, the Khan learnt that Kasim Khan had attacked Suyunjuk Khan in Tashkand. Whereupon he immediately set out for that town, but on reaching the pass of Kandarlik, which is situated between the provinces of Farghana and Tashkand, news came of Kasim Khan's retreat. Returning, [the Khan] proceeded to Akhsi, and having put the various forts of the province of Farghana into a state of defence, he turned towards the Kazak, his object being to make them attack Tashkand a second time. I did not accompany that expedition; being indisposed, I stayed behind. The Khan advanced [in the direction of the Kazak] till he came to a well-known town in Moghulistan called Jud.* At that date Kasim Khan was nearer seventy than sixty years of age; while the Khan, being still under thirty, was in the full vigour of youth. Kasim Khan begged, on the plea of old age, to be excused from coming out [in istikbdl] to receive the Khan. He commanded all his Sultans to go and kneel before the Khan, and receive him. Some of these Sultans were fifty and sixty years old; such as Janish Khan, Sabash Khan, Mumash Khan, Jan Haidar Sultan, Karish Khan, and others to the number of thirty or forty— all Sultans of the race of Juji. When Sabash Khan* and Janish Khan (who were very old)* bowed, the Khan rose up, but when the others bowed he remained seated. Then Kasim Khan advanced with a courtesy which the Khan, to the end of his life, never forgot. Whenever he was spoken of, the Khan used to say that Kasim Khan was a most upright and worthy man, and would then relate the circumstances of their friendship. On meeting, Kasim Khan approached and said: "We are men of the desert, and here there is nothing in the way of riches or formalities. Our most costly possessions are our horses, our favourite food their flesh, our most enjoyable drink their milk and the products of it. In our country are no gardens or buildings. Our chief recreation is inspecting our herds. Therefore let us go and amuse ourselves with looking at the droves of horses, and thus spend a short time together." When they came to where these were, he examined them all, and said: "I have two horses which are worth the whole herd." These two were then brought forward; (and the Khan used to say that never in his life had he seen such beautiful animals as these two). Then Kasim Khan resumed: "We men of the desert depend for our lives upon our horses; and [personally] I put my trust in no others than these two. [I could not bear to part with either of them.] But you are my esteemed guest, so I beg you to accept whichever of them appears to you the better, and to leave the other for me." Having examined the points of each, the Khan chose one which was called Ughlan Turuk; and truly such another horse was never seen. Kasim Khan then selected several others from his droves, and gave them to the Khan. He next offered the Khan a cup of the spirit kimiz, saying: "This is one of our forms of hospitality, and I shall esteem it a great favour if you will drink it." Now the Khan, a short time before this, had renounced all intoxicating liquors; so he excused himself, saying: "I have foresworn such things as this: how can I break my vow?" To which Kasim Khan replied: "I have already told you that our favourite beverage is mare's milk and its products, and of these this [kimiz] is the pleasantest. If you do not accept what I now offer you, I am totally at a loss to know what to give you in its place, in performance of the duties of hospitality. Years must elapse before such an honourable guest as yourself again enters the house of your humble host; and now I am incapable of entertaining you. How can I make reparation for this?" So saying he hung down his head with shame, and marks of sorrow appeared upon his face. Thereupon, for his host's sake, the Khan drank the spirit to the dregs, to the great joy of Kasim Khan. Festivities [suhbat] then began, and during twenty days they continued to indulge together in quaffing cups of the spirit kimiz. The summer was just drawing to a close, and the Kazak set out, by Kazim Khan's orders, for winter quarters. Kasim Khan said: "To go and attack the Shaibani, at this time, would involve great difficulties. Men of the desert do not think of winter at this season [without orders]. It is impossible. An expedition is not to be thought of at this time." He then dismissed his army;* and with the utmost courtesy and regard, he bade the Khan farewell. He himself returned to his capital, while the Khan, much pleased with Kasim Khan, returned to Andijan. It was then autumn [tirmdh]. A learned man, to commemorate these events, discovered the chronogram: Ashti-i- Kazdk, or "Peace with the Kazak" [919 A.H.] CHAPTER XXXV. ACCOUNT OF THE MIRACLES OF MAULANA MUHAMMAD KAZI. AT the time of Shah Ismail's victory over Shahi Beg Khan, and the arrival of the Emperor in Samarkand, to lend his aid to the former, Hazrat Maulana had left Samarkand and come to Andijan, as has been mentioned above. At the period of which I am now speaking, Hazrat Maulana was living in the province of Farghana, and all the Amirs, of every degree, used to wait upon him, and profit by the blessing of his converse. I also took upon myself the duty of waiting on him frequently, and he continued to shower upon me the same kindly favours as he had done when I was a child in Uratippa (at the time of the calamities in Bokhara); and by the blessing of which favours, I was rescued from that terrible abyss, all of which has been already explained. Hazrat Maulana performed miracles and wonders. Among others was the following: One of my father's retainers, Sayyidim Kukildash, who was a disciple of Hazrat Maulana, was one day waiting on the latter. Hazrat Maulana, seeing that he looked sad, questioned him [as to the cause] . Sayyidim Kukildash replied: "A certain person" (meaning me) "has come from Hisar in the hopes of obtaining the Khan's daughter in marriage, and being thus raised to the dignity of Kurkani.* All the Amirs are now opposed to this match, and it is difficult to carry through any- thing that the Khan's Amirs have set their faces against. This is the reason of my sorrow and dejection." Hazrat Maulana then said: "I feel convinced that God has fore-ordained this union; therefore the efforts of the Amirs can avail nothing. This marriage will certainly take place." When Sayyidim returned, he repeated to me the words of Hazrat Maulana, and announced the good news. It was at this time that the Khan was away among the Kazak, but a few days later he returned, and raised me to that dignity which Hazrat Maulana had foretold. Thus, in Rajab of the year 919 I was elevated to the rank of Kurkan. CHAPTER XXXVI. SOME FURTHER DETAILS IN THE SAME CONNECTION. AT the beginning of this book, in enumerating the offspring of Sultan Ahmad Khan, it was mentioned that the Khan had four daughters. The third daughter, Muhibb Sultan Khanim, on the death of [her first husband] was married to his brother, Sultan Mahmud Khan, who was martyred at Akhsi by order of Shahi Beg Khan. Muhibb Sultan Khanim then remained with Kutuk Khanim, daughter of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and who, after the devastation of Tashkand, was given to Jani Beg Sultan, as has been mentioned. After my uncle had risen up against Jani Beg Sultan, and driven him out of the province of Farghana, Muhibb Sultan Khanim separated from Kutuk Khanim, who was her cousin. On the Khan's return to Andijan, she rejoined him. Of all his four sisters, the Khan loved her the best, so that when she came to him, he showed her the greatest regard and affection. The occasion of my marriage was celebrated by magnificent banquets and entertainments, which were remembered long after. That winter the Khan took up his winter-quarters at Pishkharan, a township of Akhsi. In the middle of the same season, Mir Ghuri Barlas, Governor of Akhsi, died a natural death, whereupon the Khan moved from Pishkharan to Akhsi, where he remained the rest of the winter. Early in the spring, Mir Ayub and the Moghuls who had been in Hisar, having been defeated by Ubaid Ullah Khan, as above related, came [to Farghana].* The Khan gave Akhsi to Mir Ayub Begjik. Meanwhile, news was brought that the Uzbeg were approaching. The reason for their coming was that, the year before, Kasim Khan had advanced [and had again retired], but during the whole of the spring, the Uzbeg were afraid [that he might advance again]. When winter set in, they were fearful lest Shah Ismail should come and avenge Mir Najm, [taking advantage of] the low state of the Amu. For these reasons they had, for a whole year, desisted from attacking the Shaibani.* When Shah Ismail returned to Irak, and Kasim Khan, likewise, went back to his original residence, and Babar Padishah fled to Kabul, there was nothing left for the Shaiban Uzbeg to attend to, but an expedition against the Khan and Andijan. So that spring they set out in full force against Andijan. On hearing of this, the Khan left the province of Farghana [and went to Kashghar], as will be told. CHAPTER XXXVII. SHORT ACCOUNT OF SHAH ISMAIL'S END. FROM the time when Shah Ismail came from Irak and killed Shahi Beg Khan in Merv, he inspired great dread among the Sultans on all sides. Thanks to this dread, and with a little assistance from Shah Ismail, the Emperor was able to meet and defeat Hamza Sultan. After this, his fame spread in every direction, and following up his success, he subdued Bokhara and Samarkand [without difficulty], as has been related. When the Emperor a second time quitted Samarkand and retired to Hisar, [he asked Shah Ismail for help]. Shah Ismail, thereupon, sent him 60,000 men under the command of Mir Najm. They were, however, defeated at Ghajdavan, all [the Emperor's] arms and military accoutrements being lost [while Mir Najm perished]. On this account, [the Uzbeg] feared lest Shah Ismail should march into Mavara-un-Nahr to avenge Mir Najm. They had been expecting this event the whole year, and made no expeditions in any direction. At that period Shah Ismail returned to Irak, where he was attacked by the Sultan of Rum, Sultan Salim, with an army of several hundred thousand men. Shah Ismail met him with a force of 30,000, and a bloody battle was fought, from which he escaped with only six men, all the rest of his army having been annihilated by the Rumi. Sultan Salim made no further aggressions after this, but returned to Rum, while Shah Ismail, broken and [with his forces] dispersed, remained in Irak. A short time after this event, he went to join his colleagues Nimrud and Pharaoh, and was succeeded by his son Shah Tahmasp. This Shah, likewise, was on several occasions exposed to the kicks of the Rumi army; moreover, from fear of the Rumi he was not able to maintain his accursed religion, nor uphold the evil practices of his father. He continues to sit on the throne of Irak down to the present day. CHAPTER XXXVIII. ACCOUNT OF THE SHAIBANI WHO HAVE REIGNED IN SUCCESSION IN MAVARA-UN- NAHR, DOWN TO THE PRESENT DAY. THE Uzbeg Shaiban, in the beginning of the winter of the year 918, had killed Mir Najm and defeated the Turkomans and the Emperor. In the spring of the same year they desisted from further aggressions on any side, being apprehensive both of Shah Ismail's vengeance and Kasim Khan's invasion [istild], as has been explained. But in the winter of 919 [1513], Shah Ismail returned to Irak to oppose Sultan Salim the Rumi, while Kasim Khan in order to look to his own kingdom, went to Ubaira-Subaira.* The minds of the Shaiban being now set at rest with regard to these two formidable enemies, Ubaid Ullah Khan, near the end of the winter, set out for Hisar, delivered it from the tyranny of the Moghuls, and made an end of them, as mentioned before. In the spring of 920, the Shaiban marched against Andijan. On careful consideration, the Khan realised that in disputing over Andijan with the Uzbeg, there could result nothing but the dimness of trouble and ruin upon the mirror of his fortune. For those who had power to withstand them, had moved out of the Shaiban territory, and he who had offered them the stoutest resistance, namely Babar Padishah, having placed the foot of despair in the stirrup of despondence, had gone back to Kabul. He thought the wisest plan for him was to retire from the country, before the enemy arrived. So the Khan set out for Kashghar, by way of Moghulistan. [Thus] the province of Farghana was joined on to Mavara-un-Nahr [under the domination of the Uzbeg]. The dignity of Khan was,* according to the old custom, vested in the eldest Sultan, who was Kuchum Sultan, and the heir-apparent [Kaalfa] was Suyunjuk Sultan, who however died before Kuchum Sultan, when Jani Beg Sultan became the heir-apparent. He followed Suyunjuk Sultan, and Kuchum soon after journeyed along the same road. The Khanship now devolved upon Abu Said, son of Kuchum Khan, and on his leaving the throne of the Khanate vacant, Ubaid Ullah Khan sat in his place. From the year 911 down to the end of the reign of the last-mentioned Khan [Abu Said], he had, in reality, conducted the entire affairs of the State; and if he had chosen to assume the title of Khan, no one could rightfully have opposed him. Nevertheless [the Uzbeg] adhered to the old rule and conferred the Khanship upon the most advanced in years. After Abu Said, there remained no one older than [Ubaid Ullah] himself, and he therefore ascended the throne of the Khans, and continued to perfume the world with the sweet breezes of justice and the scent of right-dealing, until the year 946,* when he bade this transitory earth adieu, and his pure soul passed to the regions of the blessed. I have neither seen nor heard speak of such an excellent ruler as he, during the past hundred years. In the first place, he was a true Musulman, religiously inclined, pious and abstinent; he also regulated all the affairs of religion, of the state, of the army, and of his subjects, in conformity with the ordinances of the Holy Law; never deviating from it one hair's-breadth. He was pre-eminent for his valour and for his generosity. He wrote seven different styles of handwriting, but best of all he wrote the Naskhi. He made several copies of the Koran and sent them to the two holy cities [Mekka and Medina]. He also wrote Naskh Tdalik well. He possessed the divans of the various Turki, Arabic and Persian poets. He was versed in the science of music, and several of his compositions are still sung by musicians. In short, he was a king endowed with every excellence, and during his lifetime, his capital Bokhara, became such a centre of the arts and sciences, that one was reminded of Herat in the days of Mirza Sultan Husain. Although both the Emperor and the Khan died before Ubaid Ullah Khan, and the account of the end of his days should have been given after their deaths had been recorded, yet since the stories of the Emperor and the Khan occupy much space, and since Ubaid Ullah Khan has no further connection with my story, I have summarily completed my account of him here. I shall have no further occasion to refer to the Uzbeg in this history. CHAPTER XXXIX. REASONS FOR SULTAN SAID KHAN QUITTING FARGHANA AND REPAIRING TO KASHGHAR. IN the summer of the year 920, the Uzbeg Shaiban who were in Tashkand, advanced under the command of Suyunjuk Khan, against Andijan. When the Khan learnt this, he convened a meeting of all his Amirs and councillors, and they discussed what were the wisest steps to take in the matter. They tried to foresee the final issues of things, and were plunged in the ocean of meditation. [At last] my uncle said: "The neighbouring Sultans are not inclined to sacrifice their reputation, and have gone to look after their own affairs. Our numbers are not sufficient to compete with the Shaibani, nor are our armaments equal to theirs. If we offer their legions fight, however zealous and loyal we may be, we shall only be as men with broken weapons, and a defeat will not mean the destruction of one particular person, but will result in constant disputes and continual fighting. If, by some strange chance, matters should turn out otherwise, they will have to make reparation for what has gone before, and all their power will be destroyed. Such an advantage we should turn to account. We shall be able to make no reparation for what has passed. Nor will any amount of binding make that breakage whole.* "The province of Farghana is the territory and ancient dwelling-place of the Chaghatai. The Shaibani have deprived them of it by force and violence. We have become the guardians of the Chaghatai country. Now that all the Sultans, in general, and the Chaghatai Sultans in particular, have given up the contest, it would be absurd for us to engage in this dangerous affair on their account. If you wish to be on the safe side and consider the wisest plan, then block up the path of war and follow the road of flight, before the borders of this kingdom have been darkened by the dust of the enemy's army. Let our reins be drawn towards Moghulistan, which is the old home of the Moghuls; this will tend to the consolidation of the State. And yet another fact must be taken into consideration: namely, that Mirza Aba Bakr, in the face of [the Khan's] victorious host, is like a wounded quarry, for has he not once before fought a pitched battle, at Tutluk, and been defeated? If we enter his province, and if he keeps a brave heart, he will probably again offer battle, and fighting with him will be an easy matter in comparison with fighting the Uzbeg. In fact, there will be little to fear and much to gain. Another point that ought to count in favour of this plan is that the Mirza is over sixty years of age, and he has reigned close on fifty years. The Almighty has, during forty years, suffered him to exercise tyranny. The time has probably now come for his day of oppression to be changed to the night of annihilation. Moreover, he has cast aside all his own Amirs, and has neglected the leaders of his army, setting up in their places a number of mean people of low birth, who, by reason of their lack of judgment and small intelligence, stand in great fear of him. Therefore, we ought to direct all our energies, devote all our strength, to the conquest of Kashghar. Haply the opener of all gates will open to us the gate of victory. Finally, Mirza Aba Bakr's men, who were my companions in the service of my brother, when they see me in your train, will probably return to me. And they will be a substantial assistance to us in conquering Kashghar. "Although Mirza Aba Bakr is my own brother, (Verse) . . . my loyalty and devotion are to the Khan alone: and any head that will not bow to him, verily will I bring it down, though it be that of my own brother. In my devotion to the Khan, no such consideration as a tie of brotherhood shall stand in the way. In the Mirza's downfall, I now recognise the establishment of the Khan's prosperity. If my plan is approved, let it be at once proceeded with." When my uncle had finished his speech, the Khan, who had been listening with evident satisfaction, began to praise and commend him, saying: "My thoughts have for a long time been occupied with such considerations; but in our discussions, all the suggestions made have been either impossible or inexpedient. I find your plan most reasonable, and preferable to any other. My opinion is the opinion of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. If any one has anything further to say on the matter, let him speak." All the Amirs were unanimous in their agreement, and began to approve my uncle's suggestion. Being all of one mind, the Khan, in the month of Rabi-ul-avval, of the aforesaid year,* left Farghana before Suyunjuk Khan had entered it, and marched towards Kashghar by way of Moghulistan. At this time Mirza Aba Bakr executed a very surprising work, the truth of which is attested by all who were in Kashghar at the time, and I myself have seen and measured the building . ..* Now, he had destroyed the ancient citadel of Kashghar a long time before, as well as its suburbs, and had carried the inhabitants off to Yarkand, while he had turned several inhabited places into cultivated fields. When he heard of the Khan's approach, he commanded a fort to be built on the banks of the River Tuman. I have taken the dimensions of that fort several times. It may include about fifty jarib, more or less, and its height in some places is twenty matd gaz* The circumference of the towers at each angle is more than thirty gaz. On the ramparts, in most places, four horsemen can ride abreast. This huge fort was constructed in seven days, which is, of course, a most extraordinary feat, and confirms what has been said above, of Mirza Aba Bakr's power and activity. It is now necessary to give some account of Kashghar. CHAPTER XL. DESCRIPTION OF KASHGHAR. KASHGHAR is an old and famous town.* In former times the Sultans of Kashghar were of the family of Afrasiab the Turk, whom the Moghuls call Bugha Khan. His genealogy is as follows: Afrasiab, son of Pish, son of Dad Nashin, son of Tur, son of Afaridun. It is thus given in the Tdrikh-i-Guzida, which has copied from the Mujma-ut-Tavdrikh* of Khwaja Rashid-ud-Din Fasl Ullah. In some other histories the descent is traced yet further. But God alone knows the truth. Among the Sultans of Kashghar was a certain Satuk Bughra Khan, who was converted to Islam in his early years. During his occupation of the throne, he brought over the whole country of Kashghar to the true faith. After his death, several of his descendants ruled in Kashghar, and even in Mavara-un-Nahr, until the conquest of Chingiz Khan. [Tai Yang Khan fled from Chingiz Khan. Kushluk, son of Tai Yang Khan] took Kashghar from the vassals of the Gur Khan of Kara Khitai, who had himself taken it from the vassals of the descendants of Afrasiab. At that time Sultan Osman, of that family, was ruling in Samarkand and in the greater part of Mavara-un-Nahr. What passed between him and Khwarizm Shah is to be found in every history.* The rebellion of Kushluk and the conquest of Kashghar by the Moghuls, I have copied from the Jahdn-Kushdi, as it stands [there]. CHAPTER XLI. EXTRACT FROM THE JAHAN-KUSHAI. WHEN Chingiz Khan carried his victorious arms into the countries of the East, Kushluk, son of Tai Yang Khan, fled by way of Bish Baligh, to the country of the Gur Khan. He wandered about among the hills, in great want, while those tribes who had accompanied him became scattered. Some people say that he was captured by a body of the Gur Khan's soldiers, who led him before their chief; another story is that he went and presented himself of his own accord. He at any rate remained some little time at the court of the Gur Khan. Sultan Muhammad Khwarizm Shah rose in revolt against the Gur Khan, while other Amirs in the eastern quarter, rebelled also, and put themselves under the protection of the Emperor of the world, Chingiz Khan, by whose favour they obtained immunity from the evil acts of the Gur Khan. Kushluk then said to the Gur Khan: "My tribes are very numerous, and are scattered over all the territory of Imal, Kiyak,* and Bish Baligh, where they meet with opposition from every one. If you will allow me, I will cause them to assemble and with their assistance [I will bring the rebels again under your authority]. Thus will I help the Gur Khan; and I will not in any way deviate from his commands." With such flattery and deceit did he throw the Gur Khan into the well of pride. Then having loaded him with gifts, he begged that the title of "Kushluk Khan" might be bestowed on him. The Gur Khan accepted the gifts and gave him the title he desired, whereupon, quick as an arrow shot from a bow, Kushluk left the territory of the Gur Khan and came to the country of Imal and Kiyak. When the report of the invasion of Kushluk got abroad, Tuktai, who was one of the Makrit Amirs, had fled and joined Kushluk. This was before the rumours of the conquests of the Emperor of the world, Chingiz Khan, had been spread abroad. And wherever they went, they were joined by bands of men, with whom they conducted forays — plundering and burning as they came and went. When they heard of the successes of Muhammad Khwarizm Shah, they sent numerous ambassadors to persuade him to attack the Gur Khan from the west. Kushluk, at the same time, was to attack him from the east, so as to bring him out of the centre [of his dominions]. [The conditions were that] if Sultan Muhammad Khwarizm Shah should be the first to gain a victory, Almaligh, Khotan and Kashghar, which were in Kushluk's kingdom, should be ceded to him; but if, on the other hand, Kushluk should have the first success, Kara Khitai as far as Finakand should be delivered over to him. These conditions having been agreed upon, a treaty was concluded between them. (Finakand means Shahrukhia.)* Thus the two armies set out for Kara Khitai from opposite directions. Kushluk arrived before Sultan Muhammad Khwarizm Shah [and defeated the Gur Khan], since the army of this Sultan was more distant. Then, having plundered his treasury, which was at Uzkand, he proceeded to Balasakun, where the Gur Khan himself was, and a pitched battle was fought at Jinuj,* in which Kushluk was, however, defeated, and most of his men being worn out [kufta] he retired and set about reorganising his army. He heard that the Gur Khan had returned from his war with Sultan Muhammad Khwarizm Shah, and had been ill-treating the people of the province; also that the army had returned to its own country. Then, like lightning from a cloud, he rushed out to meet him, and having seized his followers, brought his kingdom and his army under his own power; he then demanded one of his daughters in marriage. Now the tribe of Naiman were mostly Christians [Tarsd],* and when he took that daughter in marriage, he made her abandon Christianity and become an idol worshipper. After Kushluk had firmly established himself on the throne of Kara Khitai, he fought several battles with him [the Gur Khan?] at Jam Baligh,* and finally he surprised the Gur Khan on his hunting grounds, when having captured him, he put him to death. The chief men of Kashghar and Khotan had also become hostile. The Gur Khan had imprisoned the son of the Khan of Kashghar. [Kushluk] now set him at liberty and sent him back to Kashghar. But the Amirs declined him, and before he had placed his foot within the city, they put him to death between the gates. At the time when the corn was ripe, Kushluk sent his army to eat or burn it. When the inhabitants had been deprived of three or four quarters of their income [dakhl] and corn, a famine broke out. The people of Kashghar suffered great distress, and had therefore to submit. After that, Kushluk marched away with his army. And his soldiers used to lodge in the houses of the people of Kashghar and mix with their families, so that [the Kashghari] had no homes left. [His troops] practised every form of violence and wickedness. They did everything to encourage idolatry, and no one was able to prevent them. They next went to Khotan, which they captured, and compelled all the inhabitants of the surrounding districts to abandon the religion of Muhammad, giving them the choice of becoming either Christians or idolaters. [Arabic quotation from Koran . . .] Verily God is forgiving and merciful. Having adopted the garments of sin, the cry of the Muazzin and the confession of the Unity of the God of Believers was no longer heard. The mosques were closed and the schools abandoned. One day they conducted the Imams of Khotan out into the plains and began to argue with them. Among their number was Imam Ala-ud-Din of Khotan. He was asked questions and gave answers, and at length they hanged him up over the door of a college. Of this matter I shall speak presently. After this, the faith of Islam having lost all its splendour, the darkness of evil spread over all the servants of God, and they raised their supplications to heaven. [Five couplets in Arabic ...] The arrow of their entreaties reached the target, and God heard and answered them. When Kushluk was setting out to attack the kingdoms of Chingiz Khan, the latter sent a body of Nuin* to check Kushluk's evil progress. He [Kushluk] was, at that time, in Kashghar. The chief men of Kashghar related that when [the Nuin] arrived, and before they had drawn up in line, Kushluk turned his back and fled, while the regiments that arrived one after the other, of the Moghuls [az Moghuldn], demanded nothing of them but news of Kushluk. They sanctioned the "call to prayer" [Takbir] and the prayers [Uzdn]; and they issued a proclamation in the town, that every one might practise his own religion. The advent of those people was held to be an act of mercy and bounty from the Almighty. When Kushluk fled, every one who lived in a Musulman town or house, suddenly disappeared, like quicksilver; and the Moghul army went in pursuit of Kushluk. Wherever he halted, they came up behind him and drove him on, like a mad dog, until they reached the frontier of Badakhshan, which is called Darazukhan. When he arrived at Sarigh Chupan, he missed the road, and entered a valley that had no egress. There happened to be a party of Badakhshani hunters in those hills, and when they saw [the fugitive party] they went towards them, while the Moghuls advanced from the other side. The valley being rough, the Moghuls found walking difficult, and came to an agreement with the hunters, saying: "This band, namely Kushluk and his followers, have escaped from us; if you will capture them and give them over to us, we will do them no harm." So they went and surrounded [Kushluk] and his party, and having bound him, delivered him up to the Moghuls, who cut off his head and carried it away with them. The Badakhshani, having found endless booty and precious stones, returned. How clear it is that no one can ever be victorious who opposes the religion of Ahmad and the Holy Law of Muhammad; while he who promotes it becomes more successful day by day! CHAPTER XLII. THE MARTYRDOM OF IMAM ALA-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD OF KHOTAN, AT THE HANDS OF KUSHLUK. WHEN Kushluk conquered Kashghar and Khotan, he changed from the religion of Jesus to the practice of idolatry, and the rest of the people he caused to abandon Hanifism and become fire worshippers. He changed the lights of the true path into the darkness of unbelief, and the service of the all merciful into the serfdom of Satan. . .* Thus far, I have copied from the Tdrikh-i-Jahdn-Kushdi. After Chingiz Khan had subjugated the whole of Kashghar, he went and set his mind at rest with regard to the affairs of Iran and Turan— nay, rather of the whole world.* He then returned to his capital and divided all his kingdoms among his four sons. We learn from the Mujma-ut- Tavdrikh of Rashidi and from the Guzida (the former entering into detail, the latter giving it in brief), that the whole of the Dasht-i-Khizr and [Dasht-i]-Kipchak, whose boundaries are Rum, the ocean [Muhit] Mavara-un-Nahr, and Moghulistan, was given to his eldest son, Juji Khan. Moghulistan, Kara Khitai,* Turkistan and Mavara-un-Nahr to Chaghatai Khan. To Tuli he gave the whole of Khitai, while his original seat of government, that is to say Karakoram and the Kalmak [country] he entrusted to Uktai. In the same manner he distributed his army and his Amirs; and in that division, the Dughlat fell to the lot of Chaghatai, who entrusted to them Mangaldi Suyah, which means "facing the sun" [Aftab rui].* This country is bounded by Shash, Chalish, Issigh Kul and Sarigh Uighur; and on the confines of these four limiting provinces are situated Kashghar and Khotan. The particular Dughlat who was established in this kingdom, was Amir Babdaghan,* in whose family it remained, from father to son, until the time of Mirza Aba Bakr. The Jdm-i-Giti Numdi* says that Kashghar is the most important town of the Turks, and goes on to describe several objects in it, of which now no trace remains. Among other things it says is, that people used to carry clothing of ermine [Kakum] and squirrel [Sinjdb] from Kashghar to all parts. But nowadays there are no such [animals] to be found there. Kashghar is bounded on the north by the mountains of Moghul-istan, which stretch from west to the east, and from them rivers flow towards the south. Those hills extend from Shash, on one side, to beyond Turfan [on the other], their extremities reaching into the land of the Kalmak, which quarter none but the Kalmak themselves have seen, or know anything about. I have questioned some of those who have seen something of that country, but I can recall nothing of what they told me, which would be worthy of mention in this book. Moghulistan will [afterwards] he described shortly. From Shash to Turfan is three months' journey. On the west side of Kashghar is another long mountain range, of which the mountains of Moghulistan are an off-shoot [munshcdb]. This range runs from north to south. I travelled on those mountains for six months without coming to their extremity. They also shall be presently described, in the account of Tibet. From these mountains, rivers run from west to east, and to these rivers Kashghar owes its fertility [dbdddni]. The whole of the countries of Khotan, Yarkand and Kashghar lie at the base of these mountains. To the east and south of Kashghar and Khotan are deserts, which consist of nothing but heaps of shifting sands, impenetrable jungles, waste lands and salt-deserts. In ancient times there were large towns in these [wastes], and the names of two of them have been preserved, namely Lob and Katak; but of the rest no name or trace remains: all are buried under the sand. Hunters, who go there after wild camels, relate that sometimes the foundations of cities are visible, and that they have recognised noble buildings such as castles, minarets, mosques and colleges, but that when they returned a short time afterwards, no trace of these was to be found; for the sand had again overwhelmed them. On such a scale were these cities of which, nowadays, neither name nor vestige remains! In a word, the habitable districts of Kashghar and Khotan lie along the western skirts of these mountains. On the frontier of Kashghar is the district of Artuj;* from there to the confines of Khotan, at Kariya and Jariya,* is one month's journey. But as for the breadth of fertility of the cultivated region (from the foot of the western range to the eastward) by travelling quickly one can leave all cultivation behind in a day or two. On the banks of every stream that comes down from that range, corn is sown and the land is cultivated. The first of these is the River Timan,* which comes from a mountain standing between Kashghar and Farghana. This river flows between the ancient citadel of Kashghar, which Mirza Aba Bakr destroyed, and the new one which he built, on the banks of this river, as has been related. Part of Kashghar is fertilised by this same river. The second river is the Kara Tazghun. In the dialect of Kashghar, Tazghun means a river.* It flows about three farsdkhs to the south of the above mentioned fort. The greater part of the province of Kashghar is watered by it. At a distance of three farsdkhs from it, is a third river called Kusan Tazghun, on the banks of which is the town of Yangi-Hisar, and its dependent districts. The town is supplied with water by this river. The distance from Kashghar to Yangi-Hisar is six statute [shari] farsdkhs. At about six farsdkhs from Yangi-Hisar is an insignificant hamlet called Kara Chanak,* in front of which flows another stream called Shahnaz, which waters several [other] places. The valley of the Shahnaz lies in the western range, and the [high] road from Kashghar to Badakhshan runs through this valley. On the road from Kara Chanak to Kilpin Rabat, is a resting place [manzil] for those coming and going [on the road]; the distance between Kilpin Rabat and Kara Chanak is five statute farsdkhs. Further on is another halting place — a monastery [langar] — which is called Kush Gumbaz, an excellent stage [manzil] watered by the Shahnaz. It has both cultivated grounds and gardens [bdghdt] which all form a part of the foundation [vakf] of this "langar." Travellers enjoy the advantages which the "langar" offers. The next stage is a village called Kizil. The water there is brackish, and nobody stops there who is not obliged to. It is considered the halfway stage between Yangi-Hisar and Yarkand. It is about ten farsdkhs from Kizil to Kuk Rabat, and from Kuk Rabat to the edge of the district of Yarkand, which is called Rabatchi, is by measurement seven statute farsdkhs.* Between Rabatchi and Kara Chanak there is but little inhabited country, except for the stages that have been mentioned. Yarkand was formerly a very important city. The old town was dug out by Mirza Aba Bakr; it was among the excavations [kdzikha] which we have spoken about, and much treasure was found [in it]. It is not known whether the old town was called Yarkand, or whether it had another name. In the days of my ancestors, Yarkand was a companion city to Yangi-Hisar. Mirza Aba Bakr made Yarkand his capital. He introduced streams [into the town] and laid out gardens; and it is generally reported that these numbered 12,000, most of which were in the city and its environs. But I cannot imagine that this figure is correct. Mirza Aba Bakr built a citadel which, in most places, is thirty statute gaz in height. The inside of the citadel is roughly about a hundred chub, and in it has been built a very high fort [ark]. The citadel has six gateways, which are devised for great strength. The gates themselves are placed about a hundred gaz within [the walls] and on either side are two towers near together, so that should any one wish to enter either of the gates, he must [first] pass between these two towers. If an enemy attack the interior, he is assailed with arrows and stones from front and rear, as well as from right and left. This system is to be met with in very few forts. In the fort [ark] of this citadel, magnificent buildings have been constructed; but to describe them would be tedious. In the suburbs are about ten gardens, in which are erected lofty edifices, containing about a hundred rooms each. All these rooms are fitted with shelves and recesses in the wall [tdk and tdkcha bandi], they have ceilings of plasterwork, and dados of glazed tiles [kdshi] and frescoes. Along the public roads are avenues of white poplar [safiddr], so that one may walk for a statutory [farsakh] and a half on every side of the city, under the shade of these trees. Streams run by most of the avenues. The water of Yarkand is the best in the world. Every praise which doctors have bestowed upon any water is true of this.* It comes down from the mountains of Tibet (a month's journey distant), which are covered with snow and ice; it flows swiftly over a stony and sandy soil from south to north, and when it reaches Sarigh-Kul, which forms the extremity of the hilly country of Kashghar, it rushes on, with like rapidity, from rock to rock, leaping and tossing, for seven days [journey] in an easterly direction, until it arrives at the level ground. Here it continues its rapid course over a stony bed for two days more, and when it reaches the bed [majari] of the river of Yarkand, in which there are few stones, the current in some degree abates its speed. A curious fact concerning this stream is, that in the early part of the spring it becomes so small that one might almost cross it, in some places, by stepping from stone to stone. In the season of Leo, L4sad] it swells so much that it becomes, in places, nearly a statutory mile [mil]* in breadth, [while its depth is then nowhere less than four gaz], and for a distance of one karuh* it is no less than ten gaz in depth. Jade [Yashb]* is found in this stream. Most of the country and districts of Yarkand are irrigated by it. At a distance of about seven farsdkhs, flows another stream called Tiz-Ab,* which waters the rest of the country. For about three days' journey, at a medium pace, from Yarkand [in the direction of Khotan] are well populated towns and villages; the farthest of these is called Lahuk.* From this place to Khotan is ten days' slow marching, during which time, excepting at the halting places, one meets with no habitations [dbdddni]. In Khotan there are two rivers, called Kara Kash and Urung Kash,* in both of which jade is met with, and it is found nowhere else in the world. The waters of these two rivers are preferred [by some] to that of Yarkand, but personally, I could never find the superiority in them. Khotan is amongst the most famous towns in the world, but at the present time its jade is the only thing that remains worth writing about. One curious circumstance concerning Khotan, is that magpies* are never seen there; or if, at any time, one happens to appear, it is taken as a bad omen, and the people band together and drive it away. The Imam Ala-ud-Din Muhammad of Khotan is mentioned in all histories, but no one in Khotan knows which is his tomb, nor even recalls his name. There are many other tombs there, about which nothing is known. According to tradition (the truth of which is contradicted by books on history) there lie buried there, among others, many martyrs, such as Imam Zabiha [or Zabija], Jafar Tayyar, and Imam Jafar Sadik, and several others of the Companions [of the Prophet]. But the falsehood of these traditions is evident. It is possible that some of the followers of these companions [tabi'in] bearing their names, came here and suffered martyrdom, for before the conversion of Kashghar to Islam, some of the followers of the companions came to Kashghar and conducted a holy war [ghazdt] there [and at Khotan]. But the strange thing there is that the martyrs, whom they have deposited in the tombs, are sometimes exposed to view, from the sand being blown away by the wind, and no change is noticeable in them; they are recognisable, and their wounds— nay more, the very blood which has issued from the wounds, all dried up, is still visible. Every one who makes the circuit [tawafl* of these graves, witnesses these things. The tombs of Yarkand, however, belong to no one who is mentioned in histories or other books. But the people of Yarkand believe that there lie [buried there] the Seven Muhammadans. Their story, as related by the mujdvir* is not worth recording here, but Maulana Khwaja Ahmad, who was a disciple of Hazrat Ishan, and a good and industrious old man (of whom, God willing, I shall speak in the First Part), has told me that the Seven Muhammadans were grandees [utdd]; but I do not remember having read of them in any history. Another tomb is that of Dava Khan Padishah; but concerning him I could learn nothing from the mujdvir. Suddenly Hazrat Shahab-ud-Din Khwaja Khavand Mahmud passed in front of the tomb, and turning to me said: "This man possesses a wonderfully strong power of attraction [jazaba], and I never pass by here without being strongly drawn towards [his tomb]." The edifice is a lofty one and is covered outside with plaster, upon which are paintings and inscriptions. In spite of having examined them carefully, my efforts did not enable me to read them, for most of them were in Kufic character, but not in the Kufic which is employed nowadays. A few are in Suls* writing, but it is not inscribed in such a manner as to be easily read. Near this, is a dome, upon the archway of which is some Turki writing which is mostly destroyed. It is there written: "In the year 656 . . .," but the rest is obliterated and cannot be read. This date corresponds very nearly with the date of Dava Khan, better known as Dava Sahan,* and I am convinced that this is his tomb. I hold the proof to be conclusive for several reasons. Firstly, at that date there was no other Dava Khan reigning; and this name of Dava Khan does not indicate, in the least, that he was a Shaikh or an Imam; nor does the fact of such a magnificent tomb having been raised over him. Again the father of Dava Khan, Barak Khan, became a Musulman in Bokhara, received the title of Ghay-yas-ud-Din, and was succeeded on the throne by his son Dava Khan.* From this it is quite evident that Dava Khan was a Musulman. He is very much lauded in histories, and it is not surprising that God should have raised him to such high rank, considering his "Islam," and his noble qualities. After his death, any man who believed this to be his tomb, did it reverence, and as time went on [its identity] became an established fact; but God alone knows the truth. If, as is indeed the case, this is the tomb of the famous Dava Khan, his story is told in histories. In the Prolegomena to the Zafar-Ndma, Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi says: "Dava Khan was the son of Barak Khan, son of Kara Isu, son of Bamnagai, son of Chaghatai, son of Chingiz Khan. He was a powerful and worthy monarch. [Couplet. . .] Mamalikiz Nuyan, son of Amir Aihal, son of Nisun, was of the race of Karachar Nuyan Barlas. According to the ancient charter [Ahd-Ndma] Dava Khan was made king, and the duties and privileges of his forefathers devolved upon him. He ruled for thirty years, and through the excellent management of Altigiz Nuyan, the Chaghatai Ulus attained great prosperity. [Couplet...] Finally having drawn a few breaths he perished." Thus far from the Zafar-Ndma. Within the citadel of Yarkand and near to the fort [ark] is a tomb called Abjaji Ata, in which is the bone of a man's thigh, in two pieces. I have always noticed this with great wonder. I once pointed it out to Khidmat Maulana Shah Sayyid Ashik, one of the most profoundly learned and pious Ulama in Mavara-un-Nahr, who expressed great astonishment, and said: "Let us take the measurement." He ordered to be brought the corresponding thigh-bone of a man of the present time; he broke off clods of earth of the weight of that bone and tied them up in handkerchiefs, till they were exactly the weight of the bone which was in two pieces. He afterwards counted the clods and found there were sixty. Then the Maulana said: "The owner of this bone must have been sixty times the size of men of our time." This is indeed a most wonderful thing! As for the tombs of Kashghar, the first is that of Satuk Bughra Khan, of the race of Afrasiab, and ancestor of Yusuf Kadr Khan and Sultan Ilak Mazi. He was the first Turk to become a Musul-man, and he is related to have said: "Satuk was the first of the Turks to become a Musulman."* I have heard from darvishes that to visit his tomb is a source of great spiritual advantage. There are many other tombs, excellent accounts of which are to be found in books. Among them are those of Husain Fasl Khwaja, Kutb-i-Alam, Shaikh Habib, Fakih ibn Bakr and others. The strangest is the enclosure [hazira] of Husain Fasl Khwaja, which they call the "Enclosure of the Muftis," for a hole has been made in his grave opposite to where his face is. No change has taken place: his beard is [still] perfectly straight, and he is recognisable. I have heard the Ulama of Kashghar say that whenever they had a difficult question to decide, they would write a copy of it and place it in the tomb; on the morrow, when they came, they found the answer written down. And this has been tried and tested. (The responsibility be upon their shoulders.) All the people of Khotan and Kashghar are divided up into four classes. One is called Tuman, which means peasantry: they are dependent upon the Khan, and pay their taxes to him yearly. Another class is called Kuchin, which means soldiery, who are all dependent upon my relations.* A third is called Imak [or Aimak], all of whom receive a fixed revenue [mukdtda] of grain, cloth and the like. These people are also dependent upon my relations. The fourth class are the controllers of legal jurisdiction, and the custodians of religious houses and pious foundations; most of these are of my family. They need not, however, be specified in this place. There are in that country one or two things quite peculiar to it. Firstly, the Jade-stone, which is found in the rivers of Yarkand and Khotan, and of which not a trace is to be found in any other part of the world.* Secondly, the wild camel, which if taken in such a way that it receives no injury, can be placed in a line [of camels], and will follow exactly like a domestic camel. This animal is found in the deserts to the south and east of Khotan* Thirdly, in the hills of that country are wild oxen [kutds] of extreme size and nobility; they are the most ferocious of savage beasts When one of them attacks a human being, its butting with the horns, its kick, and its lick are all equally fatal. When on my journey from Tibet to Badakhsnan (which journey I will speak of presently) we were a party of twenty-one persons, and on the road a kutds was killed. It was only with the utmost trouble and difficulty that four men were able to extract the beast's stomach. One man could not lift one of its shoulder blades. After the twenty-one persons had each carried away as much as he was able for food, two-thirds were still left.* Again, most of the fruits of that country are very plentiful. Among others the pears are especially good, and I never saw their equal anywhere else; they are, in fact, quite incomparable. Its roses and rose-water are also excellent, and almost as good as those of Herat. Moreover, its fruits have an advantage over the fruits of other countries, in that they are less unwholesome. The cold in winter is very severe, and the heat in summer is moderate; but the climate is very healthy. The fruits, which generally are injurious when taken at breakfast or after any food, are there, on account of the excellence of the climate, followed by no evil consequences and do no harm. During the autumn [tirmdh] it is not the custom to sell fruit in the provinces of Kashghar and Khotan, nor is it usual to hinder any one from plucking it. Nay more, it is planted along the roadsides, so that any one who wishes to do so, may take of it. But [Kashghar] has also many defects. For example, although the climate is very healthy, there are continual storms of dust and sand, and violent winds charged with black dust. Although Hindustan is notorious for this phenomenon [sifat], yet in Kashghar it is still more prevalent.* The cultivation of the ground is very laborious and yields but little profit. In Kashghar it is impossible to support an army upon the produce of the country. Compared with the Dasht-i-Kipchak, the Kalmak country and Moghulistan, it has the semblance of a town, but with regard to productiveness and its capacity to support an army, it cannot be compared to those steppes. The inhabitants of towns who go there regard Kashghar as a wild country [rustd], while the people of the steppes consider it a refined city. It is a sort of Purgatory between the Paradise of Towns and the Hell of Deserts. "Ask those from Hell of Purgatory, and they will call it Paradise."* In a word, it is free from the discord of men and the trampling of hoofs, and it is a safe retreat for the contented and the rich. Great blessings accrue to the pious, now, from the blessed saints who lived there in time past. From two pious persons, out of many I have seen, I have heard that when people migrate from that country to some other, they cannot find the same peace of mind, and they remember Kashghar [with regret]. This is the highest praise. CHAPTER XLIII. RETURN TO THE GENERAL NARRATIVE. I HAD brought the Khan's history down to the point where he, having left the province of Farghana, set out for Kashghar by way of Moghulistan. As soon as Mirza Aba Bakr heard of this, he built the citadel of Kashghar in seven days, and placed in it one thousand horse and foot, with provisions for several years, giving his own son Yusfan* command over them. Then, having settled whatever business he had there as best he could, he started for Yangi-Hisar, which he also supplied with provisions, arms, and siege implements, and finally went on to Yarkand. In the meanwhile the Khan reached Atu Bum Bashi,* which is one of the frontiers of Moghulistan on the side of Kashghar. Leaving his family and baggage there, to follow slowly after, he marched forward with an unencumbered army. On the first night he encamped at a place called Mirza Turki; on the second day he halted at Tushku, arriving at Artuj on the third day, and there he performed the circuit [tawdf] of the shrine of Shaikh Habib, an eminent Shaikh. The miracle is recorded of him that in building the monastery, one of the beams [chub] was found too short, and that he pulled it, and extended it [to the required length]. This beam [the Khan] saw, and having repeated verses from the Koran and uttered prayers, he begged that he might profit by the spirit of the Shaikh. On the following day, when the troops of the east put to rout the army of the west, and in one moment seized the rays of the lights of the world [when the sun rose, etc. . . Two couplets], they set out from Artuj and came to Uch Barkhan, a village near which the river Yutun Bashi [or Tuyun B.], which flows down from the valley of Kalik Kiya [or Kaba], must be crossed by travellers. There is some rising ground above it, from the top of which Kashghar, which is exactly three statute \farsdkhs] distant, is visible. On this eminence Mirza Aba Bakr constructed a wall with battlements, reaching from the highest point of the hill down to the ravine which overhangs the river, and there he placed a gate. Implicit orders were issued that the commanders [tavdji] should take up their stand in that narrow passage [tangi] and count the army. The troops passed through the defile [tangi] regiment by regiment, and as they passed, the tavdji counted them and the scribes [bakhshi] wrote down the numbers. Besides those who stayed behind with the women and children and the baggage, and those who were strong enough to guard the roads, there were inscribed four thousand seven hundred and odd. Though the number is small, it was composed entirely of famous generals [sarvar], mighty Amirs, wise councillors and brave warriors, who were ripe in experience and well tried in adversity. From the date of the devastation of Tashkand in 908, corresponding to the year of the Hog [of the Moghul cycle], to the present date 920, corresponding [again] to the year of the Hog— that is for twelve years— they had been persecuted by evil fortune, and had been continually engaged in warfare and contests and disputes. Of the four [great] tribes, three — namely the Uzbeg, the Chaghatai, and the Moghuls— had always been at variance, [Couplet ...] as has been explained above. During those twelve years, these people had been subject to many vicissitudes and changes of fortune, and had endured innumerable reverses and trials, so that each one of them had gained great experience, and was acquainted with all the details of the art of war, such as marches and countermarches and forced marches. Nor was this knowledge peculiar to the Amirs— nay, rather, in every tribe of the Moghuls many men were to be found in whose judgment and advice every one placed reliance. The following is a short account of some of those who passed in review that day, as well as I can call them to memory. First of all the family of Dughlat, of whom the leader— the most noble and the eldest— was my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. He was at that time about forty-one years of age. He was the prop and stay and overseer of the whole of that army. His wisdom and foresight were well known, and he was famed for perception and penetration. His story, and all that he did, has been already related. He was conspicuous among his contemporaries, and without an equal among the tribesmen. According to the reckoning then drawn up, he had one hundred and eighty men in his following. Next [in standing] was Kara Kulak Mirza, who has been mentioned above, in connection with the Khan's adventures in Moghulistan. During those events, this Kara Kulak Mirza held, at one time, the dignity of Amir, and at another, fell into the most abject poverty, until at last, leaving the Khan, he went to Andijan and there managed to live with the Uzbeg, in some way or another, exchanging the bitterness of poverty for the sweets of commerce. At the time the Khan captured Andijan, he again entered his service. In a word, this Kara Kulak Mirza was renowned both for his courage and sound judgment, and great reliance was placed in him. In the enumeration [of the army], one hundred followers were entered in his name. [Another was] his brother, Shah Nazar Mirza, who had precedence over his elder brother in all matters. His retainers were entered as sixty in number. Another was Mirza Ali Taghai; the wiles this man could devise after a moment's reflection, could not have been invented by a cunning Delilah after years of deep thought. The hump-backed old woman [who personifies] deception used to come to learn wiles and tricks from him, and to serve him in order to learn how to stir up sedition. This will be explained, in the account of the end of the Khan's days. Ninety men were entered in the list under his name. Another was his brother, Kutluk Mirak Mirza, of whom everyone expected great achievements. Seventy persons came under his name. Another was Bahrika Mirza, who was of the military caste [ahl-i-kushun], and he had forty followers. Another was the compiler of these pages and the chronicler of this history, your humble servant. The dawn of childhood had not yet changed to the morning of youth, nor was my intelligence yet fully developed. I was but fifteen years of age. Although the Khan had honoured me with the title of Kurkan, yet on account of my youth, and immaturity, both physical and mental, I was not able to participate fully in that dignity. I however carried out as much as was possible. The retainers and followers of my father, as many as had remained behind, supported and aided me nobly in every way, so that in spite of the general scarcity of attendants upon the Moghuls, one hundred and twenty persons were entered in my name. There were many nobles [mirzddas] of the Dughlat family, who were entered as single individuals, since by reason of their poverty they had no retinue. All those who were Amirs, and had a following and attendants, were mentioned [in the lists]. In this way, I propose to speak of all the families of the Moghul Amirs. Another family [tabaka] was that of the Dukhtui, whose chief was Amir Daim Ali. At that time his brothers, Ahmad Ali and Mahmud Kuli, had not yet come. This Amir Daim Ali was one of the least worthy of the great Amirs. He will be frequently mentioned hereafter in this book. There was a serious dispute between him and [the family of] Barlas as to precedence, which was at that time still undecided. But Amir Daim Ali took precedence whenever he could, till on the first occasion of the meeting with Mansur Khan, which shall be spoken of. The question was referred to Amir Jabar Birdi, who was a Dughlat, and of whom I have spoken above, and he decided that the Dukhtui should have precedence. After that the right of Amir Daim Ali over the Barlas was established. I do not recollect precisely, but I think there were more than two hundred persons recorded in the list of this family. Another family was the Barlas, whose leader was Ali Mirak Mirza, the maternal uncle of my paternal uncle. He had both sons and brothers. One of his sons, named Muhammad, will be mentioned later. There were many of the Moghul Amirs and notables who were very aged, older indeed than any one else at that time in the Moghul Ulus; upon all matters such as the Tura and the Tuzuk they were consulted, and reliance was placed in their discretion and judgment in all important consultations and councils. Of these old men was Ali Mirak Mirza; among others were Kaka Beg, Kara Bash Mirza, Sayyid Ali Agha, Allah Kuli Kukildash, and Abdul Aziz Mirza. Among this group of aged men too, was Ali Mirak Mirza himself. Like the rest of the old men, he was much enfeebled by age, both physically and mentally, but his courage was still firm. In spite of his having both brothers and sons, he conducted all his own affairs, civil as well as military. In the list, the number of his retainers is nearly as great as those of Mir Daim Ali. Another [of them] was Haji Mirza, who was renowned for his valour. He had more than one hundred in his train. Another family was that of Barki,* of whom the first and eldest was Mir Kaka. But his extreme old age prevented him from taking part any longer in the hardships of warfare, so he entrusted his affairs to his son Mir Kambar. Many conspicuous and able men of the Barki family accompanied the Khan from Kunduz to Andijan, and numbers of them fell in the battles that took place in Andijan. When no more of these were left, the management of the affairs [of the family] devolved upon Mir Kambar. His brothers Maksud, Hafiz, and Tuluk, were in immediate attendance upon the Khan. The following of Mir Kambar was larger than that of Haji Mirza; I cannot, however, recall the exact number. Another family was that of the Urdubegi; their leader was Kara Bash Mirza, who has been mentioned in the list of old men. His sons and brothers were men of note, such as Gadai Mirza, Sabur Mirza, Muhammad Haji Mirza, and Muhammad Vali Mirza. Another family was that of Itarji. Their chief was Bish Ka Mirza, who had some capable sons and also some brothers. Their retinue numbered about one hundred men. Another family was that of Kunji, whose chief Amir at that time was Mir Janaka. Mir Sharun, Kul Nazar Mirza, Mir Mazid, and Mir Jaka had not yet arrived. His retinue exceeded that of Bish Ka Mirza in numbers. Another family was the Jaras, at the head of whom was Munka Beg, a man distinguished among his equals for his bravery. His suite numbered more than one hundred men. He had a brother named Baba Sarik Mirza, who was a man of a similar nature to the above-mentioned Kara Kulak Mirza and Mirza Ali Taghai. All that is said of them applies equally to him. His following was not less than that of Munka Beg. He had a brother named Shahbaz Mirza, who, in the conduct of affairs, was not inferior to his brother. Another family was the Begjik. The chief among them was Mir Ayub, whose history has been related in connection with Babar Padishah and Ubaid Ullah Khan. He is one of the most distinguished of all the famous Moghul Amirs. During those twelve years of disturbances, wherever he was, he took the lead. Indeed, he was a man admirably qualified in every respect to bear the dignity of Amir. Nearly two hundred men were entered in his name. His brother Muhammad Beg was an extremely calm and polite man, of noble birth and breeding. His mother was a Sayyida of Tirmiz. [Of the same family] was Sultan Ali Mirza, whom I have mentioned above, in speaking of the Khan. Also Yadgar Mirza, who, soon after this event, left the Khan's service, made the Holy Pilgrimage, and then rejoined the Khan, by whom he was highly honoured. After this he again made the Pilgrimage, and he is at the present time a recluse, having dealings with no man and disturbed by none. [Of these too] was Nazar Mirza. Each of them had a following of one hundred men or less. Another was Mirza Muhammad, who had exercised the authority of Amir among the Begjik and the Tuman of Mir Ayub, before the arrival of this latter. But when Mir Ayub came, being the elder brother, all the duties of Amir were passed over to him; he [Mirza Muhammad] submitted to Mir Ayub, and in the administration of business was associated with him. His followers were better equipped than those of Amir Ayub. Another was Beg Muhammad, the same young man whose excellent qualities were alluded to in the account of the Khan's doings in Kabul. Among all the young men he had not his equal in courage. He had one hundred well armed retainers. There were violent disputes between the families of Jaras and Begjik on the question of priority. On this account, the elder Amirs assembled and held an inquiry. It was at length ascertained that, in the time of each Khan, priority and inferiority had been decided by the favour [indyat] of that Khan. Therefore the Khan now issued the following mandate [ydrligh]: "I will not at present determine your precedence. You must decide it among yourselves. You must take it by turns, year by year, and whichever family shows the greatest valour, that one will take precedence." They carried out the order, but the dispute exists to the present day, and has found no settlement. All the above-mentioned men were Amirs and commanders of regiments and detachments. There was another set of men, who, although not Mirs or sons of Amirs, had yet each his own tribe and following. They had been at the head of some of the Moghul tribes during those twelve eventful years, and having directed their affairs, had thereby gained so much experience that every one placed confidence in their advice and opinions. Among them was Khwaja Ali Bahadur, of whose valuable services to the Khan in his early days in Moghulistan, I have spoken above. Another was Beg Kuli, whose name was mentioned in the history of Shahi Beg Khan. At the time when the Emperor was defeated at Kul Malik by Ubaid Ullah Khan, and retired from Samarkand, this Beg Kuli, placing himself at the head of 3000 men, came and joined the Khan. He was a trustworthy man. Another was Ishak Bahadur, renowned for his valour and his sound judgment. Others were, Marik Bahadur, Putaji Bahadur, Kara- Uchunghal,* Shaban, Sultakar* Tufta Kuli, and Uzun Sakal Tufta Kuli. [Each of these was head of a tribe] and all were trustworthy and experienced men. Another was Tuman Bahadur, leader [sar-khail] of the Kaluchi, and one of the most notable generals of his time. He will be mentioned in the account of the Khan's last days. Another was Malik Ali, commander [sirdar] of the tribe of Karluk and a brave soldier. Another, Kulka, head [sar khail] of the Makrit. Another, Omar Shaikh, chief [kaldntar] of the Shulkarchi. All these were chiefs of tribes, and each had a retinue. There was yet another class of men, who had no following, but were quite alone; yet they had distinguished themselves above the rest, by their courage in many battles and engagements, and thus they had acquired the name of "heroes" [bahddur]. Some of their deeds of warlike valour will be mentioned below. A list of the names of a few of them follows: Midaka [Bahadur], Abdul Vahid [Bahadur], Khudai Kuli [Bahadur], Shakaval, Yusuf Bakaval, Muhammad Ali Tuman, Kishkui Divana, Kara Dana Kuli, Shaikh Nazar Yasaval, Barka Yasaval, Hakk Nazar Divana, Ali Kurchi, Shah Mirak Kalandar, Baba Kulaghan, Tangri Bardi, Bai Tisha, Hakk Nazar Kughuchi, Pak [or Jabak] Mir Akhur, Palicha Mir Akhur, Bar Mazid Mankish, Sukar Kaluchi, Sukar Ukhsi, Babarin Azuk Mirza, and others. They were the talk of their time, and all of them heroes like Rustam, Zal, and Afrasiab the brazen-bodied. I have mentioned a few of them, but it would be tedious to mention them all; moreover many of them have no place in this history— no connection with the main events. CHAPTER XLIV. BATTLES OF SULTAN SAID KHAN WITH THE ARMY OF MIRZA ABA BAKR AT KASHGHAR. THE army having been mustered, it began to descend from the rising ground of Uch Barkhan. . .* The Amirs of Mirza Aba Bakr's troops saw the masses of soldiers from afar, and estimated their numbers at 50,000. When a nervous person counts the enemy, he mistakes a hundred for a hundred thousand. On nearing the Tomb of the Khwaja, they drew their bridles to the right and turned towards a village called Sarman, two farsdkhs from Kashghar, where there is a ford over the Timan. Crossing the Timan they passed on to a place called Sughunluk, where Mirza Aba Bakr had laid out beautiful gardens and meadows; in these they encamped. Some of the Amirs, taking their troops, approached the citadel of Kashghar, thinking that the enemy would wish to defend the fortifications and decline to come out. They approached quite close to the citadel and were examining it and admiring how well it had been fortified, when the enemy, sallying forth, drew up in battle order and stood ready. [Couplet]... On arrival of the Amirs the battle began. Some courageous youths, to whom the day of battle was as the nuptial night, and the rumbling of the drums of war was as the murmuring of harps... [three couplets] now threw themselves upon the enemy's ranks, wielding their sabres on every side. All around was disorder and confusion: victory and defeat fell sometimes to one and sometimes to the other. The enemy having turned their faces towards Baz-Shirak,* all the infantry and cavalry poured out of the citadel to their assistance and joined in the fray. The battle lasted till past midday. . .* Then some of the Amirs sent messengers to the Khan, representing that the enemy had left their strong position and had descended into the plain. If the Khan wished to meet them on equal terms, now was the opportunity. Let him come before the sun should set, for then the enemy would retire to the citadel, and would not come out again. When the Khan received this message, . . . [three couplets] he arranged his army in the manner above described, and went forward, but as the ground was rough and broken, the troops were not able to preserve their formation. The Amirs of the left wing were ordered to go in advance, while the centre was to follow them. The Amirs of the right wing had many of them advanced in the early morning. When the Khan drew near he said: "Let the force advance slowly, while I ride forward and see how matters are going." The Khan arrived just as the left wing had come up. The men who had been fighting [all the morning], seeing the Khan arrive, received fresh courage and were overjoyed; for they had been anxiously expecting him. They now made a combined charge . . . [three couplets] and before the centre had time to come up, had overwhelmed the enemy. Khwaja Saki Ali was chief minister [mushrif-i-divdn], and was sprung from the Uighurs of Khorasan* He had always distinguished himself by his extreme valour, but through his impetuosity the thread of his life was cut in two. He had been one of the first to arrive on the scene of action, and was standing with his men in the front of the army, when he saw that the Khan had come. Before all the rest, he threw himself upon the centre of the enemy, and allowed the reins of discretion to be guided by the palm of recklessness. The infantry archers had formed an ambush in a large stream called the Sarman. Khwaja Saki Ali, without hesitating, made his horse leap this stream, wishing to use his sabre against the cavalry that were standing on the opposite bank. But one of those foot bowmen who were standing in ambush in the water, shot an arrow into Khwaja Saki Ali's eye, so that it came out at the back of his head, and he immediately fell [lifeless] from his horse. In the meanwhile the enemy had been put to rout, having been dislodged from their ground by the violence of the onslaught of the Khan's warriors. Before the whole army could come up, the advanced body pushed on, striking and killing, up to the gates [of Kashghar]. In a short space of time the King of Kings of the universe, and rightful Lord of the realm, utterly destroyed the numerous host together with its weapons and material of war. They were only just able to creep, crushed and routed, into the citadel and to close the gates. That night the Khan pitched his royal camp in the immediate vicinity [of the town], and on the morrow, at break of day, again drew up his troops and approached the citadel. But as there was nobody within, except a few soldiers lightly armed, he retired to Tukuzak, where he encamped. On the following day, having crossed the river Kara Tazghun, his army went and pitched their camp at Tirak, one of the districts depending on Yangi-Hisar. Here they were joined by the families [kuch] who were following after them; these they left here, and marched on to the gates of the citadel of Yangi-Hisar. The men in the citadel did not come out, but there was some infantry stationed below the citadel, and upon these Midaka Bahadur (who has been spoken of already, and will be mentioned again) made a bold attack. As their position was a strong one, he retired, and they, in turn, having stood their ground for awhile, also retreated. The Khan remained several days in that neighbourhood, changing his position from place to place, in the expectation that Mirza Aba Bakr, having collected an army, would be coming. He passed nearly two months in those parts, without hearing any news of Aba Bakr Mirza. In the meantime Mirza Ali Taghai and Haji Mirza, together with a few men from every division, conducted forays round about the hills of Sarigh Kul, where they became possessed of much booty and countless sheep. At this time Muhammad Kirghiz came to wait on the Khan and was favourably received. He begged to be allowed to go to Yarkand and bring back definite news [of Mirza Aba Bakr]. [The Khan approving of the plan allowed him to depart], sending with him several persons of consequence. They plundered Arslan Bagh, which is two farsdkhs from Yarkand, and found much booty, which they brought with them, together with the news that [Mirza Aba Bakr] was doing his utmost to collect an army, and was giving out horses and arms to the peasantry and villagers. But he had no force on which he could rely. Upon hearing this the Khan set out against Yarkand. CHAPTER XLV. MARCH OF SULTAN SAID KHAN AGAINST YARKAND, AND SEVERAL MATTERS IN THE SAME CONNECTION. WHEN Muhammad Kirghiz brought the news of Mirza Aba Bakr, all the councillors were for marching against Yarkand. If Mirza Aba Bakr were to come forth and give them battle, well and good; if not, there was, at any rate, an abundance of corn and other necessaries round about Yarkand. They must lay siege to the citadel of Yarkand. If it should fall, Kashghar and Yangi- Hisar would naturally fall also. With such projects they moved on towards Yarkand, until they came to Sukat, a village at ten farsdkhs distance from Yangi-Hisar. At this place some of those who had come in flight to Mir Ayub, with neither family nor dependents, formed a plot [daghdagha] to desert and go off towards Karatigin and Hisar. But when their scheme was discovered, most of them were unable to get away: a certain number, however, went. While the talk about this continued, Midaka Bahadur represented that Kitta Beg had had a similar intention. This Kitta Beg is the same person who was mentioned in the beginning of this book. He was the brother of Mir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur and when Mir Ahmad Kasim left Tashkand, he was in Sairam, which place he kept for himself for a whole year. When the Emperor retired to Kabul, and no hope was left him of relief from any quarter, he [Kitta Beg] sent a message to Kasim Khan offering to give up Sairam to him, and thus brought Kasim Khan against Tashkand. This anecdote has been already told. On leaving the service of Kasim Khan, Kitta Beg went over to the Khan in Andijan. All the Amirs approved the words of Midaka Bahadur, who said: "His flight is quite proper, because he is Babar Padishah's subject, and he wished to go away. But he must not be put into chains until the matter has been more thoroughly inquired into." When the Amirs had confirmed this plan, the Khan said: "I will myself stand security for Kitta Beg, and if he gets away, I will be responsible." The Khan then sent for Kitta Beg and said to him: "They have been telling such and such stories about you. Now you are a brave man. It is not fitting that you should desert us. I have made myself security for you to the Amirs. If on this occasion you show me attachment, your desires shall be satisfied; but if you disgrace me in the sight of the Amirs by running away, that course is also open to you." To this Kitta Beg replied: "I am not such a coward as to desert just at the time of battle." He said nothing more, but remained, in silence, in close attendance upon the Khan. In consequence of these dissensions, the proposed march on Yarkand was abandoned, and at dawn on the following day they set out in haste for Yangi-Hisar . . . [three couplets], where they arrived at midday. There was one circumstance which was most propitious for them. When the army that was occupying Kashghar heard that the Khan had marched against Yarkand, they sent a message to the Amirs in Yangi-Hisar, to the effect that the light force in occupation were uneasy on many accounts. If a few of the Kashghari were sent back to them, they would be of material aid to the garrison. The Amirs in Yangi-Hisar thinking this reasonable, sent back a large number of Kashghari to Kashghar. These men, issuing from the citadel, crossed the river of Yangi-Hisar and were proceeding [homewards], when suddenly the Moghuls* fell upon them, and the whole body became a prey to the Khan's army. At this juncture, the Khan himself came up. The Yangi-Hisar men, who were all on foot, had come into the midst of ravines and streams, and rough, broken ground, but they made a brave stand. When the Khan came upon the scene, Kitta Beg pushed forward and struck Midaka Bahadur, saying: "On that day you told me that I was going to run away. Let it be seen to-day, who it is that will run away." Now Midaka was one of the most eminent warriors, and the bravest of the brave. He replied: "I have been longing for this day for years;" and therewith he pressed forward. The two charged forward upon [the enemy] [Verses] . . . The road down which they rode was very narrow; on one side of it flowed the river of Yangi-Hisar, in which the water was surging in waves, while on the other side was a deep ravine. The road was wide enough, perhaps, for three horsemen to ride abreast. In the middle of this had been placed a gate, through which infantry could pass, and in which many soldiers in armour were posted, while outside it, others were engaged in discharging their arrows. When these two horsemen charged, the soldiers put their backs against the gate. The horse of Kitta Beg came up in advance of Midaka's, and however much the latter might use his whip, he was not able to pass in front. When Kitta Beg came near, the archers began to aim their arrows at his horse, so that it fell on the spot, and Kitta Beg was dismounted. As the passage was narrow, the horse fell into the water, while Kitta Beg advanced on foot to attack the soldiers. They, however, placed themselves so that his sword could not reach them, and Midaka, coming close after, drew his horse up and said: "Peace be on you. Let this be a sufficient display of valour; let us now return." But Kitta Beg replied: "I will not retire until you do." Now as the arrows were pouring down, like rain, from the gate, and from the top of the ravine, Midaka saw that if they advanced, both would perish, he therefore withdrew first, while Kitta Beg followed very slowly behind him. The Khan praised Kitta Beg loudly, while the people blamed Midaka, who replied: "It was not a position in which we could do the enemy any injury. Kitta Beg, in his excitement, behaved like a madman; if I, too, had made a fool of myself, the only result would have been the death of us both. I yielded to his passion." This excuse was approved by some, but not by others. To be brief, every one took up his quarters [muljar] in the suburbs of Yangi-Hisar. A few days later, Mir Ayub was carried off by a form of dropsy. Towards the end of his illness the Khan went to visit him, and he said to the Khan: "I have not observed fidelity and loyalty to Babar Padishah [but have broken my oath], owing to the instigation of those hogs and bears," alluding to the Moghul generals who had incited him to join in the revolt at Hisar, which has been mentioned. "That [broken] oath is now lacerating my bowels, and I am being killed by remorse. As for those hogs and bears, may God restrain His wrath from them, for causing me to break solemn vows." [Quatrain] . . . After the death of Mir Ayub, his rank descended to his brother Muhammad Beg. During those times there were daily engagements, and every man was eager to bring into evidence the precious stones of bravery which he had stored up in the treasure-house of his heart. Among those who distinguished themselves, were Midaka, Abdul Vahid, Khuddai Kuli Shakavul, and Muhammad Ali Tuman. Other individuals displayed their gallantry on one, or two, or three occasions, but as for these four men, there were few battles in which they did not do something remarkable, and scarcely a day passed without a battle taking place. When it was ascertained that Mirza Aba Bakr did not intend leaving Yarkand, all were agreed that Yangi- Hisar ought to be carried by storm, and this having been determined upon, they sent off Ali Bahadur (who has been alluded to above in the list of eminent Moghuls) to Kizil, which is on the border of the desert of Yarkand, that he might reconnoitre, and watch the movements of Mirza Aba Bakr. If, during the siege, he should make a sally, the Khwaja was to return immediately with the news, so that [the Khan] might be prepared to meet him. CHAPTER XL VI. TAKING OF YANGI-HISAR: THE KEY TO THE CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOM OF KASHGHAR. IN the beginning of Rajab of the year 920, the Khan disposed his troops round the citadel of Yangi-Hisar, and pitched his camp so close to it, that if gaz-long arrows had been aimed at his tent from the top of the citadel, they might have reached the edge of the cliff under which he had camped. The intrenchments [murchal] were arranged on the following plan. On the north side there was no need for intrenchments, because the fort was situated on the top of a cliff, which ended in a sheer precipice. Mines would there take no effect, while to ascend the cliff was impossible. For these reasons trenches were useless on the north side. The first tower on the west, was taken in hand by the Khan himself and the warriors of the centre, who were always in attendance upon him; these belonged to no particular regiment, but their names have been mentioned above. Another tower on the same side — west of the Khan's— was entrusted to me, and to my right were Mirza Ali Taghai, Kutluk Mirak Mirza, and Babrika Mirza, who, together, were laying a mine. Beyond them, Baba Sarik Mirza and Shahbaz Mirza, and a body of Bahrin, had charge of another. Farther on again, were Mirza Muhammad Beg and Beg Muhammad Beg, who had chosen [a site for] a third. Beyond them was a tower, the gate of which looked due south. To this tower were appointed Janka Mirza and Bishka Mirza; while on the south side Munka Beg had charge of another mine. At his side was yet another, under the supervision of Mir Muhammad, who had lately succeeded to the position held by Mir Ayub. Near him was Mir Kambar, then came Ali Mirak Barlas, next Mir Daim, next Kara Kulak Mirza, then my uncle; and beyond him was the eastern gate of the citadel, which side, like the northern, overlooks a precipice. For five days and nights all our energies were devoted to digging and advancing galleries. The first mine that was ready to be tried was the Khan's. It went off at midnight, and that tower which had raised itself to the skies, now fell with a crash, level with the ground; but part of the original wall was left standing. On that day every one exerted himself to the utmost, and the mines were so far advanced, as to be ready to blow up the walls with very little further labour. [The strongest of all the towers was the one] given to Janka Mirza and Bishka Mirza to undermine, but they made cracks along the wall for a distance of about sixty gaz. While the siege was thus proceeding, one of Khwaja Ali Baha-dur's men brought in a certain Alika and a few generals. This Alika was the son of the commander of the citadel, who was called Amin Darugha, and who was one of Mirza Aba Bakr's most distinguished Amirs. To him had been committed the entire charge of the citadel of Yangi-Hisar. It came about in this way. Mirza Aba Bakr had collected a force in Yarkand and had amassed a quantity of arms, hoping to come and relieve Yangi-Hisar. He then detached a body of picked men and sent them off to reconnoitre at Kizil, with orders to bring back any news they might learn, so that he might form his plans accordingly. This body was under the command of Pir Ali Beg, the brother of Vali Beg, who has been alluded to already. On reaching Kizil, they found that a party of Moghuls were reconnoitring in the same district. Having ascertained his exact position, they fell upon Khwaja Ali Bahadur unexpectedly, the same night. The horsemen were sleeping soundly, when the din of giving and taking of blows, war cries, and trumpets startled them from their slumbers. [Verses] ... It was a pitch dark night— neither moon nor stars were visible— nor could friend be distinguished from enemy. [Two couplets] . . . All who awoke were mad with confusion at the alarm, and were unable to collect their thoughts sufficiently to realise what was passing, so all fled in dismay, excepting Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who did not lose his presence of mind, but stood his ground firmly, and called out to his followers by name. All who heard his voice rallied to his side, till at length a good number were gathered round him, and they too began to call their war-cry loudly. Some of those who had been stupefied by the sudden awakening, now recovered their senses, and on listening attentively, heard the voices calling the war-cry. On this their courage was renewed, and they went and rejoined Khwaja Ali Bahadur. They discharged their arrows in the dark, and fought on till the brightness of dawn overcame the shadows of night, when by that light the combatants began to see [the real state of things]. The enemy became aware of their small numbers, while our men saw their own superiority. Pir Ali Beg had but a hundred men with him, while Khwaja Ali Bahadur had three hundred. Since in the darkness they had become confused and disordered, Pir Ali Beg saw that flight would be a cowardly death, while to hold his ground was to die nobly. Near to that spot was a garden; within this he tried to defend himself. Ere the sun had reached the meridian, the sun of the lives of those men had set. Out of a hundred, only two escaped to bear the news that the rest of their party had perished, The above-mentioned Alika had been wounded in the fight. To prevent his giving information, they did not send him back to his friends, but despatched him to the Khan with the heads of the slain hung round his neck— the throats running with blood. He reached the Khan at midday, and the heads of those generals were sent into the citadel as a gift. Alika was then asked for news. He replied: "Mirza Aba Bakr has made all the necessary preparations for an expedition. All the people know that he has got horses, and arms of every kind, such as coats of mail, horse-armour, and so forth; that nothing is wanting— nay, rather there is a superabundance of all such things. But he has no generals— no renowned Amirs or brave warriors, whose strength and judgment are the very foundations of true sovereignty. For all of these, he has himself put to death. And now, in order to complete his army, he is obliged to choose men from among the peasantry, artizans and market-people, making one a Vazir, another an Amir: the first a Mir and the second a councillor. The rustic who has spent his life with his hand on the plough, and has never done any work but ploughing, how can he begin to wield a sword or hold the reins of government? Though he may try ever so hard, I am sure he cannot succeed; such foolish ideas can come to nothing." And he laid much stress upon the improbability of Mirza Aba Bakr advancing. [Our] people, however, did not fully trust his words, but suspected that this man, drowning in the whirlpool of misfortune, was employing flattery as a means of reaching the shore of salvation. About evening prayer time, one of Khwaja Ali Bahadur's followers brought in another man who had come to him in flight. This fugitive reported that Mirza Aba Bakr, having mustered an army, had advanced two farsdkhs out of Yarkand, when he deserted him. Many were loth to believe this also, and imagined it to be a trick on the part of Mirza Aba Bakr, by which he hoped to retard the operations against the citadel of Yangi-Hisar; so they tortured this informant till he died, but he persisted in his story to the end, and then they believed it. All the Amirs were for raising the siege that same night, and for marching out to meet and engage Mirza Aba Bakr, before he should be joined by the armies of Kashghar and Yangi-Hisar. But the Khan said: "I intend to remain at the foot of this cliff until Mirza Aba Bakr comes, and to aim my arrows at the citadel and at Mirza Aba Bakr, until I am killed on this spot. Those who do not [wish to] follow my example, let them do what they like." When the Khan had said this, all knelt down before him, saying: "May your exalted majesty's road be [strewed] with our lives as a thousand sacrifices! Who is there among us who holds his own wretched existence more dear than the precious life of the Khan, or thinks of his own personal safety first, in this undertaking?" Then all again set to work, with contented hearts, at the mines. At daybreak of the sixth day of the siege, the Khan rode round all the trenches and infused his own enthusiasm into the hearts of his Amirs and soldiers: praising those who had exerted themselves, and ordering to be whipped any who had been remiss. In this manner did he pass round the citadel. As he approached the trench of my uncle, some one called out from the top of the citadel. They listened. He was saying: "Let one of the followers of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza come forward; I have something to tell him." Thereupon a man was sent forward, who [however] asked whether Kukildash Mirza Ali Sayyid Bahadur was there, [and if so] had they not better send him [to parley]? [So they sent him.] After a short time Ali Sayyid returned reporting that Amin Darugha had spoken as follows: "Sayyid Muhammad Mirza is Mirza Aba Bakr's brother. For generations past I and my sons have been their servants. In our loyalty we have, during three months, been in peril of our lives, in spite of never having enjoyed during forty years, a moment's security from Mirza Aba Bakr. Those whom he wished to kill he killed, and those who were left alive were all subjected to violent punishments, such as castration— that is to say, depriving of virility— cutting off the hands and feet, putting out eyes, and the like. All were sure to be exposed to some calamity. In spite of all this, I felt it still my duty to remain loyal. Now it has come to a question of life and death; the knife has reached the bone. If Sayyid Muhammad Mirza will forget our enmity, forgive our sins, and spare our lives and our goods, we will deliver the citadel into his hands and become his vassals." When the Khan heard this message he was overjoyed, and sent Ali Sayyid back, saying that their offer was accepted. CHAPTER XL VII. DECLINE OF MIRZA ABA BAKR; FACTS CONNECTED THEREWITH, AND THE END OF HIS DOMINION. ONE of the worst of the wicked practices of Mirza Aba Bakr was that, having laid down the most strenuous and exacting regulations and observances, he would not be satisfied with anything less than the death of any person who should, in the least degree, infringe them. Having put that person to death for a trifling fault, he would become apprehensive of his tribe and relations, and would persuade himself that they could never be pacified. He would therefore set about their extermination, sparing neither suckling babes nor women with child; but punishing them all, from mature men to the child at the breast, so that after he had been satisfied a thousand times with their death, they died with thankfulness (as has been related before). In short, towards the end of his life, Mirza Aba Bakr entrusted his army and all military affairs to Mir Vali, placing the administration of the State and the people in the hands of Shah Dana Kukildash. These two men fulfilled their duties with the utmost possible diligence. As has been briefly stated above, Mir Vali succeeded so thoroughly in driving the Moghuls and Kirghiz out of Aksu and Moghulistan, that for a long time none of them dared come within two or three months' journey of Kashghar.* All the Moghuls crept into Chalish and Turfan, but the Kirghiz were allowed to dwell on this side of Issigh Kul. In the same manner, Mir Vali took entire possession of certain places in Farghana, such as Uzkand (which is the most important [town] of that province), Ush, Madu, and Jagirak; all of which places lie above Andijan. He also brought under his power much of Karatigin and Badakhshan, and the districts of Balur and Tibet as far as Kashmir. All this was the achievement of Mir Vali. Before the battle of Tutluk, my uncle endeavoured to bring about a meeting with Mir Vali, in order that they might discuss the terms of a peace. [When Mir Vali heard this] he thought my uncle must be reduced to straits and in despair; thus he might be able to seize him by deception, and send him to Mirza Aba Bakr as a present. He felt that he could not possibly perform a more worthy or important service. These considerations induced him to assent to the interview. They met at a place agreed on, between two lines of men appointed respectively by either side, and they began to confer together in a manner suitable to the occasion. During the conference, my uncle said to the Amirs who had accompanied Mir Vali: "I have a few words to say to Mir Vali; leave us." Thereupon the Amirs rose up [and withdrew]; Mir Vali alone remained. The few words were merely a repetition of some civilities relating to Mirza Aba Bakr, which he had already uttered in the presence of the Amirs. They then separated, and each man returned to his own army. After this, occurred the event [battle] at Tutluk, which weighed down the scale of Mir Vali in the balance of the regulations of Mirza Aba Bakr. Mirza Aba Bakr asked the generals who had been present at the interview what had been said; they told him all that had passed, and added: "This is what was said in our presence, but afterwards Sayyid Muhammad Mirza spoke to Mir Vali in private, and we do not know what he said then." When, after the battle at Tutluk, Mir Vali came to Mirza Aba Bakr's presence, the latter asked what Sayyid Muhammad Mirza had said to him in private, and Mir Vali told him what my uncle had said. Then Mirza Aba Bakr replied: "But that is exactly what he said before all the others; one does not demand a private interview merely to repeat such things as these." He said nothing further, but from that moment he began to suspect Mir Vali, thinking: "What Sayyid Muhammad really said to him in private he will not tell me; perhaps he is in league with him, and is planning my ruin." So he seized Mir Vali and sent him to the Kdzik, together with his brothers. Some of them he castrated. And thus did he annihilate all these people for the simple question: "why did Sayyid Muhammad demand a private interview?" and subjected them all to hard punishments and bitter suffering. [Verses] . . . This is an instance of Mirza Aba Bakr's cruelty. Another example is his treatment of Shah Dana Kukildash, to whom were entrusted the affairs of the State and the people, and the control of the treasury. He, too, had exerted himself to the utmost in the performance of his duties. For example, the flocks of sheep he had collected at the conquest of Kashghar were beyond reckoning, and when by reason of my extreme youth I could not attend to business, and on this account did not attempt to estimate the profits of the booty [then taken], I only know that more than 15,000 sheep fell to my lot. No one on that occasion got a smaller share than myself, of Mirza Aba Bakr's property. The soldiers who had accompanied the Khan, and the men from the armies of the Mirza, all received an equally large share; and from this, one can form an estimate of the whole! In the same manner, his cattle and flocks, grain and treasure (which have been mentioned, and will be mentioned again), were so numerous and abundant, that the intellect is incapable of conceiving the quantity that fell to each man. All this had been amassed under the superintendence of Shah Dana Kukildash. After the fall of Mir Vali, the Mirza's suspicions extended to Shah Dana Kukildash, [thinking] that he might say to himself: "Mir Vali was a greater man than I am, yet the Mirza seized him: perhaps he will seize me too." These thoughts had never entered Shah Dana's mind, nor that of anybody else; he, however, seized Shah Dana upon suspicion, saying [by way of pretext] that Shah Dana had reduced the value of his property; and there, in front of the seat of judgment [divan-khdna], he ordered people to pluck out the whole of his beard and to castrate him; while, as soon as his wounds were healed, he sent him to work [in the Kazik.] In the places of these two [officers] he set up mean creatures [ardzil] from among the Amirs; and, though he found himself better off than formerly as regards worldly substance, the affairs of the army ceased to flourish; for such another commander as Mir Vali was not readily to be met with. In the meanwhile, the news of the Khan's march from Andijan to Kashghar received confirmation. [The Mirza] immediately proceeded to Kashghar, and there, in seven days, constructed a citadel, as has been explained above. By the time it was known that the Khan had reached At-Bashi, which is seven days' journey from Kashghar, the fort of Yangi-Hisar had likewise been filled with stores, arms, and all that was fitting and necessary. It was placed in the charge of a few officers in whom he reposed confidence— namely, Amin Darugha, Jan Hasan of the tribe of Karluk, Kuli Itarji, Ajmaga Akhta and Jani Beg Akhta, Mir Vali, Shah Dana, and Muhammad Beg (whom he had lately castrated), together with some of their followers. Although he had just taken many of them from the works/ he gave them each horses and arms, saying: "If you prove to me your devotion and loyalty, I will again take you into favour." At this juncture, it was reported that the Khan had reached Tushgu. [Mirza Aba Bakr] thereupon set out for Yarkand, giving his final injunctions [to the officers] in Yangi-Hisar. He promised the people that he would go and muster an army in Yarkand, and come to their relief. Upon his arrival at Yarkand he at once set about collecting forces. He filled the country with horses and arms. [There was a certain] Ustad Abdal Shaikh, who was a perfect master [ustdd], and unrivalled in all kinds of work with hammer and anvil. After the fall of Mir Vali and Shah Dana Kukildash, Mirza Aba Bakr had set up this Shaikh Abdal in the place of Shah Dana, and I have heard [Shaikh Abdal] say that there were in the Mirza's armoury 60,000 coats of mail [juba] and 12,000 sets of horse armour [kichim], besides other arms and accoutrements, the number of which may be judged by these figures. But the army itself was composed of peasants, artizans, gardeners, and cultivators of the soil. Upon those he judged the most capable among them, he conferred the rank of Mirza. A hundred and twenty of them he made his own escort, and the rest all received horses and arms. [Three couplets.] (1) It takes many a year for the natural stone to become, by the sun's power, a ruby in Badakhshan, or an amethyst in Yemen. (2) It is many months before a seed of cotton is ready to be made into a robe for a huri, or a shroud for a corpse. (3) It is many days before a handful of wool from the back of a sheep, becomes a zealot's shirt or a donkey's halter. .. .* However this may be, Mirza Aba Bakr having mustered his army, marched with it to a point two farsdkhs distant from Yarkand; thence he detached, and sent in advance, some picked men, who fell in with Khwaja Ali Bahadur at Kizil, as has been told above. [Thus we see] that the man who was brought before the Khan at Yangi-Hisar during the siege operations, and who had been tortured to death, spoke the truth. He had deserted at the time when Mirza Aba Bakr, having led his army two farsdkhs out of Yarkand, sent forward the advance guard. The man had reported exactly what he had witnessed. When Mirza Aba Bakr had pitched his camp at this spot, he wished to pass his forces in review, but his efforts to do so were in vain. For these Amirs, who had been used all their lives to handling the yoke [yugh], when they now raised the standard [tugh]* and formed in line, thought they were thrashing corn, and got in each other's way; nor could they distinguish between right and left and centre. When their spirited steeds reared and shied, they held on anyhow to the withers, and when, in fear of their lives, they pulled at the bridle, and the horse would rear, the rider would lose his control, and slip back on the horse's haunches. If the animal started off, they would throw up the bridle and fall, like a drop of sweat, to the ground. Their bows got broken, and their arrows fell out [of the quivers]. When Mirza Aba Bakr saw this kind of horsemanship — such soldiering and such archery— he said: "With such a troop as this, it would be dangerous to try and rob a kitchen-garden" [pdliz]; and he returned, dispirited and anxious, to his tent, seriously meditating flight. Following this, came news that the citadel of Yangi-Hisar had fallen; and when the people of Kashghar heard of that, they too abandoned their citadel and dispersed. On this intelligence reaching the Mirza, he felt that further delay was useless [and that the hour for flight had come] [Couplet] . . . Therefore, having packed up the richest of his clothes and his valuables, having divorced his kingdom, and handed Yarkand over to his eldest son, Jahangir Mirza, he fled. [Verses] ... Jahangir Mirza, who had passed all his life in seclusion, was of a timorous disposition. Finding himself suddenly placed upon the throne of a disordered State, he did what he was able in the way of government, and then, at the end of five days (hearing that his father was at a distance, and that the enemy were near at hand), set out in flight. He collected all the treasure he could carry off, and issued a general order that every one might take what he wished. Those who were afraid of the Moghuls, accompanied him in his flight. The rest fell upon whatever treasure remained, plundering the granaries and burning, or destroying, property of all kinds. Four days after the departure of Mirza Jahangir, Khwaja Ali Bahadur arrived with two or three thousand men, and two days later the Khan followed, all of which shall be related presently. Mirza Jahangir retired to Sanju, which is the frontier on the highroad to Tibet, while Mirza Aba Bakr went to Khotan. But, seeing no possibility of making a stand in the citadel there, he marched on to Karanghutagh, whither he was followed, in hot pursuit, by a party of Moghuls. As the roads were difficult, it would have been hard— nay, impossible, for him to carry off all the property he had with him; he therefore collected it all together, and set it on fire. I have heard from those who had charge of it, that there were nine hundred mule-loads of embroidered and brocaded garments. Many of them were embroidered in gold in the European, Ottoman [Rumi], and Chinese fashions; while some of the robes were studded with jewels and all kinds of precious stones. All these were consumed in the fire; while his gold and silver vases, cups, and various kinds of ornaments set with jewels, and his saddle-bags filled with gold-dust, he threw from the bridge into the River Ak-Tash, which flows through the middle of [the valley of] Karanghutagh. He killed his riding horses [tupchdk] and mules; then, taking what it was possible to carry on such a road, set out for Tibet. On reaching Tibet [Ladak], he found that all the forts which he had garrisoned had been abandoned by his men, who had fled in different directions; so that his forts and treasures had again fallen into the hands of the infidels of Tibet. Hence he could do nothing in that country. He could discern no shore of safety from amid the furious waves of hardship and trial, which tossed around him. Mirza Aba Bakr had now for a space of forty-eight years* so filled the book [of life] with black records, that there was no space left to write anything more. He had devoted all his energies to accumulating earthly goods, and the pen is unable to describe his worldly magnificence. But, although he used ostentatiously to speak of the next world, and to express hopes of attaining it, yet he never performed an action that did not, as it were, open to him a door of hell or shut upon him a gate of paradise. Between himself and paradise was a long road...* In short, in the fulness of time, he reaped the fruits of his past misdeeds; so that, finding it impossible to remain in Tibet, he preferred death to life. Leaving his family and children there, he departed, saying: "I am going [to give myself up to the Khan]. It is evident that I shall be killed with the poison of oppression. If this happens, bury my body in the sepulchre of my ancestors. Although I have not discharged the duties of kinship towards Sayyid Muhammad Mirza and Mirza Haidar, I beg you to show them kindness. And if, contrary to my expectations, they should not kill me, I have still a plan [which may be executed]." With such intentions he set out, towards the middle of winter, to visit the Khan. On his way, he met with a party of his own servants, whom my uncle had sent into Tibet to fetch him, threatening them with this and that [penalty] if they did not succeed. When Mirza Aba Bakr met them, he asked their news; they replied: "We have been sent to find you:" and then they strung together a few lies to try and reassure him. But he did not believe them, and said: "All I want you to do is to take me, living, before the Khan and Sayyid Muhammad; after that, you can do what you please." They launched out into professions of readiness to comply with his wish. Then, as it was late, having said his night prayers, he went to sleep: and the saying, "Sleep is the brother of Death," was verified in his case. When he retired to rest, the men of the party consulted together, resolved to cut off his head and carry it to the Khan, [as this would appear an important service] and cause the Khan to place confidence in them. Bad as he was, these people [should not have] betrayed their charge, and used perfidy in place of good faith. However, they cut off his head while he slept and then returned, as shall be narrated shortly. Thus were all his subjects— prince and pauper, high and low — delivered from his wickedness. [Verses, etc.] ... CHAPTER XL VIII. THE CONQUEST OF KASHGHAR. HAVING taken the citadel of Yangi-Hisar, in the manner above described, the Khan turned his attention to [the reduction of] Kashghar. On the third day he learnt that the garrison of Kash- ghar had abandoned their citadel and, taking their horses, had fled to whatever place each thought safest for himself. The Khan's noble mind being thus, in the most satisfactory manner, set at rest with regard to Kashghar, he placed the foot of success in the stirrup of victory, and drew his reins towards Yarkand, confident of success and triumph. He sent Khwaja Ali Bahadur in advance [Verses] . . . The first stage from Yangi-Hisar is Satlik, and here the Khan pitched his camp. [On the same day] news came that Mirza Aba Bakr, having given over Yarkand to the charge of his son Jahangir Mirza, had retired to Khotan. [On hearing this news] the Khan hastened still more, and on reaching Kizil heard that Jahangir Mirza also had fled, and that Khwaja Ali Bahadur had entered Yarkand. At the end of Rajab of the year 920, the Khan made his triumphant entry into the town of Yarkand, and with the splendour of his glittering sword, he allayed the dust of tyranny and enmity [etc.] . . . Before [his army] entered the town, he sent on Amir Daim Ali and Beg Muhammad to occupy Khotan; he also despatched in pursuit of Mirza Aba Bakr, seven brave generals— namely, Kara Kulak Mirza, Haji Mirza, Sultan Ali Mirza, Nazar Mirza, Mir Kambar, Mirza Ali Taghai and Beg Kuli Makrit. These seven generals started in pursuit with the greatest eagerness. This affair having been attended to, the Khan issued a general order that every one might go and plunder wherever he liked. And every man in the army who cared for pillage and booty, immediately hastened out [to take advantage of the permission] . Only a few of the Amirs, who held plundering to be derogatory, remained in attendance on the Khan. Having settled this matter also, the victorious Khan mounted the throne of the town. He then went up to the citadel [ark], within which were many lofty buildings, containing, each of them, rooms and upper- apartments and battlements, so numerous as to astound the beholder. And these buildings were filled with cloths, chintzes, carpets, porcelain, cuirasses, horse-trappings, saddles, bows and other things useful to man. All these things had been seized by Mirza Aba Bakr, or procured by whatever means he chose to employ, and had been hidden away by him, so that no one might know of their existence. Of such as remained over, Mirza Jahangir had destroyed and wasted as much as he was able; and on his departure had sanctioned a general pillage, which, until the arrival of Khwaja Ali Bahadur, was carried on by the whole population— each taking what he could. When Khwaja Ali Bahadur entered the town, he, likewise, devoted himself to pillage. Seven days later the Khan arrived, and he too gave his men permission to plunder right and left. Everything in the way of money, as well as the valuable cloths and stuffs, had been carried off, but the houses were still full [of other things]. Two months after the flight of Mirza Aba Bakr, there were still great quantities of cuirasses and the like, lying about the houses and passages, that no one had cared to carry away. [Five couplets] . . . Thus, all that Mirza Aba Bakr had, in the course of forty-eight years, amassed with infinite toil, and guarded with savage miserliness, he was finally obliged, with a thousand heart- rendings, to abandon; while the Khan, with one stroke of his pen, gave it all over to a general sack, and during two months the dust thereof rose to the sky. [Verses] . . . At the end of two months, every man returned safely— laden with plunder from different directions— and presented the Khan with tribute [pishkash], according to the quantity of booty he had taken. But the Khan, in order to win the hearts of his people, divided the property up into shares [suyurghal] in accordance with the old Moghul custom, and distributed it among his soldiers. I remember distinctly that some of the Amirs who had come from Karanghutagh, presented, besides arms [dldt] and vases, and Andijan man of gold-dust. Now an Andijan man is sixty-four chdrik and a chdrik is 400 mithkdl* From this the extent of the rest of the booty may be conceived. CHAPTER XLIX. STORY OF THE AMIRS WHO WENT IN PURSUIT OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. THOSE nine Amirs whom the Khan had sent off to settle affairs in Khotan and to pursue Mirza Aba Bakr, started off with great eagerness and exerted themselves to the utmost of their powers. On reaching Khotan, the inhabitants came out to receive them, and delivered into their hands all their treasuries and granaries, their flocks and herds, and everything connected with these. Mir Daim Ali and Mir Beg Muhammad, according to [the Khan's] orders, stayed in Khotan, and occupied themselves with the administration of the State and the government of the people. The other seven Mirs, like the seven-headed devils fighting on the top of the mountains of Kaf, swept on to Karanghutagh, but when they arrived there, found that Mirza Aba Bakr had left the mountains of Karanghutagh, and had gone on to Tibet [Ladak], in which direction it was difficult to follow him. When they came to the bridge over which Mirza Aba Bakr had thrown his effects, they found the roads blocked with the carcases of the tupchdk horses [three couplets] . . . which he had killed, and of the mules, on which had been loaded the saddle-bags [khachir] full of money and stuffs. I do not quite recall whether there were 900 mules or 900 strings [kitdr]* of mules. They next came to the spot where he had burnt his brocades, etc., and saw that these valuables were become an ash-heap from which smoke was still rising. The gold and precious stones with which these clothes had been adorned, were still remaining. These they gathered from among the ashes, and found that the jewels and rubies had not been affected [by the fire]. But the turquoises \firuza] had turned black, and become brittle. No trace of their original colour was left. The rubies [lal] too, were broken into little pieces, and had changed to an ugly colour. The pearls were reduced to ashes, so that they could no longer be distinguished; also the amber— which had lost all its charm. The Amirs and their men, having gathered what they could from the ashes, again set out upon their road, when they suddenly noticed the boxes of gold-dust shining at the bottom of the river. Indeed the jewelry [hali] and vessels of silver and gold, shone forth the rays of the sun, as it were, from the depths of the stream. They thereupon proceeded to attempt the recovery of these valuables, from the water. The river was rushing over the rocks in such a torrent that no one could, by any device, have entered it. So each man prepared a long pole, at the end of which a hook was attached. To reach the bottom, it was necessary to join several of these poles together. Now when Mirza Aba Bakr had thrown these treasures into the river, he had ordered his men to cut the leather cases into pieces, so that the gold-dust might be scattered in the water. But since the cutting up of the cases took a long time, and the Mirza was impatient to go forward, he [finally] ordered them to be thrown in just as they were, and thus they had remained from that time. When they struck the cases, their hooks broke most of them in pieces, and [the contents] were washed away by the current. Sometimes, however, if a man took great care, it did not break, and was lifted out of the water. They were found to contain a mule's-load each. Such of the vases and vessels as had handles, or something to lay hold of, were hooked up, but nothing was recovered upon which a firm hold with the hooks could not be obtained. They only secured a very small quantity of the gold-dust; about a hundred-thousandth part of the whole. However, they were enriched by what they did secure, and got more than enough to enable them to realise all their desires. At present, as compared with those times, all this wealth and all these Moghuls are as a mere drop in the ocean. CHAPTER L. CONCLUSION OF THE STORY OF MIRZA ABA BAKR'S OFFSPRING. AFTER the victorious Khan had settled all his important affairs in Yarkand, it was discovered that Mirza Jahangir had not followed his father into Tibet, but that he had settled down in the district of Sanju. The Khan, thereupon, sent my uncle to bring back his nephew, by some means or other. When my uncle reached Sanju, Mirza Jahangir came out to receive him, offering rich gifts, and said to him: "It is evident to all, that during my father's reign I lived in retirement and in mortal dread of him. During all that time, I did not enjoy a single moment's security or freedom from anxiety. Fear of violence had always made me seek seclusion, and thus the eye of my nature became closed to the splendours of wealth and rank, and I have always been obliged to drink from the cup of dissatisfaction. When the evil foundations of my father's realm began to give way, and his power to crumble from the earthquakes caused by the Khan's forces, he drew me forth from my corner of seclusion, and set me upon the throne of pomp. And I, who during forty-two years, being in fear and trembling for my life, had never gained any experience of the world, how could I suddenly be expected to supervise a whole State? Besides these difficulties, it was my father's constant practice, whenever he stripped one of his children of the garments of life, to lament the unfortunate victim in my presence, saying: 'He was a full grown youth. I dreaded lest he might treat me as Shiruya treated Khusrau and Abdul Latif Mirza treated Ulugh Beg Mirza.'* Hearing such things as this, I endeavoured to the utmost, for the sake of my personal safety, to appear very inefficient in my behaviour. How shall I, who have thus spent forty-two years in cultivating ineptitude and helplessness, revive, in one moment, the welfare of a State which [my father] himself has ruined? Moreover, I had no information concerning any of my father's affairs. Nor has any one ever experienced so much as an inconvenience, at my hands. Whatever the people have suffered is due to my father. They do not blame me, nor hold me responsible for his sins. Let me now go to the Khan, and spend the rest of my days in his service." Words of abject humility, such as these, and many more like them, he continued to pour forth; but my uncle comforted him, and conveyed him, together with much treasure and many horses, before the Khan. Mirza Jahangir was born of one of the daughters of Isan Bugha Khan, the youngest brother of Yunus Khan, who was the Khan's grandfather. At the time when Mirza Aba Bakr captured Aksu, the residence of Alacha Khan (which event has been fully described above), the fourth daughter of Alacha Khan fell into his hands. And he took care of her and treated her with great honour. When she was of age, he gave her in marriage to his son Jahangir Mirza. The latter, arriving now in the Khan's presence, was received with respect, and this fourth daughter of Alacha Khan, whose name was Khadija Sultan Khanim, also joined the Khan, whose full-sister she was. The Khan showed favour to Jahangir Mirza, in accordance with the verse, "I will not ascribe to thee the sins of others"; and ignoring the cruelties and hideous deeds of his father, entered him among the men of trust around his person, and promised that feasts should be celebrated in honour of Khadija out of regard for her noble birth. One night towards the end of that winter, Jahangir Mirza was killed in Yangi-Hisar, together with several of his followers. It was never known who committed this deed. Every one had his own suspicions, but God alone knows the truth. Mirza Aba Bakr had many children. Several of his grown up sons he had put to death, with the most horrible tortures, for totally inadequate reasons. Of those that survived, the eldest and most honourable was Jahangir Mirza, whose fate has been related. There were two other sons, named Turangir Mirza and Bustangir Mirza, the children of the daughter of Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Mirza Sultan Abu Said. In the spring following the winter in which Jahangir Mirza had been murdered, a person was sent to Tibet to bring back the family of Mirza Aba Bakr; his wife, Khanzada Begum, and her elder son, Turangir Mirza, were thus brought to Kashghar. In conformity with the custom of the Yanga, she was married to my uncle, while Turangir remained in the Khan's service, until he was drowned in the river. Bustangir Mirza did not accompany his mother and brother. He went from Tibet to Kashmir and thence into Hindustan. (At that time Babar Padishah had not conquered Hindustan.) From Hindustan he retired to Kabul, but although he was [the son of the daughter of the Emperor's uncle], his father's misdeeds made him repulsive to the Emperor, so that he could not stay in Kabul, but fled into Badakhshan, to Mirza Khan, who was his maternal uncle. Mirza Khan, however, instead of showing him the affection of an uncle, displayed hostility towards him on account of his father, Mirza Aba Bakr; so that he was forced to fly from him also, and betake himself to the Uzbeg Shaiban. Suyunjuk Khan received him with the utmost courtesy and honour, saying: "He is a human being, and it is incumbent on us to treat him with kindness." He is still about Andijan and Tashkand, where he enjoys high distinction, and is famous among the Uzbeg for his honourable conduct. CHAPTER LI. HISTORY OF THE KHAN AFTER THE CONQUEST OF KASHGHAR. AS soon as the Khan had reduced the State to order, he bestowed liberal gifts and rewards upon his followers, especially upon those who had distinguished themselves in battle, by their courage and daring; these have been enumerated above. [Verses] ... He poured down favours, more plentiful than drops of rain, upon his soldiers; and by the splendour of his justice, he dispelled the darkness of tyranny which had settled on the inhabitants of the country. [Verses] . . . The roads which had before been too dangerous to traverse, were now made so safe and tranquil as to become proverbial, that if an old woman were to travel along them, bearing a jar of gold on her head, she would not be molested. At that time there was a popular song which ran: "A solitary person may carry a jar of gold from east to west, for the respect he [the Khan] inspires, causes all corners of the earth to be safe." But what is yet more remarkable, and more creditable, is that if, for example, a woman should leave a vessel full of gold and proceed on her road, she would, on returning at any time, find it untouched. [Verses] . . . Into such a complete state of order did the Khan bring the kingdom, that the doors of pleasure and the gates of security were opened to high and low alike. And now all the people gave themselves up to wine and song and dancing. [Verses and rhetoric] . . . The entire population of the country, and the Khan and his courtiers in particular, turned night into day and day into night in draining the wine cups; nor did they care to learn of events that were passing [around them]. [Verse] ... "I came intoxicated to thy street and I left mad: I know not how I came nor how I departed." Revelling became so much the fashion that sobriety was held as a disgrace, and drunkenness as a cardinal virtue. These illicit indulgences [mandhi] lasted from Rajab of the year 920, to the end of the year 928, after which time the Khan was, by the favour of Heaven, defended from exposing himself to further censure, as shall, God willing, be related in its proper place. CHAPTER LII. ARRIVAL OF AIMAN KHWAJA SULTAN FROM TURF AN TO WAIT ON THE KHAN. IN the middle of this winter, Aiman Khwaja Sultan arrived. The explanation is as follows. In the list given of the offspring of Sultan Ahmad Khan, it was noticed that Aiman Khwaja Sultan was the full brother of the Khan. After the death of Sultan Ahmad Khan, when Aksu, on account of the hostility of Amir Jabar Birdi, fell under the domination of Mirza Aba Bakr, all Sultan Ahmad's children, together with the tribe [Ulus],* migrated to Turfan and Chalish, and Mansur Khan reigned in his father's stead. All his brothers were in his service, as was also this Aiman Khwaja Sultan, till he attained to adolescence, when, at the instigation of some seditious persons, he laid claim to the throne — an act which resulted in an insurrection [khuruj] and much intrigue. At first Mansur Khan acted generously in counselling him to desist and in forgiving him, but finally, since Aiman Khwaja Sultan would not cease to urge his claims, Mansur Khan ordered him to be put to death. On Yaraka Ataka, the Khan's trusted servant, was imposed the duty of carrying out the order; but he took Aiman Khwaja Sultan to [his own] house and hid him in an underground [chamber], spreading the report that he had put him to death. Not long after this, came news of the Khan's victory over Mirza Aba Bakr, and the conquest of Kashghar. [Thereupon] Mansur Khan repented his deed, and showed strong marks of regret and sorrow. Yaraka Ataka represented that learned men had said: "'It is an easy matter to deprive a man of his life's breath; but life cannot be restored to a dead man.' I acted in opposition to orders, and have kept him safe." On hearing this the Khan was overjoyed, and expressed his gratitude to Yaraka Ataka, who brought forth Aiman Khwaja Sultan from the house. Aiman Khwaja Sultan, on being set at liberty, went to Babajak Sultan, the full brother of Mansur Khan, who had lately settled in Kusan and Bai. These places Mirza Aba Bakr had destroyed, and they had remained for some time in ruins, but Babajak Sultan restored them. He lives there to the present day. Thence, taking leave, [Aiman Khwaja] proceeded to Kashghar, and when the Khan heard he was coming, his joy knew no bounds; a new delight sprang up in his heart. In accordance with his frame of mind, he began to sing: "Har dam az in bdgh bari mirasad: Tdza tirdz tdza tori mirasad." (At that time I often heard the Khan sing this song.) [Couplet] . . . The Khan did all that was possible to make the reception of Aiman Khwaja Sultan a splendid one, and in his affection, honoured him so far as to go out himself and receive him [istikbdl]. He treated him as a brother in his domestic life [buyutdt]. All that winter was spent in entertainments and banquets, and with the setting in of spring, princely feasts were celebrated in honour of Aiman Khwaja Khan. The Khan selected men [as retainers] for him from among all the Moghul tribes. Sarik Mirza, a Dughlat and nephew of Mir Jabar Birdi, was appointed to be his Ulusbeg. The greatest of his Amirs of the right wing [bdrdnghdr], namely, Munka Beg (who has been mentioned in the battles of Kashghar), Nazar Mirza, brother to Mir Ayub Begjik, and others, together with a select band chosen from among the various tribes and Ulus of the Moghuls, were sent to Aksu [with Aiman Khwaja]. The inhabitants of Aksu also, whom Mirza Aba Bakr, after conquering the place, had led away to Kashghar, were now permitted— nay, rather urged— to return, all together. Thus, in the beginning of the year 921, Aiman Khwaja Sultan repaired to Aksu. At the time of his conquest, Mirza Aba Bakr had laid waste Aksu and all its dependencies, and had carried its inhabitants away to Kashghar. He had also placed a lightly armed [jarida] garrison in Uch,* which is a strong place. This garrison carried on a little cultivation of the soil. When [the Khan] conquered Kashghar, he immediately sent to Uch to fortify it, in the same way that Mirza Aba Bakr had done. Aiman Khwaja Sultan, setting out at once, proceeded to Uch, and there pitched his camp. Having restored the cultivation of the town and its districts, he went on, during the second year, to Aksu, where he rebuilt the citadel. The rest of Aiman Khwaja Sultan's life will be told in a fitting place. CHAPTER LIII. THE KHAN (IN SPITE OF PAST ILL-TREATMENT) CRAVES AN INTERVIEW WITH MANSUR KHAN AND SUBMITS TO HIM. THE Almighty Creator, at the beginning of the world, so ordained that nothing but good should proceed from those beings whom He had endowed with laudable qualities and a praiseworthy character, so that even when treated badly, they should return good for evil. This truth is instanced by what follows. It was explained at the beginning of this book, that the Khan was in Moghulistan with his brother,* that the Kirghiz were subject to them, and that they lived in comparative comfort and security, till Mansur Khan led an expedition against them. The opposing armies met at Charun Chalak,* and a fierce battle ensued, in which these two brothers were ultimately defeated. On this account they were unable to remain longer in Moghulistan, and all other asylums in the world being closed to them, they were obliged to retreat into the province of Farghana. Sultan Khalil Sultan, the Khan's brother, was drowned by the Sultans of Shahi Beg Khan in the river of Akhsi, while the Khan himself was thrown into prison, whence he finally escaped to Kabul in the guise of a kalandar. The details of these events have all been given above. It was at the hands of Mansur Khan that the Khan suffered all these calamities. [Verse] . . . The enmity of brother to brother is worse than that of other foes. But when the Khan had laid the foundations of a lasting State, had collected a countless host and gathered round him the most distinguished warriors [verses] . . . the surrounding rulers began to be sorely afraid of his might and majesty. More especially [was he feared by] Mansur Khan, who, having fled from Mirza Aba Bakr, had retired to Turfan and Chalish, and now had neither strength to oppose, nor place of refuge to fly to. The saying: "Alas! they have stopped my road on six sides," now became applicable to Mansur Khan. Furthermore, Aiman Khwaja Sultan had attached himself to the Khan, who recounted to him all he had endured at the hands of Mansur Khan, and opened afresh his old wounds. All the chiefs of the State, and the nobles, were unanimous in wishing to lead an army against Mansur Khan, and to attack Turfan. They represented that: "When he had the opportunity, Mansur Khan did what has been related; if he is given his own way, he will do such things as cannot be told. It is therefore fitting that we should fall upon him at once, and in such a way that our minds may be set finally at rest with regard to him." To this the Khan replied: "The duty of the young is obedience; that of adults is favour [inayat]. If the young neglect their duty, it is incumbent upon their elders to correct them. . .* At this time, the elder brother is in the place of the father. To him reparation can be made for disobedience to the father." He then sent several ambassadors [to speak as follows]: "What I have suffered from my elder brother (that is to say, Mansur Khan) was all on account of my own shortcomings. Even if this were not the case, the elder brother is the father's successor, and although he has treated his younger brother with the reverse of kindness, how should this younger brother venture (in his position of son) to overstep the prescribed limits? [Verse] . . . Forgiveness for past offences is now humbly solicited. May they all be swept from the recesses of your blessed memory. I would, moreover, crave for permission to kiss the carpet at your noble feet. From our [meeting] many advantages will result. One of them being that you will wash away, with the water of good- will, the stains of my offences. Another that (thanks be to God) from this victory our friends will derive strength and elation, while our enemies [will foresee] disaster and despair. If we meet in harmony, our troubles will be at an end, and the backs of all evil-wishers will be broken." Many other advantages were mentioned, which it is needless to repeat. [Verse] . . . When Mansur Khan saw all these ambassadors arrive, one after the other, bearing costly gifts, his soul, which had risen to his lips,* was refreshed with unbounded joy. After much passing backwards and forwards of envoys, and the discussion of preliminaries, an interview was arranged. CHAPTER LIV. TRANSACTIONS OF MANSUR KHAN. THE context here demands some further details of the life of Mansur Khan. He was the eldest son of Sultan Ahmad Khan, son of Yunus Khan. The experiences of Sultan Ahmad Khan's elder brother, Sultan Mahmud Khan (which have been touched upon in their proper place in this book, and will be mentioned, in detail in the First Part, are briefly as follows. [Sultan Ahmad Khan] dismissed the old Amirs of Yunus Khan, and set up in their places some mean persons [ardzil] whose flattery suited the Khan's nature. To these men he gave up the management of all important affairs of State, and they, with their narrow-minded views and want of judgment, so worked upon the Khan, that he estranged his old friends — that is to say, the Uzbeg Kazak and the kings of the Chaghatai— and made new ones of his old enemies, thinking that they would be his true allies; but these [in the end] ruined him. Thus Shahi Beg Khan, after he had, with the assistance of Sultan Mahmud Khan, defeated the Chaghatai and conquered Mavara-un-Nahr, turned against Sultan Mahmud Khan and took Tashkand [from him]. [Verses] . . . When Sultan Ahmad Khan heard of the helpless condition of Sultan Mahmud Khan, brotherly love began to glow in his heart. Seizing the skirt of fraternal affection with the hand of resolution, he, in the course of the year 907, set out towards Tashkand to the relief of his brother, leaving, in his own place, his eldest son Mansur Khan, with absolute authority and power over the whole of Chalish, Turf an, Bai, Kus, Aksu, and Moghulistan.* The events that now followed in Tash-kand have been already related. When Ahmad Khan returned, defeated and sick, to his capital Aksu, he was met in state by his son Mansur Khan. After entering the city, he became anxious about his illness, and sent Mansur Khan away to Turfan, where the latter remained till his father's death, when he returned to Aksu. But Sultan Mahmud Khan, despising the sovereignty of Aksu, left it and went to Moghulistan. [Verses] . . . Mansur Khan continued to dwell in Aksu, and Amir Jabar Birdi in Uch. This Amir Jabar Birdi was a Dughlat, and filled the post of Ulusbegi under Sultan Ahmad Khan, by whom he had been held in the highest honour and esteem. Indeed, he was a wise man and worthy of the rank he held; for he was without an equal as an administrator. [Verses] ... In those turbulent days he was of the greatest value. But Mansur Khan, for the reason explained above— namely, that heirs are not always able to estimate the value [of their inheritance]— purposed putting Amir Jabar Birdi to death, saying: "Until I have put him out of the way, I shall never feel safe on the throne." As a fact, the very reverse of this was true. When Amir Jabar Birdi [became aware of this design], though he lamented and bewailed the matter much, he exerted himself in every possible way to avert the impending danger. He continued to carry on the Khan's business and offered explanations [sukhandn guft]. But it was of no avail: he saw that nothing but his death would satisfy the Khan. He therefore set about planning his own safety, and sent a messenger to invite Mirza Aba Bakr to come. Now this had been the Mirza's intention, independently of the invitation, so he marched at once and appeared, like a flash of lightning, at the head of 30,000 men. Amir Jabar Birdi offered him the best presents he could [command], and himself became the guide [yazak] of the army. He went in advance, while Mirza Aba Bakr followed after. Mansur Khan, being informed of these movements, took away as many men as he could muster and [started for Turfan], while the rest, together with some of the Amirs, stayed to defend the citadel of Aksu. Mirza Aba Bakr came up, and took the citadel by storm; then, forming a junction of his troops, with those of Amir Jabar Birdi, he conducted forays against Bai and Kusan. All the inhabitants of those districts were carried off to Aksu, so that the country became entirely depopulated. Then Amir Jabar Birdi said [to Mirza Aba Bakr]: "It must be quite evident to you, that I have now gone to too great lengths ever to expect protection at the hands of the Moghul Khakans. For I have treated them as no one ever treated them before. I have scattered to the winds of perdition their throne, kingdom, and men: their wives and children. My loyalty now prompts me to go again, and utterly devastate Bai, Kusan and Aksu [and to carry off the inhabitants to Kashghar], while Uch must be defended by a light-armed [jarida] force. My household and family shall remain with you. You must give me leave to go to Chalish and the mountains around, and I will drive all the inhabitants into your hands, in order that I may make an end of the Moghul Khakans, and have no longer any cause to fear them." Mirza Aba Bakr highly approved of these plans, and having allowed Amir Jabar Birdi to depart, carried off his family, together with all the Moghul people. Thus did Amir Jabar Birdi make his wives and family a sacrifice for his own life; for, with the exception of two sons, he sent them all— though with many misgivings [ihtimdm] — to Kash-ghar. He displayed so much energy in the whole matter, that he won the entire confidence of Mirza Aba Bakr, who, leaving his army with him, then returned. Amir Jabar Birdi drove the inhabitants out of all the towns, districts, open country, and uplands. The owls were left in possession of the cities and villages, while the plains were made over to the antelopes. It would be impossible to give an idea of the numbers of the flocks and herds, and the quantity of treasure that he took in those countries and cities, all of which he carried back to Kashghar. Mirza Aba Bakr entered Kashghar in great pomp. Mir Jabar Birdi having conducted countless forays with Mirza Aba Bakr's army, at length left it: he himself going into Moghulistan, while the army returned to Kashghar, driving the flocks before them. Meanwhile, Mansur Khan repented of the designs he had entertained against Amir Jabar Birdi, and saw that prosperity was impossible without such men as he. So he sent a person after him, with apologies and entreaties to return. Mansur Khan was born of Mir Jabar Birdi's sister. Mir Jabar Birdi knew that Mansur Khan was sorry for what he had done; he therefore made an end of the quarrel [az niza barkhdsta], for he saw that if he did not go quickly, the effect of separation would be the entire destruction of Mansur Khan. So having accepted apologies and strengthened matters by concluding a covenant, he set forth [to visit Mansur Khan]. There is a story current at the present time, which is very appropriate, and which I give here. Talkhak died in Tirmiz. Before dying, he expressed a wish that he might be buried at a certain cross- way, that his tomb might be high, and that on it might be inscribed in large letters: "Every one who passes by here and repeats the Fatiha for my soul, may he be cursed; and if he do not repeat it, may his father be cursed!" Those who were present laughed, and asked: "But how can one avoid both these curses?" [The dying man] replied: "There is one means of escape, and that is to keep away from Tirmiz."* This saying applies to the situation of the Moghul Khakans and Dughlat nobles. For [they reasoned], if they imitated Mir Jabar Birdi [in his behaviour towards Mansur Khan], they would save their own lives, but would be accused of ingratitude and disloyalty; if, on the other hand (following the example of my uncle), they remained faithful, and stood round the tomb of the late Khan, wailing and weeping, their heads would be struck off then and there: though it might be said of them that they were incapable of a cowardly action. The result of remaining in the service [of the Moghul Khans] will in the end only be to gain the name of cowards or traitors. [Therefore, it may be said, the only way to avoid these two bad names, is not to remain in the service of the Moghul Khans, nor to go near them.] As my maternal uncle Mahmud Khan has said [couplet in Turki] . . . : "No one ever met with fidelity from the world or its people. Oh, happy that man who has nothing to do with the world!"* [Verses.] ... But the pearls of these intentions found no place in the shell of the Moghul Khakan's ears. . .* Thanks be to the Most High God that this servant has at length found the means of avoiding them. It were also preferable to abstain from further words on this matter. To return to the thread of my narrative. Mansur Khan, having given him every possible assurance of safety, took Amir Jabar Birdi back into his service, and after the return [of the Amir], the Khan's affairs began again to improve. From the year 910, which is the date of [the commencement of] Mansur Khan's disturbed and turbulent reign, to the year 922, the date* we have now reached in our history, Mansur Khan lived in Chalish and Turfan. During this period many important events occurred. In those times the brothers [of the Khan's family] quarrelled among themselves, and everybody in the Moghul tribes was rebellious. On this account, Mansur Khan dismissed the Arlat —an ancient order of Amirs— and, bringing the Kirghiz into his power by stratagem, put many of them to death. He once went to war with the Kalmak, and won a signal victory over them. After these events, his government began to assume an orderly shape, which was due to the wisdom and tact of Mir Jabar Birdi. Towards the end of this period, Babajak Sultan separated himself from Mansur Khan, and together with his following, proceeded to Kusan. Mansur Khan pursued him, in person, and besieged him. His object, however, was not to destroy Babajak Sultan, so he sought terms of peace. The answer he received was: "Aiman Khwaja Sultan was also [your] brother, and him you killed like a stranger. What reliance can I place in you, that I should make peace?" Now Aiman Khwaja Sultan had devised treasonable plots, and on this account Mansur Khan had ordered Yaraka Ataka to put him to death, but [instead of this] Yaraka Ataka had hidden him in an underground place, as has been already related. When Babajak Sultan mentioned the affair of Aiman Khwaja Khan, Yaraka Ataka saw the Khan was much distressed, and represented: "I had the presumption to disobey the order, [and did not put him to death]." Thereupon Mansur Khan fell to commending Yaraka Ataka, and Aiman Khwaja Sultan was brought out. After this, Babajak surrendered, and peace was made. Mansur Khan then returned, while Aiman Khwaja Khan went to Kashghar, as has been mentioned already. Babajak Sultan stayed on in Kusan, where he is to this day. After this occurrence, negotiations for a peace ensued between the Khan and Mansur Khan. Mansur Khan came forth from Turfan, Kusan, and Bai, and sent Mir Jabar Birdi in advance. The meeting, which shall be described below, took place in the plains of Arbat* CHAPTER LV. BIRTH OF ISKANDAR. IN the month of Jumada II. 921, new fruit was added to the tree of the Khanate. . .* As the Khan was the grandson of Shah Begum, who was descended from Zulkarnain, he was called Iskandar. Learned men have found chronograms for this child's birth. Among them was Maulana Muhammad Shirazi, who was one of the great Ulama, being not only versed in all the sciences, but also a skilled physician. For a space of thirty years he rendered praiseworthy services to the Moghul Khakans, and was appointed Sadr-i-Sudur. Some details of his life will be given below. He discovered the chronogram: " Shah-i-Iskandar far" [a king equal in power to Iskandar]. Khwaja Nur-ud-Din Abdul Vahid Tuhuri Kazi, who shall also be mentioned, found the date in: "Nakhl-i-Iram" [the tree of Iram]. Many discovered: "Lashkard shikan" [army breaker]. There were many more, but I have given as many as I can remember. At that time, the Khan's health was somewhat affected by his excessive wine-drinking. He, therefore, went to Moghulistan hoping to restore his health by a change of air. On his return, he said to me: "To you, who are like a son to me, I have given my dear sister, who is a pearl in the shell of the Khanate. My hope is that if a child should be born to you, I may be a father to him as well as you. Thus, a child with two loving fathers; two fathers with one happy child. But since you have, up to this time, no offspring, you must look upon this son of mine [Iskandar] as your child, so that what I hoped of you, you may realise in me. If eventually you should have a son, he will be a brother to this child; if you should have no children, you will have no need of another son." Favours and kind words such as these, did he express to me and his sister; we accepted them with gratitude, and feasts were instituted and presents given. The life of Iskandar shall be presently related. CHAPTER LVI. REBUILDING OF AKSU AND NEGOTIATIONS OF THE AMBASSADORS OF MANSUR KHAN AND THE KHAN. AIMAN KHWAJA SULTAN, having been sent to Aksu, departed thither, and in the spring set about rebuilding the town, while ambassadors went backward and forward, between Mansur Khan and the Khan, to arrange a friendly settlement. In the summer the Khan's health became much impaired by excesses in wine-drinking, as was stated above, and he was finally seized with ague [tap larza]. Maulana Shirazi, who was a talented man and a skilled physician, and who had spent all his life in attendance on the Khans, pronounced a change of air to be needful. So the Khan betook himself to a place in Moghulistan, not far from Kashghar. But as he did not yet trust the people of Kashghar, he left me in Yarkand, while he himself went on his way. I did all I could to keep order in the country. At the end of the autumn the Khan returned from Moghulistan, in good health; the pure air of those plains having cured him of the malady which indulgence in wine had produced in him. He alighted in Yarkand. CHAPTER LVII. DEATH OF HAZRAT MAULANA MUHAMMAD KAZI. IN different parts of this history, the life of Hazrat Maulana has been told, down to the point where he went to Akhsi and its dependencies. Wherever he stayed the people received the blessing of his converse. In that province he gained many followers and devotees, all of whom were honoured by witnessing some miracle or wonderful act. [Verses] . . . When the Khan left Akhsi, Hazrat Maulana remained there. When Suyunjuk Khan came to that town, he waited on Hazrat Maulana and entreated him to honour Tashkand with a visit. He went to Tashkand, but a short time afterwards died . . . [Verses and rhetoric] . . . His intimates and followers discovered the date of his death in "Nakd-i-Khwdja Ubaid Ullah" [=922].* He was between sixty and seventy years of age, was versed in all sciences, and wrote several interesting and profitable works. His tracts are text-books for the pious. Among his compositions is the Salsalat id Arifin, written in excellent style. It is divided into three parts. The first of these treats of the manners of Shaikhs and the conditions of discipleship. The second part contains the life of Hazrat Ishan, together with the truths and sayings he uttered in various assemblies, in the language of the country; also some of his miracles and wonders. The third part comprises the sayings and miracles of various pious men. The tongue is incapable of adequately praising this book. There are about fifty parts. Besides this work, he composed many pamphlets [rasdil]. Among them are answers to certain questions which, in the course of different meetings [majlis], I had the presumption to put to him. These, together with some rules and maxims, he put into book form, but never found an occasion of giving it to me. After his death, however, his son and successor, Maulana Kutb-ud- Din Ahmad, sent it to me, and I have copied the whole of it, as it stood, into this work. I know well that, with my lack of literary capacity, this rough copy, written by the pen of carelessness, with the help of ignorance, will have but small merit in the eyes of critics; but I trust that the embodiment of the pamphlet will bring a blessing on my work, and that my shortcomings may be overlooked. I look to the Pardoner of all Sins to forgive me my faults and errors in this Epitome, in consideration of the truths contained in [the Hazrat's] pamphlet. [Verses] ...* CHAPTER LVIII. MEETING OF MANSUR KHAN AND SULTAN SAID KHAN, AND CONCLUSION OF PEACE BETWEEN THEM. THE winter was passed in Yarkand, in feasting and merry making. As Turfan was a two months' journey from Kashghar, the negotiations of the ambassadors, the settlement of the place of meeting and other preliminaries lasted a whole year. In the month of Moharram 922, the Khan started for Aksu. [Verses] . . . He entered Kashghar in great pomp and splendour. [On the road] I had a fall from my horse and dislocated my right elbow; it was a bad accident, and I was confined for some days in Kashghar before getting well. As soon as the pain began to abate, the Khan set out again, while I remained a few days longer in Kashghar. On my arm becoming cured, I followed the Khan and came up with him at Jai Tuba, whence we proceeded stage by stage to Uch. [Verses] . . . At that time Aiman Khwaja Sultan was living in Uch, for Aksu was not yet habitable. On the Khan's approach, he came out to meet him with gifts [verses] . . . and invited him to come and bless his house by alighting there. He entertained the Khan with regal banquets. [Verses] . . . [Departing again] the Khan passed Aksu and pitched his royal camp at a place called Jam, while Mansur Khan, coming from the opposite direction, reached Arbat, which is seven farsdkhs from Jam. Mir Jabar Birdi now came and waited on the Khan, and finally settled [under what conditions the two Khans were to meet] . The two armies were to advance and stand opposite each other in battle array; hostages were then to be exchanged; the two Khans were to come forward, each attended by thirty men selected from his own army, and were to meet between the two lines [of troops]. As soon as these plans had been agreed upon, I was sent to Mansur Khan as a hostage. Aziz Birdi was appointed to select the men who were to accompany Mansur Khan. I was received with much affection and friendship by Mansur Khan, who poured down honours upon my head. [Verses] . . . When the King of the East placed his foot upon the steps of the throne of the firmament, and brought the whole world under the sway of his brightness, repulsing the powers of night, Mansur Khan set his noble foot in the stirrup, and having drawn up his troops, rode forth. On reaching the trysting-place, he sent for Babajak Sultan and Shah Shaikh Muhammad, who were his full brothers, and enjoined them to exercise caution and judgment. Aziz Birdi Agha, standing at the head of the passage [between the lines], told off exactly thirty persons. From the side of Mansur Khan, Sahib Daulat Begum, sister of Mir Jabar Birdi, and Mahim Khanim, sister [hamshira] of Mansur Khan, were given as hostages. The Khan advanced from the other side, accompanied also by thirty persons. At the meeting-place between the armies, awnings [sdya- bdn] were erected. [Couplet] . . . Mansur, advancing first, went and seated himself upon a throne under the shade of the awnings. [Couplet] . . . Then the Khan came, and dismounted at a respectful distance. [Couplet] ... When he had approached within the distance assigned by the Moghul custom, he fell on his knees [zdnu zad]. Although Mansur Khan was the elder brother, he got up, advanced towards the Khan, and embraced him affectionately [couplet] . . .; then taking him by the hand, he walked towards the throne. When Mansur Khan was seated on the throne, the Khan rose up and returned to the place where he had first made his obeisance. [Two couplets] . . . He then offered him such presents as became the dignity of both; while Mir Jabar Birdi, in presenting the gifts [pishkash] to Mansur, made an eloquent speech, as is the custom of those who observe the Tura. Mansur Khan was pleased with his words, and accepted all the gifts. The Khan having knelt again, stood with his arms respectfully crossed on his breast. Mansur Khan then invited him to come and sit at his side, saying: "I know I am your elder brother, but why should you, with your high rank, be so modest before me, who am in the place of a father to you?" The Khan, having once more made obeisance, expressed his profound respect for Mansur Khan, and returned to his seat. Mansur Khan called him forward again and repeated what he had said before, but with greater emphasis. He, moreover, took the Khan by the hand and drew him towards himself, when the Khan, having knelt again, took a seat beside him. [Couplet] . . . Mansur Khan began by asking: "How did you fare in those disturbed times?" To which the Khan, with every token of respect, replied: "Misfortunes that end in success— separations that terminate in union— are not remembered. The sweetness of the end causes the bitterness of the beginning to be forgotten. [Two couplets] . . . Thanks be to God, that in one moment reparation can be made for what has happened during long years." They went on, then, to discuss policy, military tactics, and justice; they also swore a solemn oath to remain at peace, and to strengthen the bonds of friendship. By the time they had finished all their business, the day was also ended. Mansur Khan next gave the Khan rich presents in the shape of horses and silver, brocades and embroidered robes. At the hour of bidding farewell, they embraced once more, and exchanged the clothes they were wearing and the horses they were riding. They finally separated in the most friendly manner, and each went back to his own army. When Mansur Khan returned to his own ranks, he called for me and explained all the particulars of the interview, as I have given them above. Thus conversing, he accompanied me from his troops to the camp. He said: "The thirst of longing and the hunger of absence cannot be satisfied with this small quantity of the wine of union." [Verses] . . . He continued to speak in such terms until we arrived at the camp, which we did at about the middle of the first watch of the night. At sunrise Mansur Khan sent for me, and loaded me with favours and distinctions becoming his own greatness. He then permitted me to return, and having travelled all night, I reached the Khan [on the following day]. The Khan told me what Mansur Khan had said, and showed marks of regret at separation from him. The result of this peace was that soldiers and civilians — in fact, every individual— enjoyed full repose and freedom from anxiety, and testified their thankfulness to the two Khans. Ingenious scholars devised many chronograms to commemorate this happy event. Among others, the date was found to be contained in "Du lashkar ba nishdt" — Two armies in gladness — 922 [1516]. CHAPTER LIX. THE KHAN'S RETURN AFTER THE PEACE -SUBSEQUENT EVENTS AND VISIT OF BABAJAK SULTAN. [AFTER the conclusion of this affair] the Khan made for Yarkand. At Sungtash, which is three days' journey from Uch, on the road to Kashghar, he separated from his army, and riding long stages [ilghdr], arrived at Yarkand in six days. Here new displays of festivity and rejoicing were commenced [verses] . . .; and every one, according to his means, made merry and rejoiced. At the season of the Khan's return to Yarkand, the King of Kings of the Firmament had placed the fourth throne of his sovereignty in the palace of Taurus, and the Prince of the Flowers had pitched his tent on the plains. [Verses] . . . From the time of his accession to that day, a period of about two years, the Khan had lived in the citadel of Yarkand, both summer and winter. But this year, feeling his mind relieved of all its anxieties, when the season of flowers and foliage came round [verses] ... he changed his quarters from the town to the palace of Gul Bagh, [which had been] a favourite residence of Mirza Aba Bakr. When the temperate days of spring changed to the oppressive heat of summer, the only way to keep in health was to sit under the shade of the trees. On this account the Khan retired to Gul Bagh, and there enjoyed the protection afforded by the shade of his garden. Meanwhile the army and the populace were dwelling in peace, and the nobles and pillars of the State lived in the lap of luxury and magnificence. Every brain had its scheme, and every scheme had a brain [to work it]. All the Amirs came to the palace of the Khan to sit in council; they made the following representation to him: [Most noble Khan] to-day, by the favour of God's assistance, the arm of our State is strong enough to lay low its enemies, and annihilate its opponents at one blow. If you do not take vengeance on your enemies now, when will you be able to do so? If you do not destroy them now, when will you have the power to destroy them? [Verses] . . . Thus were the Khan's old projects revived, and he issued a mandate [ydrligh] for the mustering of troops and preparation for an expedition. At the close of summer [922] he marched for Andijan, to make war on Suyunjuk Khan. He gathered all his army together in Kashghar, and set out from there. On reaching Tuyun Bashi, he resolved upon a hunt, and issued stringent orders for the preparations. On the second day [the beaters] formed a ring. [Three couplets] . . . When the hunt was at an end, they left that place and proceeded to encamp on the south side of Chadir Kul. There they learnt the approach of Babajak Sultan. His reason for coming was, that on the occasion of Mansur Khan's interview with the Khan, Babajak Sultan, being in the service of the former (whose full brother he was) could not go and wait on the Khan. But when autumn came round, he asked permission from Mansur Khan to do so, saying, that if he did not wait on his brother, he would be considered guilty of disrespect. Mansur Khan had given him leave, and he, having set off from his home of Bai and Kusan, was now arriving. When he reached Kashghar, he learnt that the Khan had [just] left on his way to fight Suyunjuk Khan and to invade Andijan. He immediately moved on after him, and overtook him at Chadir Kul. The Khan, in his brotherly affection, was quite overcome with emotion, and though Babajak was his junior in years, went out to receive him. He embraced him warmly, and bestowed upon him brotherly attentions and fatherly kindness. [Couplet] . . . [The Khan said]: "I was then bent on avenging myself on my foes: to have summoned my brother at that juncture would have been open to misinterpretation. Thank God that we have both obtained the fulfilment of our wishes. The arrival of my brother is as the commencement of conquest and victory." So saying, the two brothers (Conquest and Victory, as it were) rode off side by side towards Andijan. On reaching Arpa Yazi, they hunted the wild ass,* the deer [gavazan] and other animals. So much game did they kill, that the beasts of the plains and the fowls of the air were able to feast upon the flesh, without fighting for it among themselves. [Couplet] . . . The Khan, from his ambush, brought down some quarry with every arrow he shot. When the hunt was over, a sumptuous banquet was prepared, in a delicious spot where the air was fresh as in the garden of Iram, and where [the heavens] seemed filled with birds from Paradise. Babajak Sultan and Aiman Khwaja Sultan were in attendance on their brother the Khan, surrounded by a distinguished assembly. [Two couplets] . . . When the feast was over, Babajak Sultan represented apologetically to my uncle: "At the beginning of the spring I was guilty of a neglect of courtesy; I had longed for years to have the happiness of waiting upon you, but my aspiration could not then be realised. After that opportunity had elapsed, I saw that it would be respectful on my part, to come to your court at Yarkand and sprinkle my eyes with the dust of your palace. On reaching Kashghar, I heard of your expedition [against Andijan], whereupon I set out in all haste after you, not waiting to collect an army or make ready the necessaries for an expedition. Thus did I come, [thinking] this time the preparations have been delayed; but next time [that I go against Andijan] my arrangements shall be perfect, and I will bring into my service all the Sultans and soldiers, with their arms, that are to be found in my country. I will collect such a mighty host that it will be evident to friend and foe alike, that the Khan has, in his train, subjects who can rival the kings of the earth. [If this proposition is acceptable to you, well and good]; if not, it will do me no harm to change my plans. I am ready to devote myself, body and soul, to the Khan." In reply to these words the Khan said: "For many years I have longed to see this dear brother. The most fitting form of thanksgiving is that we should return now, and spend a few days together. We will devote ourselves, until next spring, to preparations such as those described by our dear brother; we will then go forward. At the present time the occasion is not suitable; the season is too far advanced. While the enemy remains where he is, we can advance whenever we choose. [Even though we do not go to Andijan at all, nothing will be lost."] So they turned back from Arpa Yazi, and travelled by a direct route towards Kashghar. Babajak Sultan accompanied the Khan to Yarkand, and there they gave themselves over to feasting. The Khan bestowed countless presents and inestimable favours upon him; while each of the Amirs offered presents according to his rank and means. [Verses] . . . When these hospitable entertainments had been concluded, Babajak Sultan, having obtained leave to return to his own country, rode away in that direction. These events happened in the autumn of the aforesaid year [922=1516]. CHAPTER LX. THE KHAN'S HOLY WAR AGAINST SARIGH UIGHUR AND THE REASON FOR HIS TURNING BACK. THE winter was passed in the festivities and enjoyments, above described . . .* The Khan's mind had always been occupied with plans for making a holy war [ghazdt], and after much thought he finally decided [whom he should attack]. Between Khotan and Khitai there was a race of infidels called Sarigh Uighur, and upon these people he proceeded to make a holy war. It is a twelve days' journey from Yarkand to Khotan, and most of the stages are without cultivation or inhabitants. When the Khan reached Khotan, a change in his health became evident. The holy war is one of the supports of Islam and a plenary duty. The Khan desired to discharge this obligation towards the faith; but now that his health failed him, he was obliged to appoint certain Amirs to perform the duty for him, and having thus relieved himself of this necessity, he returned [to Yarkand]. On the homeward journey, cups of wine were brought every morning, and drinking went on all through the day, so that [the Khan and his companions] were generally unable to distinguish the light from the darkness. At the end of a few days they reached Yarkand. In the autumn of that year, the expedition against the Kirghiz took place. Those Amirs who had been sent against the Sarigh Uighur, after spending two months in the plains between Khotan and Khitai, returned in safety, laden with plunder, but without having seen or heard anything of the infidels.* CHAPTER LXI. THE KIRGHIZ CAMPAIGN AND THE CAPTURE OF MUHAMMAD KIRGHIZ. IN the account of the conquest of Kashghar, it was mentioned that Muhammad Kirghiz had come from Moghulistan and, in those days of strife and turmoil, had rendered good service. After the conquest he became possessed of much spoil and booty. Moreover, on his departure, the Khan had loaded him with valuable presents, such as sword-belts, vases, and drinking-cups of gold and silver. [Verses] . . . On his return to Moghulistan all the Kirghiz had submitted to him. He conducted plundering parties into Turkis-tan, Tashkand, and Sairam, and created much alarm. The Shaibani Sultans in those districts found great difficulty in repulsing him. On one occasion he made on inroad on Turkistan, and had started to return. At that time Abdullah Sultan, the son of Kuchum Khan, was not yet Khan,* but he was Governor of Turkistan. He immediately set off in pursuit of Muhammad Kirghiz, and overtook him when he was at some distance from the town. Muhammad Kirghiz turned upon him, and they closed in battle. After a [short] engagement the day was decided in favour of the Kirghiz. Most of their enemies they killed, but Abdullah Sultan was captured, kept by Muhammad Kirghiz for one day, and then sent back to Turkistan with the rest of the survivors. [Muhammad Kirghiz] sent their Khan a few horses, arms, and other suitable gifts, with the following excuse: "I made a vow that if any of the Shaibani Sultans should fall into my hands, I would release them. I have been true to my word, and trust that I am forgiven." When the Khan heard this he was enraged, and in the autumn of the year 923 marched upon Moghulistan with an army, to punish Muhammad Kirghiz. [Verses] . . . He assembled his forces in Kashghar. Khwaja Ali Bahadur was appointed "Yazak" of that army. In the Turki language they called a Kardvul [picquet or guard] "Yazak." On reaching Kafir Yari [they were joined by] Aiman Khwaja Sultan, who had come from Aksu by way of Sarigh- at-Akhuri. In the night it was decided that the Khan should proceed by way of Baris Kaun, and Aiman Khwaja Sultan by way of Jauku.* On the next day, Aiman Khwaja Sultan marched off on the Jauku road, while the Khan proceeded in the direction of Baris Kaun. As they were descending from the pass of Baris Kaun, Khwaja Ali sent two men of the Kirghiz, whom he had captured, with news that [Muhammad Kirghiz] and his followers were lying on the shores of Issigh Kul, at the mouth of the Baris Kaun [stream], ignorant [of the approach of the enemy]. Now Issigh Kul is a month's march from Kashghar. That day they hastened their march and reached the mouth [of the pass], which is known as Hujra, at the hour of afternoon prayers. The Khan, attended by a few of his chief officers, went [to reconnoitre] and from a distance espied the tents and pasture-grounds of the enemy. After the sun's disc had sunk into darkness— when Jonas had entered the fish's mouth— the commanders gave orders that of every ten men, four were to be fully armed in the centre of the force, and six were to be equipped for rapid movements [chapkun]; also that every man was to make ready his arms and be prepared for an assault. By midnight all were assembled and in order. When the sun rose . . .* the army was drawn up in battle array on the level ground. All stood perfectly still, and the verse of "the deaf and the dumb" was recited. After a short interval, when it was seen that the whole army was in perfect readiness and order, there came a sudden blast from the trumpets and horns, mingled with the sounding of drums and cymbals and snorting of horses. That portion of the army which had been told off for the attack, suddenly let loose the reins of patience [verses] . . . and rushed down. The whole of the attacking [chdpkunchi] party advanced, while the centre, as pre-arranged, remained in one body and supported the assaulters. When the sun had fully risen, Taka, the brother of Khwaja Ali, who had distinguished himself by former services (which have been mentioned above), brought Muhammad Kirghiz bound before the Khan. The Khan said to him: "Although, by the laws of the Tura, you are guilty of death, I will nevertheless, out of benevolence, spare your blood." And he issued a mandate for his imprisonment, under the charge of my uncle. The soldiers were enriched with his droves of horses, his flocks of sheep, and his strings of camels; while all the Kirghiz whom they had made prisoners, were set at liberty. [Verses] . . . Having remained on the spot a few days, the Khan set out at his ease for the capital, Kashghar, which, by the help of God, he reached at the beginning of the winter. CHAPTER LXII. DAULAT SULTAN KHANIM, DAUGHTER OF YUNUS KHAN, COMES FROM BADAKHSHAN TO KASHGHAR. I HAVE mentioned above, in enumerating the offspring of Yunus Khan, that the youngest of all was Daulat Sultan Khanim. At the devastation of Tashkand, she fell into the hands of Timur Sultan, son of Shahi Beg Khan, and remained in his haram till Babar Padishah captured Samarkand, when she joined the Padishah. With the departure of the latter for Kabul, she separated from her nephew and went to Mirza Khan, who was also her nephew, and remained [with him] in Badakhshan. Mirza Khan treated her as his own mother. On the Khan's return from Aksu, he sent for her; Daulat Sultan Khanim being his paternal aunt. The messengers bore her gifts from the Khan in the shape of horses, vessels of gold and silver and fine cloths. While the Khan was away on his expedition against the Kirghiz, she arrived at Yarkand from Badakhshan. On his return from the campaign he went to visit his aunt, and thus all her relations— all of us to whom the Khanim was either maternal or paternal aunt— had the felicity of meeting her. She remained there to the end of her precious life. An account of her end will be given at the close of the Khan's history. CHAPTER LXIII. CELEBRATION OF THE MARRIAGES OF AIMAN KHWAJA SULTAN AND SHAH MUHAMMAD SULTAN. WHEN Aiman Khwaja Sultan came from Turfan, he asked my uncle's daughter in marriage. My uncle willingly granted his request, and from that time forward was busy with preparations for the event. This winter the marriage festivities began. Shah Muhammad, son of Sultan Muhammad Sultan, son of Sultan Muhammad Khan, was still a child when his father and grandfather, together with many others, were put to death by Shahi Beg Khan. One of the Uzbeg Amirs, taking pity on him, saved him. When the Emperor went from Kabul to Kunduz, that Uzbeg sent off Shah Muhammad Sultan to Kunduz, where he joined the Emperor, and remained in his service until the latter returned to Kabul, when he obtained permission to join the Khan in Kashghar. [This was] one year after the conquest of Kashghar. The Khan treated him as a son and honoured him even above Baba Sultan, his brother's son, and Rashid Sultan, his own son. While the festivities in honour of Aiman Khwaja Sultan's marriage with my uncle's daughter were proceeding, it occurred to the Khan to give in marriage to Shah Muhammad Sultan, his sister Khadija Sultan Khanim, whose story has been already related. After Jahangir Mirza, son of Mirza Aba Bakr, had been assassinated by some unknown hand, this Khadija Sultan Khanim, having survived him, had remained, respected and honoured, in the Khan's haram. Thus these two important marriages were celebrated at one time...* When some time had been passed in feasting and rejoicing, an assembly of all the nobles, great men and pillars of the State, was convened, who, in the first place, fastened the marriage knot of the daughter of the Khan with Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and after that, of Khadija Sultan Khanim (my maternal uncle's daughter, and the Khan's full sister) with Shah Muhammad Sultan. . .* At the same time I built myself a house, and by way of compliment, some learned men invented chronograms to commemorate the date of the event [923=151 7]* CHAPTER LXIV. BEGINNING OF THE QUARRELS BETWEEN THE KHAN AND MIRZA KHAN. THE KHAN'S FIRST INVASION OF BADAKHSHAN. DURING the summer* which followed this winter, the Khan invaded Badakhshan. It came about in this way. In the story of Mirza Aba Bakr, it was stated that after the reign of Khusrau Shah, the Mirza had subdued several of the upper Hazdra [districts] of Badakhshan, such as Sarigh Chupan, Ghund, Parvaz, Yarkh, Pasar and Shiva-i-Shighnan* Before Khusrau Shah was able to adopt any plan for avenging himself, he sustained a defeat at the hands of Shahi Beg Khan. But when Shahi Beg Khan established himself in the kingdom of Khusrau Shah, the Mir of the Hazara refused to yield to him, and after a few engagements, the Uzbeg were repulsed. In those days, all the upper defiles [tang-i-bdld] of Badakhshan were held by Mirza Aba Bakr. After Mirza Khan had established his power in Badakhshan, he was still trammelled [darmdnda] by the hostility of the Uzbeg. Nor was he able to restrain the usurpations of Mirza Aba Bakr. [The country extending] from the upper defiles [tang-i-bdld] as far as Sarigh Chupan, had fallen under the jurisdiction of Kash-ghar. "When your enemies are occupied with each other, sit down at your ease with your friends;" this saying applies to the state of affairs [at that time]. During twelve years, the districts above the upper gorges were outside of Badakhshan, and formed a part of Kashghar. The Khan, therefore, after his conquest of Kashghar, ordered those districts to be divided into [administrative] sections as if they formed part of the province of Kashghar. Thither he sent Mir Beg Muhammad, whose story has been told above, and during [his] government, Wakhan was a Hazdra of the Hazdrajdt of Badakhshan. The people of Badakhshan call the frontier [between Badakh-shan and Wakhan] Dardzukhdn. The Kashghari call it Sarigh Chupan. The people of Darazukhan took violent possession of it and appealed to Mirza Khan for protection.* [They said: "Let us become the subjects of Mirza Khan."] So Mirza Khan took possession of the country without hesitation, his claim being that it belonged originally to Badakhshan: nay more, that Badakhshan was but another name for these Hazdrajdt. Mirza Aba Bakr had taken it by force. With the extinction of Mirza Aba Bakr's power, the region should again fall within its original [kingdom of Badakhshan]. Everything returns to its prime origin. [Mirza] Khan also contended as follows: "In consequence of Mirza Aba Bakr's conquests, this country was cut off from its ancient attachment and was, for twelve years, under the jurisdiction of Kashghar. The Emperor, with the help of his brave troops, delivered into my power the regions usurped by Mirza Aba Bakr. If you desire to have this kingdom it will be necessary, in the first place (on account of my relationship to the Emperor), that I should send him a salutation and beg him to despatch an army to assist me, as I am too weak [to act independently] . . . When so requested he may answer: 'that country which I have unlocked with the key of conquest, you may take possession of without fear.'"* After informal communications, such as these, had passed between [the two Khans] the matter was finally concluded by the Khan marching against Badakhshan. At the time when he determined upon this, one of Mirza Aba Bakr's sons, whom my uncle had protected [and cared for] as a child of his own, ran away; the report got abroad that he had gone to Suyunjuk Khan to inform him of the Khan's movements, and to induce him [to attack] Kashghar. On this account I was left in Kashghar, where I busied myself with the management of all that was important in the affairs of that country. Mirza Aba Bakr's son was overtaken on the road, and put to death by some persons who had been sent in pursuit of him. The Khan advanced into Badakhshan and carried all before him. Mirza Khan, helpless and in despair, took refuge in Kala-i-Zafar, and gnawed his hands with the teeth of regret, for having done what had been better left undone. When the Khan saw that absolute ruin had fallen upon [Mirza Khan] and his country, he was moved to pity and withdrew. Mirza Khan, moreover, realising his own [weakness] did not make any further attempt to overstep his boundaries. Down to the present day that country remains under Kashghar. Thus was the dust of dissension raised between those two relations on account of a few acts of inhumanity. To the end of their lives they carried on official intercourse, but their protestations of friendship were usually tainted with insincerity; while [the people of] the country itself, were faithful neither to Mirza Khan at the beginning, nor to the Khan afterwards. In short, the Khan withdrew from Badakhshan with pomp and ceremony, and on reaching Yarkand, his capital, gave himself up to all kinds of rejoicing and pleasure. CHAPTER LXV. THE KHAN'S SECOND INTERVIEW WITH MANSUR KHAN. IN the following year, Mansur Khan purposed visiting his beloved paternal aunt, Daulat Sultan Khanim, in order that, by looking on her kind face, his grief at the loss of his father might be mitigated.* The Khan having agreed to this, [Mansur Khan] set out for Aksu in the summer of that year, and in the same manner, on the same spot, and with similar formalities, as on the occasion of their first interview, they met, and the bonds of affection were drawn tighter. After this, each returned to his own seat of government. From this date — 926 — to 928 [1520-22] the Khan and his people enjoyed perfect repose and freedom from care, nothing occurring which would be worthy of record. CHAPTER LXVI. CONCLUSION OF THE AFFAIRS OF BABAR PADISHAH AFTER HIS RETURN TO KABUL. DEATH OF HIS BROTHER SULTAN NASIR MIRZA. CAUSE OF THE INSUBORDINATION OF HIS AMIRS. THAT point in Babar Padishah's history has been reached, at which he returned from Kundaz to Kabul. He committed Kabul to the care of his brother Sultan Nasir Mirza, who [however] died from excessive indulgence in wine in the course of the year 921. [Couplet] . . . Ghazna had belonged to Sultan Nasir Mirza, and after his death a dispute arose among the Amirs of that town, which took the form of a mutiny, in which all the Moghuls and the rest of the people in the Emperor's service joined. As for example, Mir Shiram, the uncle of the Emperor's mother, who had spent all his life in the Emperor's service; his brother, Mir Mazid, Jaka, Kul Nazar, and others; also of the Chaghatai and Tajik Amirs, Maulana Baba Bashaghiri and his brother Baba Shaikh. This Maulana Baba was one of the associates [sharik] of the village of Bashaghir in Samarkand. He won such favour with the Emperor that, when the latter took Mavara-un-Nahr, he gave Maulana Baba the government of Samarkand, Uratippa, and part of Kuhistan. Others [who rebelled were] Mir Ahmad, whose story has been given above, and his brother Kitta Beg (the one being Governor of Tashkand, and the other of Sairam) Maksud Karak, Sultan Kuli, Chunak, and others. These were all distinguished Amirs and great chiefs. But Satan took possession of their brains, and put there, in the place of sound reason, vainglory and wickedness, which are the outcome of cursed natures. They rose in rebellion, putting round their necks the accursed collars left behind by Mir Ayub. In short, after a few intrigues and skirmishes, a pitched battle was fought between themselves and the Emperor. As soon as the opposing troops had been drawn up facing each other, the son of Amir Kasim Kuchin, named Amir Kambar Ali, arrived from Kunduz with a powerful force, and the rebels were defeated. [A proverb] . . . Several of them were captured [and met with their due reward; others fled in shame to Kashghar.] Among these were Mir Shiram and his brothers, who [on the occasion of the Khan's first interview, and conclusion of peace, with Mansur Khan] had gone to wait on the Khan, and had remained for some time in his service. They were ashamed and dejected. Mir Mazid, on account of insufficient means of livelihood, went to Tibet in hopes of plunder. But at Ghazwa* a stone fell on his head, and he was killed. Mir Shiram, likewise, finding it impossible to stay near the Khan, returned to the Emperor, who with his usual benevolence, received him kindly, and closing the eye of wrath on his wrong-doings, opened the eye of favour upon past services. He, however, soon afterwards, left this faithless world. The Emperor, having become firmly established in Kabul, marched upon Kandahar, which was then in the hands of Shah Beg, son of Zulnun* Arghun, as mentioned above. He besieged it for five years. At length, Shah Beg, having resolved on flight, went to Sivi, and thence to Tatta, which he took, together with Ucha and Bakar,* as will be mentioned in the proper place. The Emperor, having captured Kandahar, proceeded to Hindustan. He made several inroads, but retired after each one. At last, he met, in a pitched battle at Panipat, the Ughan Sultan, Ibrahim,* the son of Sultan Iskandar, who was king at that time.* Ibrahim's army numbered more than 100,000 men, but the Emperor utterly defeated him with 10,000 men. He and his army became possessed of so much treasure, that all the world, from there to Rum and to Khitai, benefited by it. The rich brocades of Rum and the embroidered satins of Khitai, which are scarce in those countries, were found in ass-loads. All this will be explained presently. CHAPTER LXVII. SETTLEMENT OF MOGHULISTAN AND THE KIRGHIZ. BEGINNING OF RASHID SULTAN'S CAREER. IN the year 928 [1522] the Khan conceived the plan of invading Moghulistan, and subduing the Kirghiz. He was prompted thereto by several considerations, the first of which was as follows: It has been mentioned that in the year 923 he had made Muhammad Kirghiz prisoner, because he, after having taken Abdullah, son of Kuchum Khan, in battle, had let him go free again, and had sent some poor excuses [for his action] to the Khan. For this he was detained in prison for five years, and the Kirghiz, who [all this time] were without a chief, carried plunder and rapine into the territories of Turkistan, Sairam, Andijan, and Akhsi; they had been guilty of many excesses, carrying off into bondage many Musulman women and children. Although these provinces were under the government of the Shaiban, and these people were his old enemies, the Khan, being a pious and God-fearing man, was offended. He determined to avert this misfortune from the Musulmans, and thereby to secure a high place in the next world and a good name in the present one. Besides this, Khwaja Ali Bahadur, whose valiant and worthy services have been spoken of above, had, according to his natural instincts, a great longing for Moghulistan. He always complained of town life, and pined for the plains of Moghulistan. He had been appointed Atdbeg to Baba Sultan, son of Khalil Sultan (and a nephew of the Khan), and had had the care of his education from the age of seven till he was fifteen. He represented to the Khan: "By the grace of God, the Moghul Ulus— both man and beast- have so greatly increased in numbers, that the wide grazing grounds of Kashghar have become too confined for them, and frequent quarrels arise concerning pasture. If you will issue a decree [to sanction my doing so], I will take Baba Sultan into Moghulistan, subdue the whole of that country, and reduce the affairs of the Kirghiz to order, so that our people may have ample pasture and quiet minds." The Khan quite approved of this proposal, and held a consultation with his Amirs, who were unanimous in their concurrence, with the exception of my uncle, who said: "The first part of this plan is most reasonable, but it is not advisable to send Baba Sultan. For the Moghuls, being originally from Moghulistan, have a natural attachment to that country, and as soon as it is conquered they will all wish to return thither. If Baba Sultan is there, he will be offended should we forbid [the Moghuls going there]; and should we not forbid them, the whole mass of them will rush in, the inevitable result of which will be confusion and discord. Instead of [Baba], let us send Rashid Sultan, your son; let him become ever so powerful, that cannot injure you; and if it is seen fit to hinder the people from migrating into Moghulistan, he, at any rate, will not object. If they should do so [there is nothing to be feared, for he is your son]." In the meantime, Khwaja Ali Bahadur died from excessive wine-drinking. Thus the conduct of the expedition devolved upon Rashid Sultan. Now it happened that at this time my sister (by the daughter of Sayyid-as-Sadat Khavand-zada Sultan Muhammad Arhangi) had been wedded to Baba Sultan. Nevertheless my uncle did not allow this family tie to stand in the way, but caused Rashid Sultan to be appointed for the enterprise. Baba Sultan was much offended, but my uncle feared nothing; he persisted in pushing forward Rashid Sultan, and proposed a plan which shall be mentioned later. It is now necessary to give some account of the country of Moghulistan. No book contains an exact description of its localities: though incidentally, in some histories, the names of a few towns are given, and in the Suvar-i-Akdlim and the Taarif-i-Bulddn may be found some notices. For the most part these accounts are inaccurate; but all that can be verified in them, I will state here in abridgment. CHAPTER LXVIII. EXTRACTS FROM THE TAHAN-KUSHAI OF ALA-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD JUVAINI. 1 * (I HAVE copied exactly what the author has written descriptive of Moghulistan). Thus it is written in the Jahdn-Kushdi, that the dwelling, original seat, and birthplace of the Tatar was a valley devoid of cultivation;* the length and breadth of which was seven or eight months' journey. It is bounded on the east by the country of Khitai, on the west by the province of Uighur, on the north by Kara Kiz and Salinkai,* and on the south by a side [jdnib] of Tangut. Of these four limiting countries [hudud], mentioned in the Jahdn-Kushdi, Khitai is definitely known, and [can be] specified. But what [the author] calls 'Uighur' is quite unknown at the present time; it is not understood which country is meant* Nor is anything now known of Kara Kiz and Salinkai, nor have any places been discovered with such names. The name of Tangut is frequently mentioned in Moghul histories. At the outset of Chingiz Kahn's conquests, he sent an army thither. Uktai Kaan also, when settling his dominions, sent some persons to Tangut, among other places; and from the way it is spoken of in histories, it was evidently a very important province. At that time the king of this country bore the name of Shidarku. Most histories state that his army numbered 800,000 men. However, at the present time it is not even known where it was. Thus it is impossible to say anything about those limiting countries which are specified in books.* In the same way, some of the towns in Moghulistan are mentioned by name and described, in standard works. Among them is Bala-Sakun, which in the Suvar-i-Akdlim is reckoned among the cities of Khitai, and called 'Khan Baligh'; while in Moghulistan and Kara Khitai they have written the same 'Bala Sakun.' They have applied the name to no other city.* In books of repute and histories, Bala-Sakun is said to have been one of the cities built by Afrasiab, and [the authors] have praised it very highly. In the Mujmd-ut-Tavdrikh it is written: "Bala-Sakun, until the time of the Kara Khitai, was under the rule of the offspring [and descendants] of Afrasiab. The Gur Khan of Kara Khitai took it from one of these descendants, Ilak Khan, and made it his own capital. For ninety-five years Bala-Sakun remained the capital of Kara Khitai, and all the countries on this side of the Jihun— that is, to the east of it— carried tribute to Bala-Sakun. The Moghuls call Bala-Sakun, 'Ghar-baligh.' The author of the Surdh-ul-Lughat, in his Supplement, says that his father was one of the traditionists [hdfiz] of Bala-Sakun. He gives, in this Supplement, the names of eminent men [afdzil] of every town. In Samarkand he reckons fewer than ten. But in Bala-Sakun he mentions the names of a great number of learned and notable persons, and quotes traditions concerning some of them. The mind is incapable of conceiving how there could have been, at one time and in one city, so many men of eminence, and that now neither name nor trace is to be found of Bala-Sakun. Nor have I ever heard of a place called Ghar-baligh. Another town mentioned in books is Taraz. It is said that the Moghuls call Taraz, 'Yangi'; and this Yangi is placed in Moghul-istan. There are many men of Yangi in Mavara-un-Nahr who are called 'Yangiligh.' Now in those deserts [mafdza], which they call Yangi, there are remains of many cities, in the form of domes, minarets, and traces of schools and monasteries; but it is not evident which of these ruined cities was Yangi, or what were the names of the others. Another famous town was Almaligh,* which is known at the present day. The tomb of Tughluk Timur Khan is there, together with [other] traces of the city's prosperity. The dome of the Khan's tomb is remarkable, being lofty and decorated; while on the plaster, inscriptions are written. I recall one-half of a line, from one of the books, namely: "This court [bdrgdh] was the work of a master-weaver [shar-bdf]" — words which show that this master was an Iraki; for in Irak they call a weaver [jdmabdf] 'shar-bdf.' As far as I can recollect, the date inscribed on that dome was seven hundred and sixty and odd* There are many other cities in Moghulistan, in which traces remain of very fine buildings. In some places they still stand intact* In [the district of] Jud* there are traces of an important town, and remains of minarets, domes, and schools. Since the name of that town is not known, the Moghuls call it 'Minara.' In the same place is also a dome made of stone, into which the following inscription has been cut, in the Naskhi writing: "This is the tomb of [titles omitted] Imam Muhammad Fakih Bala Sakuni [Arabic invocation], who died in the year 711. Written by Khwaja Omar Hadavi." Jud is a district [mauza] of Moghulistan, of a month's journey in length. In it there are many cities like this one. In Moghulistan there is a place [mausa] called Yumghal,* which is well known. There a dome is to be found, half fallen into ruin. The inscription on it reads: "Shah J alii, son of Kism, son of Abbas. .." The rest has broken away, so it is not clear whether this was his tomb, or whether the inscription refers to some one else. God alone knows. Such remains as these are to be found all over Moghulistan, but the names of the towns are never known. The tomb of Maulana Sakkaki, author of "The Key" [Miftdh], has a lofty dome. It is situated on the banks of the River Tika, which flows from the foot of the lake.* With the exception of this dome, there are no remains in that place. It was either a town of which nothing is left, or else it was there that Chaghatai Khan slew [the Maulana], the building being afterwards raised [over the spot]. God knows best. The story of Maulana Sakkaki is told in histories. Beyond this, nothing is recorded of the districts [hadud] of Moghulistan in the histories and books of former writers, nor does any one know the [above] names nowadays. What is now known as Moghulistan has a length and breadth of seven or eight months' journey. Its eastern frontier adjoins the Kalmak country: that is to say, Baris Kul, Imal, and Irtish. It is bounded on the north by Kukcha-Tangiz, Bum Lish, and Karatal;* on the west by Turkistan and Tashkand; and on the south by the provinces of Farghana, Kashghar, Aksu, Chalish, and Turfan. Of these four boundaries I have seen the southern. From Tash-kand to Andijan is ten days' journey; from Andijan to Kashghar, twenty days; from there to Aksu, fifteen days; from Aksu to Chalish, twenty days; from Chalish to Turfan, ten days; from Turfan to Baris Kul, fifteen days;* and Baris Kul is the eastern boundary of Moghulistan. [The whole of the southern boundary] is about three months' march at a medium pace, for it is ninety stages. I have never visited the other three boundaries, but I have learned [something] about them from the descriptions of persons who have travelled in those quarters. The greater part of this country, which is seven or eight months' journey [in circuit], is mountain or desert,* and is very beautiful and pleasant— so much so, that I am incapable of describing it in words. On the mountains and in the plains, grow numberless flowers, whose names no one knows; they are not to be met with outside Moghul-istan, nor can they possibly be described. The summer is, in most parts, quite temperate, so that if a single tunic [tdi kurta] be worn, no other covering is required, though even if more be worn, the heat does not make one uncomfortable. However, in some parts of the country, the temperature inclines to be cold. There are many large rivers in Moghulistan— as large, or nearly so, as the Jihun; for example, the Ila, the Imil, the Irtish, and the Narin, not one of which is inferior to the Jihun or the Sihun. Most of them flow into the lake of Kukcha Tangiz, which separates Moghulistan from Uzbegistan. Its length is eight months' journey,* and its breadth, in some parts, thirty farsdkhs, by estimation. In winter, when it is frozen over, the Uzbeg cross Kuk-cha Tangiz on the ice, and thus enter Moghulistan. By using all possible speed, they can cross in two nights and a day into Moghulistan, and can return in the same time. At the end of winter they cross with the same rapidity; but at that time of the year it is dangerous, and it often happens that the ice gives way. On one occasion a hundred and twenty families, more or less, perished under the ice. The water of this lake is sweet. The same quantity of water that flows into the lake is not discharged from it. What does flow out is about equivalent to one of the rivers which enters it. It flows down through Uzbegistan, under the name of Atal, and empties itself into the Kulzum [Caspian]. Another point of interest in Moghulistan is Issigh Kul, [a lake] into which nearly as much water flows as into Kukcha Tangiz. It is twenty days' journey,* and no water issues from it on any side. It is surrounded by hills. All the water that flows into it is sweet and agreeable, but once it enters the lake it becomes so bitter and salt that one cannot even use it for washing, for if any of it enters the eyes or mouth, severe inflammation is produced; it has also a most unpleasant taste in the mouth. It is remarkably pure and clean, so that if, for example, some is poured into a china cup, no sediment appears at the bottom. The water of the rivers around is delicious. Aromatic herbs, flowers and fruitbearing trees are plentiful, while the surrounding hills and plains abound in antelopes [dhu] and birds. There are few localities in Moghulistan more remarkable for their climate. From the year 916 the Kirghiz, for the reasons mentioned above, have rendered it impossible for any Moghul to live in Moghulistan. In the year 928 the Khan resolved to subdue Moghulistan, as shall be explained. CHAPTER LXIX. RETURN TO THE THREAD OF THE HISTORY. * * * * *2 * THE flocks and herds had so greatly increased, that the plains and hills of Kashghar could no longer provide sufficient pasturage, and therefore, in order to satisfy the wants and demands of his people, the Khan formed the bold project of subduing Moghulistan. Moreover, the Kirghiz, who were for the most part devoid of faith and given over to evil deeds, had thoroughly intimidated the Musulmans of Turkistan, Shash and Farghana, by their constant invasions and forays. Although that province* was under the rule of the Uzbeg Shaiban, who were his old enemies, the Khan, on account of his devotion to the faith and out of pity for the Musulmans, took the matter to heart, and determined that no Musulman should be molested and no infidel should prosper; but rather that the Musulmans should thrive and the infidels should be subdued. For these two actions he expected to gain a good reputation in this world and merit in the world to come. May God reward him well! [Three couplets] . . . Mirza Ali Taghai, Khwaja Ali Bahadur, and most of the Amirs, supporting the cause of Baba Sultan, desired that he should be sent in command of the expedition against Moghulistan and the Kirghiz. His father, Sultan Khalil Sultan, had been leader of the Kirghiz, as has been explained; and he therefore had some right in the matter. My uncle alone supported Rashid Sultan, who was the Khan's son, and upon him the conduct of the expedition finally devolved. Active preparations were set on foot [verses]: . . . and in the course of the year 928, Rashid Sultan set out loaded with favours. Mirza Ali Taghai was appointed Ulus-beg , and Muhammad Kirghiz being released from confinement, was made Amir of the Kirghiz; while brave warriors and distinguished Amirs were chosen out of all the Moghul tribes. [Couplet]. . . . Everything becoming the prince's rank and dignity was made ready; such as banners [tugh], trumpets, mint [zardb-khdna] and all kinds of furniture. Feasts were given to the Amirs and soldiers, who made merry; and favours were bestowed on all. [The Khan] gave his son much good advice. [Verses] . . . Indeed he lavished sermons and wise counsels on the young prince, who did not heed them, for is it not said: Sermons and advice are as wind to the profligates of this world? Finally, however, the army was despatched. At the hour of his taking leave of Rashid Sultan, the Khan said to me: "You accoutre him: fasten on his quiver and sword, and mount him on his horse: it may bring good fortune. In respect of what I have told him, let him be your pupil: you shall be his master. . .* In short the Khan sent them off in the handsomest manner, and himself returned to Kashghar. [Two couplets] . . . With their entrance into Moghulistan, Muhammad Kirghiz marched on in advance. He brought in most of the Kirghiz, though a few fled to the farthest confines of Moghulistan. When winter set in, quarters were taken up at Kuchkar. CHAPTER LXX. THE KHAN'S REPENTANCE. * * * * *i * IT has been already explained to how great an extent the Khan was addicted to wine-drinking. If, for example, he dreamt of sobriety, he interpreted it to mean that he ought to get drunk; this is [the system of] interpretation by contraries. [Turki couplet]... No one would ever have imagined that the Khan could give up this habit, but by the intervention of Providence he repented him of his intemperance . . .* In short, at the end of the winter following that spring which saw Rashid Sultan set out for Moghulistan, the Khan happened to be in Yangi-Hisar. My uncle was in attendance on him, while I was in Yarkand. I have frequently heard the Khan relate that, one night when a drinking bout was coming to an end, the following verse came into his head: "'At night he is drunk, at dawn he is drunk, and all day he is crop-sick; see how he passes his noble life! It is time that thou should'st return to thy God [and abandon these unseemly practices].' When this purpose had become fixed in my heart, I again became irresolute [and said to myself]: 'these ideas are merely the outcome of excessive inebriety. For otherwise, who could endure life without this form of enjoyment?' Thinking thus I fell asleep; when I awoke I writhed like a snake with crop- sickness, and to dispel this I called for a draught. When it was brought, the intentions of the night before again took possession of my brain, and I sent for Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, and said to him: T am tired of this wine-drinking, and wish to reform.'" Now my uncle had for a long while been a disciple of the order of Yasavvi Shaikhs,* and practised austerity and abstinence; thus he had been greatly distressed at the Khan's shortcomings; but when the Khan now announced to him his desire to mend his ways, my uncle burst into tears and urged him strongly to carry out his intention. Having repented, the Khan went into the assembly; [verses] . . . the wine-bibbers and profligates were dejected and distressed, but all the pious and the learned rejoiced, while the zealots and devotees began to thank God, and the townsfolk and peasantry stretched their hands in praise to heaven. Thus the Khan repented of his past deeds, and night and day begged the forgiveness of God for his offences. . .* CHAPTER LXXI. HOW THE KHAN, WISHING TO BECOME A DARVISH, INTENDED TO ABDICATE THE THRONE, AND HOW HE WAS DISSUADED. AFTER the Khan had been distinguished with the honour of repentance, and had entered the circle of those of whom it is said, "God loves the penitent," he passed into Moghulistan, and joined Rashid Sultan at Kuchkar.* Remaining himself in Kuchkar, he sent forward Rashid Sultan, with his Amirs and Muhammad Kirghiz, to the farthest limits of Moghulistan. They collected and brought back the scattered Kirghiz, thus setting [the Khan's] mind at rest with regard to this affair. In the spring the Khan went back to Kashghar. After this, he used to return every year to Moghulistan with his family, to see that the country was in order, and to confirm the authority of Rashid Sultan. In the second spring that he took his family there, most of the Moghul Ulus, who were able to do so, went with him of their own accord and desire. That winter the Khan and Rashid Sultan took up their quarters in Kuchkar, and at the end of the winter the Khan, leaving his family there, went back to Yarkand. The reason for this was that, since his repentance, he had devoted himself much to the study of Sufi books; and having pondered deeply on their sayings, was greatly influenced by them. ..* The Khan entered fully into the tenets of the sect, and was profoundly impressed by them. From their books and pamphlets, he learnt that the blessing [of Sufistic knowledge] was only to be attained by devoting himself to the service of a perfect [Sufi]; on this account he withdrew his mind from his earthly kingdom, while his heart became entirely detached from the world. He spent most of his time in seclusion; engaged in discussions on Sufism. Not every one was allowed to intrude on his privacy. One of his companions was my uncle, who had been a disciple of the Yasavvi Shaikh's, and who, under the guidance of that sect, practised abstinence. Most of the conferences took place in his presence. Another was Shah Muhammad Sultan, who was a cousin of the Khan and a son-in-law of his sister, and who has been mentioned briefly above; at times I was also admitted. No one else was allowed to enter, and the people used to wonder what kind of discussions those could be, to which only these four persons were admitted. [Couplet]... It was finally decided that the Khan should go to Yarkand, and that his brother, Amin Khwaja Sultan, should be brought from Aksu and set up as king in his stead. To him should be confided the whole Ulus, while the Khan, divesting himself of everything, should set out on his journey; haply he might thus render the Most High God perfect service. My uncle then suggested that before taking this step, preparations should be made for the journey to Mekka, and all necessaries got ready; that he would accompany [the Khan]; that wherever he was he would spend his whole life in attendance on him, and that Shah Muhammad Sultan and myself should also be in waiting. No sooner had these plans been determined on, than Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf, son of Khwaja Muhammad Abdullah, son of Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din Ubaid Ullah, arrived in Kashghar from Samarkand, and the news [of his arrival] reached Moghulistan. The Khwaja was an exceedingly pious and austere man, and the Khan longed to wait upon him, in the hope that [in his service] his desire might be realised. So he journeyed from Kuchkar to Yarkand, where he arrived at the end of the winter and waited on the Khwaja. [But] when he explained to him his resolve, the Khwaja remarked: "Much has been said by wise men on this subject; such as: Remain on the throne of your kingdom, and be like an austere darvish in your ways! And again: set the crown on your head, and science on your back! Use effort in your work, and wear what you will! In reality sovereignty is one of the closest walks [with God], but kings have abused its rights. A king is able, with one word, to give a higher reward than can a darvish (however intent upon his purpose) during the whole of a long life. In this respect sovereignty is a real and practical state . . .* But I will show you one line that my father, Khwaja Muhammad Abdullah, wrote for me." And he gave the writing to the Khan. It was written: "The most important con- ditions, for a seeker of union with God, are: little food, few words, and few associates." This brief [sermon] sufficed to compose the Khan, and he resolved to pursue the road of justice and good deeds. He began to occupy himself, at once, with what he was able, until the words of Shaikh Najm-ud-Din should be realised. A short time after this, Khwaja Nura came, and the Khan's desire was fulfilled. In the meanwhile Khwaja Taj-ud-Din arrived from Turfan. CHAPTER LXXII. KHWAJA TAJ-UD-DIN. KHWAJA TAJ-UD-DIN was of the race of Maulana Arshad-ud-Din, who was of the race of Khwaja Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud, brother of Khwaja Hafiz-ud-Din of Bokhara, the last of the Mujtahids. During the interregnum \fatrat] of Chingiz Khan, this Shuja-ud-Din was brought [into this country], and of his race is Maulana Arshad-ud-Din, who brought about the conversion of the Moghuls to Islam. All this, God willing, will be fully described in the First Part. This Khwaja Taj-ud-Din is of the race of Maulana Arshad-ud-Din. His father's name was Khwaja Ubaid Ullah. He was a disciple of Mir Abdullah of Bushirabad . . .* Having remained for some time in the service of Hazrat Ishan, the latter gave the Khwaja leave to go to Turfan, where he was cordially received by Sultan Ahmad Khan . ..* CHAPTER LXXIII. KHWAJA TAJ-UD-DIN IS ALLOWED TO RETURN TO TURF AN. THE KHAN MAKES PEACE WITH THE KAZAK-UZBEG. OTHER CONTEMPORARY EVENTS. WHEN Khwaja Taj-ud-Din came from Turf an, the Khan received him with due honour. He stayed one year in Yarkand, and then returned [to Turf an]. Next winter Rashid Sultan went and plundered the Kalmak, slew one of their Amirs named Baran Talish,* and acquired the honourable name of Ghazi. He had his winter quarters at Kuchkar, whither the Khan went with a small attendance [jarida] and joined him. With the middle of the winter arrived Tahir Khan, who has been briefly mentioned above among the Kazak Khans. After a long intercourse by means of ambassadors, it was ascertained that he had come to wait on the Khan, and to deliver over to him Sultan Nigar Khanim, the Khan's aunt. This Sultan Nigar Khanim has been already spoken of above. She was the fourth daughter of Yunus Khan, and after the death of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, son of Abu Said Mirza, she was given to Adik Sultan, son of Jani Beg Khan, the Kazak. By Mirza Sultan Mahmud she had one child, Mirza Khan, who became king of Badakhshan, and in the year 917* died a natural death. His son, Sulaiman Shah Mirza, is now ruling in Badakhshan. By Adik Sultan she had two daughters, the elder of whom was married to Abdullah Sultan, son of Kuchum Khan, but died soon after. The younger was given, at this time, to Rashid Sultan, as shall be mentioned. After the death of Adik Sultan, this Sultan Nigar Khanim married his brother Kasim Khan. When this last died, the Khanship devolved upon Tahir Khan, who was the son of Adik Sultan. He was very much attached to the Khanim, and even preferred her to the mother that had given him birth. She showed him her gratitude, but entreated him, saying: "Although you are my child, and I neither think of nor desire any child but you, nevertheless I am grown old, and have no longer the strength to bear this migratory life in the deserts of Uzbegistan. I wish you now to take me to my nephew, Sultan Said Khan, that I may pass my last days in a city and enjoy some quiet and repose. Moreover, in consequence of [the hostility of] the Mangit your affairs in Uzbegistan are not thriving. On account of the opposition [of the Moghuls]* your army has decreased from 1,000,000 men to 400,000, and you have no longer strength to oppose them. I will be a mediator for you, and will bring about a reconciliation between you and the Moghul Khakans. In this way the Mangit* may be kept in check." Tahir Khan fell in with this plan and came to the borders of Moghulistan, where negotiations for peace were entered upon. He came in person to Kuchkar and waited on the Khan. The latter, from love of his aunt, rose [to receive him], saying: "Although my rising [to receive] you is contrary to the Tura, yet my great gratitude to you for having brought my aunt, makes it possible for me to rise." Thus saying the Khan rose, but [Tahir Khan], observing all the formalities, bowed his head to the ground, and then advanced towards the Khan, who having embraced him, showed him great honour and showered royal favours upon him. After this, his sister, the Khanim' s daughter, was given in marriage to Rashid Sultan, in whose haram she is at the present time. She has children, each of whom will be mentioned in the proper place. At the time of [Tahir Khan's] departure, Muhammad Kirghiz was captured a second time, and brought bound to Kashghar. The reason for this was that he had shown signs of insubordination, and a desire to escape to the Uzbeg. He was therefore detained in custody, but after the Khan's death he was released. The Khan now returned to Kashghar, and I was left in Moghul-istan to keep the people quiet. But in spite of my efforts, I was unable to pacify the Kirghiz, who fled and again betook themselves to the remotest parts of Moghulistan, where they joined Tahir Sultan. Some of them, however, remained. In this year a son was born to the Khan. CHAPTER LXXIV. BIRTH OF SULTAN IBRAHIM, SON OF SULTAN SAID KHAN. IN the month of Shawal of the year 930 . . .* [a son was born to the Khan], and he was given the name of Sultan Ibrahim. Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf received him as a son, and Baba Sarik Mirza, whose name was mentioned in the review [of the army] of Kashghar, was appointed his Atabeg. Magnificent banquets were held in honour of his birth— more splendid, in fact, than any that had been held on previous occasions. The Khan loved him above all his other children . . .* His life will be recounted in its proper place.* CHAPTER LXXV. THE KHAN'S SECOND INVASION OF ANDIJAN. ON return of the spring .. .* the Khan saw fit to go again into Moghulistan to confirm Rashid Sultan's authority. He set forth from Yarkand, and on reaching Kashghar met Hazrat Khwaja Nura, who was coming from the direction of Andijan. Having had the felicity of kissing the Khwaja's feet, the Khan proceeded on his journey to Moghulistan, while the Khwaja went on to Yarkand. Towards the end of summer the Khan reached Issigh Kul, where he learnt that the Kalmak had approached the frontiers of Moghulistan. The Khan, putting his trust in God, hastened on with all speed to Kabikalar, which is ten marches from Issigh Kul. Here a messenger from my uncle in Kashghar brought the news that Suyunjuk Khan was dead, that the Uzbeg Sultans were without a leader, and that a better opportunity than the present one for revenge, was never likely to occur; for how long had such a day been awaited? The reason for my uncle's remaining in Kashghar was that in the last-mentioned spring [summer], on account of the extreme heat of the weather, he had caused fresh green grass to be spread on the ground and iced water to be sprinkled over it; he had then lain down naked on it and had gone to sleep. On awaking he found that he had become paralytic [lakwa], and noticed an impediment in his speech. In the meanwhile, the Khan arrived at Kashghar on his way to Moghulistan, and Khwaja Nura* from Andijan. [Two couplets ...] There is a proverb which runs: "When a sick man is destined to recover, the doctor comes uncalled" — a saying which illustrates the good luck of my uncle. Khwaja Nura applied himself to his treatment, and that is why he had stayed behind in Kashghar. On learning the death of Suyunjuk Khan, he had sent off a messenger to the Khan, and when this messenger arrived in Kabilkakla,* [the Khan] quickly returned. His family being in Issigh Kul, thither he went; then, taking them with him, he proceeded to Kunghar Ulang, and thence towards Andijan. [Verses ...] The fort of Uzkand, which was a very strong one, was taken. [From Uzkand] he marched on to Madu, where the fort is the strongest in all the province of Farghana. It, too, fell an easy prey to his army. Thence they advanced on Ush. All the nobles, learned men, artisans, and peasantry in this neighbourhood were agreed that since Suyunjuk Khan was dead, it would be some time before the Uzbeg could come to any agreement. "Until they have decided upon some definite plan [of action]," said they, "let us go and strengthen and provision the fort of Andijan; then let us take up a position in the mountains. As the Khan [cannot penetrate into the Uzbeg mountains] he will not be able to touch us, nor will he succeed in laying siege to the fort." [So saying, they set out for Andijan.] But when the Uzbeg- Shaiban heard of the Khan's advance towards Andijan, without further conferring or planning, all poured into [Andijan], like locusts or ants, from every quarter. There was no time for making the necessary preparations for a siege, and the Khan was obliged to send many [of his people] back. In that expedition the Khan's army was composed of 25,000 men all told, while the Uzbeg had more than 100,000. [Couplet] ... The men who had been turned away, were sent to Kashghar. The Khan himself went back to Moghulistan and joined his family, which was in Utluk— a well-known place [mauza] in Moghulistan. Then, leaving Rashid Sultan in Moghulistan, he returned to Kashghar, where he again waited on Khwaja Nura. These events took place in the year 931 [1524-5]. CHAPTER LXXVI. LAST VISIT OF THE KHAN TO MOGHULISTAN. THE MOGHULS ARE BROUGHT TO KASHGHAR FROM MOGHULISTAN; AND SOME OTHER CONTEMPORARY EVENTS. AS Rashid Sultan remained in Moghulistan, he made Kuchkar his winter quarters. Now Tahir Khan was in Uzbegistan, but some events occurred there which obliged him to retire to Moghulistan. He therefore came [and settled down] near Kuchkar, where he was joined by half the Kirghiz, to whom he gave protection in his own territories. On this account Rashid Sultan became alarmed, and in the depth of winter fled from Kuchkar to At-Bashi. On learning this, the Khan, towards the end of that same winter, repaired to At-Bashi, and joined his son at [the] Katilish* of At-Bashi. [Rashid's] followers were [thus] reassured. In the [following] spring, the Uzbeg penetrated to the eastern quarter of Moghulistan, which is called Khass and Kunkas.* All the Kirghiz who had remained with Rashid Sultan, were anxious to unite with those Kirghiz who had joined the Uzbeg. The Khan ordered me to accompany Rashid Sultan, and [we] having driven the Kirghiz out of Bumghal and Kuchkar, brought them to At-Bashi. The Khan himself went to Kashghar, in order to gather all the people together, and to see if any agreement could be brought about between them and the Uzbeg. He left me in Moghulistan to ensure law and order among the inhabitants. I accompanied Rashid Sultan, until the Khan returned from Kash-ghar with his family and rejoined our people; then he sent me off to the Kashghar [province] to bring Sultan Nigar Khanim into Moghulistan, that she might mediate with Tahir Khan for the settlement of a peace [with ourselves] . So I went to Yarkand, and conveyed the Khanim back to Moghulistan. The Khan was at Aksai.* Before I arrived, he learnt that the Kirghiz had separated from the Uzbeg. On hearing this, he thought it advisable to go and subdue the Kirghiz, and started from Aksai [for that purpose]. When they had gone one stage, Rashid Sultan fell ill. Bandagi Hazrat Khwaja* happened to be there, on an excursion. When he arrived, he was able in three days, by means of his Christ-like healing power, to change sickness into health. Having delivered the Khanim into the hands of the people, I hastened on to join the army, and came up with them the same day that they left that stage.* I had the felicity of kissing the stirrup of Khwaja Nura, who then turned back. The Khan [at the same time] pushed forward, and in twelve days accomplished forty days' journey. The details of the matter are as follows. When we reached Ak Kumas, the Khan sent me with 5000 men to accompany Rashid Sultan against the Kirghiz, who were then in Arish Lar.* On arriving at this place, we found their camp and their tents left standing. It was clear that they had fled and got away. Some of their arms and baggage [partdl] were lying tumbled about. We concluded that they got news of [our approach]. As we proceeded, we came across some dead bodies, and several horses, wounded or killed by arrows, besides many broken arrows. After careful search, we discovered a man who was half-dead, from whom we learnt that Babajak Sultan had come from Kusan, and attacked the Kirghiz; that three days previous to our arrival a fierce battle had been fought, resulting in the defeat of Babajak Sultan. The Kirghiz, having despatched their families towards the Uzbeg, had then gone in pursuit of Babajak Sultan. Advancing yet further, we lighted upon some 100,000 sheep of the Kirghiz, which we drove along with us. As the Kirghiz had united with the Uzbeg, we were unable to offer them further opposition, so we turned back and rejoined the Khan, for the original object of this expedition was to punish the Kirghiz, and not to attack the Uzbeg. This campaign got the name of Kid Jariki, or the "sheep-army." Now at that time Tahir Khan had a force of 20,000 men, but his fortune was on the decline; for his army had formerly counted a million. He began to increase his violence and severity, and on this account he was abhorred of the surrounding Sultans and men of note. He had a brother named Abul Kasim Sultan. The people were able to judge of him by the violent treatment he meted out to this brother, whom he suddenly put to death; they therefore all at once fled from him, so that none remained but he and his son. These two hurried forward and joined the Kirghiz. This news reached the Khan when he had arrived in Kashghar. The reason for his going there, was that the Moghuls had represented to him that the Kirghiz had united with the Uzbeg, and these latter intended to settle down in Moghulistan, while he knew that he had not strength sufficient to cope with the numbers of the Uzbeg. It would therefore be dangerous for them [the Moghuls] to remain in Moghulistan that winter. For these reasons, the Khan brought Rashid Sultan, and all the Moghuls of Moghulistan, to Kashghar.* Here they learned the news of the rout of the Uzbeg. At the end of the spring, it being difficult to return to Moghulistan, they remained in Kashghar. It was about the beginning of spring that Tahir Khan joined the Kirghiz. He carried off all the Kirghiz who had been left in At-Bashi, together with the droves of horses which the Moghuls had left in Moghulistan. CHAPTER LXXVII. REASONS FOR BABA SULTAN'S FLIGHT, AND THE CONCLUSION OF HIS STORY. BABA SULTAN has been already mentioned above, as the son of the Khan's brother, Sultan Khalil Sultan. He was a mere child when his father was drowned in the river, at Akhsi, by Jani Beg Sultan, in the year 914. After the Khan took Andijan, Baba Sultan remained in the Khan's service, and was treated with such consideration that he became an object of envy to [the Khan's own] children. Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who has been frequently mentioned, was appointed his governor [Atdka]. This man, as has been explained, had a plan [for seizing] Moghulistan, and taking Baba Sultan with him. But my uncle opposed this, and arranged that Rashid Sultan should go instead. On this account, Baba Sultan was offended. Despite the attentions the Khan showed him, his resentment increased daily, and in proportion as Rashid Sultan rose [in power], his jealousy became the more bitter. Moreover, some devils of companions (who are to be found everywhere, and who sow the seeds of hypocrisy in the soil of men's hearts) did their best to incite him to sedition and revolt; so that at length he came to the conclusion that there was nothing left but flight. One of these men was named Mazid, a person of evil ways, whom the Khan had at first favoured, but finding that he did not perform his duties in the posts to which he was appointed, the Khan deprived him of his rank. This person found it inconvenient to remain in Kashghar, so he approached Baba Sultan, and filled his ears with many idle tales, which Baba Sultan, from the vanity of youth, or rather from sheer ignorance, took for truth. Among other deceitful statements, he said to him: "It is a ruler of capability such as you, that Kashghar stands in need of, and everybody is seeking for a really good king. Wherever you go, the people accept you as Baba Shahi. Look, for example, at Sultan Avais in Khatlan-Hisar. Failing to find a good king, he set himself up on his own account, and now bows his head to no one. If you present yourself before him, he will make you king, while he himself will advance and take the whole of Badakhshan, and accomplish much that I cannot [now] explain. The truth of the matter is, that the sovereignty of Khorasan and Mavara-un-Nahr is far more important than that of Kashghar and Moghulistan [and you may attain it]." Such idle tales as these did he string together, and by persistence, made them appear reasonable. Thus was Baba Sultan duped by this man and one or two others of the same sort. In the summer of the afore-mentioned year, they fled from Yarkand. The Khan did not send in pursuit of them, but said: "If they find some one better than I am, well and good; if not, they will retnrn." Baba Sultan fled to Sultan Avais, and thence to Badakhshan. Here he saw that he had been deceived, and that these cowardly men had misled him for their own private ends. Repentant, he returned to Kashghar. But the Khan was unwilling [that he should remain], as shall be shortly explained. So being obliged to quit the country, he withdrew to Hindustan, where he conducted himself badly. Babar Padishah gave him Ruhtak, an important town in Hisar-Firuza, where he followed his uncommendable courses, but shortly afterwards was seized with dysentery, and died in the course of the year 937, at the age of twenty-four. In his youth he had been so spoiled by the Khan, that his masters could do nothing with him, and his studies came to naught. [Two couplets] . . . Yet he was not devoid of natural talents, for he was a skilled archer and conversed well. At an early period he was fond of me, and we were such warm friends that we always used the same tent on journeys, and the same dwelling at court. His aunt was with me and my sister with him, on which account we were always able to associate without ceremony. Then occurred the affair of my uncle; a bitterness arose between them, and he plotted against the Khan. All my warnings and reproofs were in vain, and after this our friendship began to cool. When he came back [from his flight into Badakh-shan] the Khan sent me to order him away again. [On our meeting, Baba Sultan] began to make profuse excuses and apologies and to profess regret that he had turned a deaf ear to my counsels. [Verses] . . . Seeing him thus sad and repentant, I hoped he might persist in reforming his conduct, but on reaching India, a change for the worse came over him, and on account of his former evil associations, he never again mended his ways. [Verse] . . . His body was carried from Ruhtak to Badakhshan, and was buried in the tomb of Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi— his grandfather on his grandmother's side. CHAPTER LXXVIII. SHAH MUHAMMAD SULTAN, AND CONCLUSION OF HIS STORY. SHAH MUHAMMAD SULTAN was the son of Sultan Muhammad Sultan, son of Sultan Mahmud Khan, son of Yunus Khan. He was only a child when Sultan Mahmud Khan, with his [other] children, was put to death by Shahi Beg Khan, as has been explained. One of Shahi Beg Khan's Amirs, taking pity on this child, instead of putting him to death, kept him safe in hiding. After Shahi Beg Khan had been killed, and Babar Padishah conquered Mavara-un-Nahr, this Uzbeg Amir sent the child to the Emperor, in whose service he remained [for some time]. When the Emperor, on account of the successes of the Uzbeg, was obliged to return to Kabul, Shah Muhammad Sultan stayed in Badakhshan with Mirza Khan. On hearing of the conquest of Kashghar, he went to join the Khan, who loved, and treated, him as his own son. He was brought up in the special apartments of [the Khan's] children, and when he was grown up, the Khan gave him his full sister, Khadija Sultan Khanim, as a proof of his love and a token of his perfect regard for him. [Couplet] . . . We spent most of our time in each other's society. During nine years Shah Muhammad Sultan, Baba Sultan and I had remained continually in the Khan's service. Like the three dots under the letter Sin in Said,* we were never separated, nor did we leave his service for a moment on any pretext. Our worldly goods we shared in common, and were participators in each other's praise and blame. . .* For nine years this unanimity of feeling and action continued. But at length the crooked wheel of fortune worked a change. . .* In the spring following the winter in which Baba Sultan fled, a strange circumstance happened to Shah Muhammad Sultan. The details are as follows. There was, at this time, a certain Baba Sayyid, son of the sister of Mirza Muhammad Begjik, for whom Shah Muhammad Sultan conceived a great friendship. But Baba Sayyid was a young man who, from the first, passed the limits of decency and moderation. [Verses concerning impiety and immorality]... The remonstrances, reproofs and advice of the Khan and myself were in vain; his immoral conduct could not be checked, and he went so far as to prompt the young Sultan to aspire to sovereignty. The matter was rumoured everywhere and discussed by every one, till at last the Khan saw no remedy, but to banish the young sultan from the country. [Couplet] . . . He therefore sent Shah Muhammad Sultan, together with Baba Sayyid and some attendants, to Karatigin. Two of the Amirs, Muhammadi Barlas and Amir Janaka, attended them as an escort. But on the road Amir Janaka showed some hostility and wished to convey the Sultan to some place [other than their destination], on which account Muhammadi Barlas seized him. Thereupon Baba Sayyid incited Shah Muhammad Sultan to attempt the release of Amir Janaka, saying: "It is his fidelity to you that has exposed him to this misfortune. You must save him from the hands of Muhammadi Barlas, by main force. What can Muhammadi do to you?" Shah Muhammad Sultan, deceived by these words, turned back and at midnight approached the party, who being apprehensive [of some such danger] were standing fully armed. [As he approached] he called out: "Release Amir Janaka!" to which they replied: "Whosoever you may be, retire! otherwise we will smother you in arrows." The Sultan heard this threat, but paid no attention to it. (Has it not been said: at night the king is unjust?) The party then let fly their arrows and, by chance, the Sultan was struck [in the breast]; he retired a short distance and then expired. Muhammadi captured Amir Janaka. Having acted thus violently without orders, the party were thrown into the utmost consternation and knew not what to do next. A strange discussion took place among the Ulus. Some who had advised the Sultan, fled. Others, the Khan reassured with promises and agreements. In the meanwhile Baba Sultan, who had fled the previous winter to Khatlan and Kunduz, having discovered that what Mazid and the rest of them had told him was false and groundless, returned ashamed and penitent. The Khan sent me to meet him, and I turned him back; but I supplied him with all necessaries for the journey, before bidding him farewell, as has been related. The wife of Shah Muhammad Sultan (the Khan's sister) and Sultan Nigar Khanim and Daulat Sultan Khanim (the Khan's aunt) and also the aunt of Shah Muhammad Sultan's father, and the Khan's wife, Zainab Sultan Khanim (Shah Muhammad Sultan's aunt) all came and demanded of the Khan why he had ordered the death of Shah Muhammad Sultan. Whereupon the Khan swore a solemn oath, saying: "I did not give the order." They then said: "Deliver Muhammadi over to us! that we may avenge on him the death [of the Sultan]." To this the Khan agreed. Muhammadi appealed to me and my uncle to rescue him. He was in the service of Rashid Sultan. He begged me to use my endeavours for his security, so I took his part, and privately, but with great emphasis, represented to the Khan as follows: "The Sultans who were brothers are all gone: this Sultan, who is your son, and still remains, will also be offended, and I too should be much afflicted [if you put Muhammadi to death], for he is a blood relation of mine." The Khan then placed the whole matter in my hands [saying: "You can act as you choose; if you wish to retaliate, do so: if you wish to let him go, the choice lies with you."] But the above- mentioned Khanims, who were all either my maternal aunts or their daughters, began with one accord to blame and reproach me, saying: "What in the world will your blood connection with the Barlas lead you to, if it make you neglect such an important duty as this? Shah Muhammad Sultan was a closer connection by many degrees than he. If [Muhammadi] is your father's uncle, this man [Shah Muhammad Sultan] was your own uncle, and besides this, your friend and companion. Your cousin* Khadija is his wife, and his wife's sister (the daughter of his paternal uncle) is of your household.* How can you, in consideration of all this, attach yourself to the side of Muhammadi?" [Such were the taunts and reproaches they poured down on me]; nevertheless, Fate willed that I should pay no attention to the true words of my relations; I returned falsehood for truth and would not hear of retaliation. I put Muhammadi under the care of my uncle, who carried him off into the mountainous tracts of Kashghar. This incident led to a certain degree of ill-feeling between myself and my relations, [which was, however, dispelled a short time after]. But I was caused much trouble and exposed to great annoyance, ere I was able to deliver Muhammadi Barlas out of the hands of the Khanims; and [in doing so] I raised an executioner for my uncle and his children. I brought calamity upon myself— God forgive me! and again I say God forgive me! Since I did this unjust action, God sent this same Muhammadi [to overpower us]. Verily injustice can only bring ruin in its train. This same Muhammadi, whom I and my uncle had saved from so great a danger, neglected nothing in his endeavours to murder my uncle and his children, and to bring about the extinction of myself and my house — a house upon which four hundred years had worked no change. The Prophet said: "Whoso helpeth a tyrant, God will give the tyrant power over him." CHAPTER LXXIX. RASHID SULTAN AND THE AUTHOR LEAD A HOLY WAR INTO BALUR. AFTER the affair of Shah Muhammad Sultan, misunderstandings arose among my relations. In the winter of the same year, the Khan commanded Rashid Sultan and myself to make a holy war on Balur. Though we had been at variance with our relations, we made it up, and set out in all haste for Balur. Balur is an infidel country [Kdfiristdn], and most of its inhabitants are mountaineers. Not one of them has a religion or a creed. Nor is there anything which they [consider it right to] abstain from or to avoid [as impure]; but they do whatever they list, and follow their desires without check or compunction. Baluristan is bounded on the east by the provinces of Kashghar and Yarkand; on the north by Badakhshan; on the west by Kabul and Lumghan; and on the south by the dependencies of Kashmir.* It is four months' journey in circumference. Its whole extent consists of mountains, valleys, and defiles, insomuch that one might almost say that in the whole of Baluristan, not one farsdkh of level ground is to be met with. The population is numerous. No village is at peace with another, but there is constant hostility, and fights are continually occurring among them. Most of their battles are conducted in the following manner. Their women are employed in the management of the house and the labour of the fields; the men in war. While their wives are in their houses preparing the food [the men will be engaged in fighting] . Then the wives will come out to them and make them desist, saying it is time for a meal, and they must leave off fighting. So they separate and go back to their homes to eat their food, after which they return to the fight until afternoon prayer-time, when the women will again come on the scene and make peace, which endures till sunrise, every one having returned to his own house. Sometimes it happens that no pacification is brought about, in which case they fortify and watch their houses all through the night with the utmost vigilance. In this way do they spend the whole of their lives. As plains and pasture grounds are scarce, the people can keep but few cattle. They own a small number of sheep and goats from whose wool they make clothes, and cows which furnish them with milk and butter; beyond these they have nothing [in the way of flocks] . The tribe of each separate valley speaks a different language [to that of its neighbours], and no one tribe knows the language of another. On account of being continually at war, few of them have seen any other village than their own. In Balur there are beautiful gardens and an abundance of fruits, especially of pomegranates, which are excellent and most plentiful. There is one kind of pomegranate which is peculiar to Baluristan. Its seeds are white and very transparent; it is also sweet, pure, and full-flavoured. Honey is also abundant. To resume: we passed that winter in Baluristan and fought many bloody [sab] battles, in which victory was on our side. In the spring we returned in safety, laden with spoil, and came to Sarigh Chupan, where a fifth of the booty was set apart; and a fifth amounted to more than a thousand [loads]. In the early part of the spring of 934 we rejoined the Khan. In the summer following, Sultan Nigar Khanim, whom I have had occasion to mention so frequently in this book, died of a haemorrhage. I discovered the date in [the word] "khuldash." CHAPTER LXXX. SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE KHAN INTO BADAKHSHAN, AND THE CAUSES OF CERTAIN CONTEMPORARY EVENTS. IN the year 935 [1528-9] Babar Padishah recalled Humayun Mirza into Hindustan. The reason for this was that Mirza Khan (the son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, son of Abu Said Mirza) had died in Badahkshan, as has been related, and left behind him a child named Sulaiman. Babar Padishah took this boy and kept him near himself, placing his own distinguished son, Humayun, on the throne of Badakhshan, where he reigned from 926 to 935. At the time when Babar Padishah had subdued Hindustan and overthrown his enemies, two of his sons had become youths — Humayun Mirza and Kamran Mirza. Leaving the latter in Kandahar, he sent for Humayun in order that he might have one of his sons [continually] by him, so that if he were to die suddenly, there would be a successor near at hand. For these reasons he recalled Humayun Mirza into Hindustan. But the people of Badakhshan made the following representation to Humayun Mirza: "Badakhshan borders on the [territory of the] Uzbeg, who cherish in their hearts an ancient hatred for Badakhshan. [If they attack Badakhshan] our Amirs will be unable to check them." To this Humayun Mirza made reply: "All that you say is true, still I am unable to deviate from my father's commands. But I will do my best to send one of my brothers to you, as soon as possible." Having thus reassured the people, he started for Hindustan. [No sooner was he gone than] the inhabitants of [Badakhshan] began to despair; and all the Amirs, with Sultan Avais at their head, despatched express messengers to the Khan, representing: "Humayun Mirza has gone to Hindustan, leaving this province in the hands of Fakir Ali, who is quite incapable of coping with the Uzbeg, [and therefore] of establishing tranquillity in Badakhshan. If, by such and such a date, the Khan were to come, all would be well; otherwise we must succumb to the Uzbeg. But if the Uzbeg come and attack us before the arrival of the Khan, they will not be able [by the date mentioned] to obtain a firm footing. We implore his help. Perhaps he maybe the cause of our salvation. Moreover, Badakhshan belongs to the Khan by right of inheritance from his grandmother, Shah Begum; nor is there a more rightful heir than he." So persistent were they in their appeals, that the Khan became convinced that if he did not go [to their aid] Badakhshan would fall into the hands of the Uzbeg. Therefore, at the beginning of Moharram of the year '36, he set out for Badakhshan, leaving Rashid Sultan in Yarkand. It has been mentioned above, that Tahir Khan had been left alone, and in the winter had been deserted by the Kirghiz and all his following. On this account the Khan showed him magnanimity and did nothing. After he had been a short time among the Kirghiz, about twenty or thirty thousand Uzbeg again gathered round him; and he prepared himself in every way [for war]. [The Khan on his departure] therefore left Rashid Sultan to guard and protect the province of Kashghar. On reaching Sarigh Chupan, the Khan sent me forward with an advance guard [manghaldi], while he followed after. I arrived in Badakhshan and learnt that Hindal Mirza, the youngest of the Emperor's sons, had been sent from Kabul by Humayun Mirza; also that twelve* days previous [to my arrival] he had reached and entered Kala Zafar. As it was the season of Capricorn and the middle of winter, to turn back would have been difficult. So [we were obliged to] go on to Kala Zafar, where we tried to enter into some negotiations, suggesting that some of the districts of Badakhshan should be given up to us, and at the close of the winter the Khan would again retire. But they did not trust us; nay, more, they suspected us of deceit. So we finally resolved upon pillage, and, until the Khan arrived, I scoured the whole country round Kala Zafar; I brought together both man and beast, and indeed all to which the word "thing" could be applied. At the end of a few days the Khan himself arrived, and during three months laid siege to Kala Zafar, while his men carried off, from the surrounding country, the little that I had left. Near the end of winter, many of the Amirs who had sent for the Khan, came and waited on him, representing, with profuse apologies, that if Hindal Mirza had not come, they would have hastened to meet and receive the Khan. To this the Khan replied: "It is out of the question that I should oppose Babar Padishah. You sent me entreating letters, saying that you would be swallowed up by the Uzbeg, and that the presence of the Uzbeg in Badakhshan would be equally hurtful to both sides;* for this reason I came. As matters stand, every man ought now to return to his own home." [Thereupon] the Khan left Kala Zafar, and set out again for Kashghar. When news of the Khan's entry into Badakhshan reached the Emperor, he was greatly displeased, and after due consideration and reflection, he despatched Sulaiman Shah Mirza [to Badakhshan] and recalled Hindal Mirza [into Hindustan]. At the same time he wrote to the Khan: "Considering my numerous claims [on your consideration] [and the ties that exist between us] this affair seems strange. I have recalled Hindal Mirza, and have sent Sulaiman. If you have any regard for hereditary rights, you will be kind to Sulaiman Shah, and leave him in possession of Badakhshan, for he is as a son to us both. This would be well. Otherwise I, having given up my responsibility, will place the inheritance in the hands of the heir. The rest you know." When Sulaiman Shah Mirza reached Kabul,* [he found that the Khan] had retreated some time before. Hindal Mirza, in obedience to the orders he had received, gave up Badakhshan to Sulaiman Shah Mirza, and proceeded to India. From that time to the present, Sulaiman has reigned in Badakhshan. The Khan [returning from Badakhshan] reached Yarkand at the beginning of spring. On the road my uncle fell ill, and when he arrived at Kashghar, his complaint took the forms of intermittent fever, dropsy, asthma and ague, so that all the doctors who were attending him, such as Khwaja Nur-ud-Din, Abdul Vahid Tuhuri, Kazi Shams-ud-Din Ali and others, were at a loss; the symptoms at last became so grave that his life was despaired of. In the meanwhile Khwaja Nura arrived from Turfan, whither he had gone on the invitation of Mansur Khan, who had said that if [the Hazrat] would honour him with a visit, he and his friends would esteem it a great blessing. [Couplet] . . . Accepting this invitation, Khwaja Nura went to Turfan, and having quenched the thirst of those parched wanderers in the desert of longing, with the wine of his presence, he returned to Kashghar. [Two couplets] . . . My uncle's state was now such that he fainted every few minutes, and became unconscious.* Soon after his Holiness began to attend to my uncle, the gravity of the disease showed signs of abatement. All his remedies had a beneficial effect, yet as a fact, this was not medical treatment, but miraculous power and holy influence: for the patient had become so weak and emaciated that he could not take medicines, and in such circumstances what can a doctor do? Therefore this was a miracle. During this time a difference arose between Khwaja Nura and his younger brother, Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf, on account of the neglect of a point of etiquette. The breach widened [from day to day]. One day I went to wait upon Khwaja Nura, and found Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf sitting in his presence. Khwaja Nura had worked himself into a passion, and as soon as I had taken my seat, said: "Muhammad Yusuf, why do you act thus? If you are the disciple of our father, I am the disciple of his Holiness — that is, of Khwaja Ihrar Khwaja Ubaidullah; and besides this I have many points of superiority over you. You are foster-brother to my eldest son. Apart from all this, I am supported by God and His Prophet; what strength have you to oppose me?" Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf replied: "I also am hopeful of the help of the Prophet." Then, asked Khwaja Nura: "Are you willing that the Prophet should be mediator between us?" Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf answered: "I am quite willing," and Khwaja Nura having intimated that he also was willing, not another word was said. Thus the meeting terminated. Shortly after this, Khwaja Nura set out for Badakhshan. One day somebody came and told him that Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf had fallen ill, and was asking for him. I went to visit him and found he had a fever. The Khwaja said to me: "I know well that Khwaja Khavand Mahmud has taken an interest in me for some time past, he is kindly disposed towards me and gives me comfort from the Prophet. But now I do not know what has become of this comfort; for not a trace of it is apparent, and I am quite convinced that I shall not recover from my present illness. Khwaja Khavand, who is my brother— nay more, stands in the place of a father to me, ought not to have treated me thus; he has put aside all his brotherly love and fatherly affection." These and a thousand such lamentations did he pour into my ears. He also told me a few anecdotes, and entrusted some of his household to my care. He gave me a garment of camel's-hair and an apron, as souvenirs. In vain did I attempt to dispel his ideas [of impending death]; he only replied: "I am convinced; there is not a shadow of doubt." He died on the sixth night of his illness, on the 14th of the month Safar of the year 937. 1 discovered this date in "Tdir-i-Bihishti" [a bird of paradise]. After this, the Khan sent me to Khwaja Nura to entreat him to return, which he did, and the Khan came out to receive him; he placed his head at the Khwaja's feet and offered him profuse apologies. The funeral rites of Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf were then performed, [including] the giving of alms, distribution of food and reading the Koran through. But Khwaja Nura chose to dwell in Yangi-Hisar, and the Khan, in order to wait on him, left Yarkand and went thither likewise. There, they and the friends and disciples of the Khwaja spent that winter. The Khwaja performed wondrous things in their sight. The Khan was continually in his service. CHAPTER LXXXI. CAUSES OF THE RUPTURE BETWEEN THE KHAN AND AIMAN KHWAJA SULTAN. THE details of this affair would be tedious and irrelevant; but it was briefly as follows. Mirza Ali Taghai, whose name appears in the lists made at Kashghar,* was exceedingly jealous of my uncle, but this did not show itself outwardly. Although he tried hard [to injure him], slander and detraction could gain no hearing in the service of the Khan. As was mentioned above, the Khan gave my uncle's daughter to Aiman Khwaja Sultan in marriage, and from this connection had come many fine children; thus a bond of union [which should have lasted till the day of judgment] was formed between my uncle and the Sultan. But seditious thoughts suggested themselves to Mirza Ali Taghai. Since the spirit of jealousy had no effect on the Khan's relations with the Mirza, he tried to beguile Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and stir up the dust of dissension between the brothers. He would thus, he thought, gain his end. For if Sayyid Muhammad Mirza took the part of his son-in-law and the latter's children, he would have, of necessity, to break with his maternal uncle, which would suit his [Mirza Ali Taghai's] purposes well. If, on the other hand [the Mirza] sided with the Khan, he would be closing the eye of fatherly affection on Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and his children. In this event likewise [the Mirza] would suffer, for the cause of Aiman Khwaja Sultan would be ruined, and the power of the Mirza, in a measure, broken. Acting upon these mischievous calculations, he, by a series of misrepresentations and suggestions, made the Khan and Aiman Khwaja Sultan mutually apprehensive of one another. The details are briefly these: At the time when the Khan marched against Andijan, [Mirza Ali Taghai] said privately to Aiman Khwaja Sultan: "I perceive that the Khan has changed [in his conduct] towards you, on account of my loyalty; he wishes to set up his son Rashid Sultan in your place, and give him the province of Aksu. You must now look well to your own interests, and trusting my words, act upon them." While to the Khan, he was for ever saying: "Aiman Khwaja Sultan is afraid of you without right or reason. It is very probable that he will appeal to your enemies for aid [and stir up a revolt]. But the Khan does not credit my words, and says they are the outcome of mere delusion. His evidence is that this year Aiman Khwaja Sultan is committing such and such acts." [Then Mirza Ali Taghai] sends secretly to the Sultan, saying: "The right time is now come for you to do so and so." In his artlessness and stupidity [the Sultan] does what has been suggested. Then Mirza Ali Taghai represents to the Khan: "I told you that Aiman Khwaja Sultan would do such and such a thing this year. My words have come true." From the time of the Khan's march against Andijan until his death, a period of some six years, this sort of intrigue was continually going on. And finally the Khan became altogether estranged from Aiman Khwaja Sultan. It was in vain that my uncle and I reproved Aiman Khwaja Sultan; when we asked him why he acted in this way, he could give no satisfactory reply, but persisted in his course; his motives were unknown to us. At last we discovered that it was all the work of Mirza Ali Taghai. When Mirza Ali Taghai remarked the great change in the Khan's feelings towards Aiman Khwaja Sultan, he took advantage of the opportunity, and represented as follows to the Khan: "Since Aiman Khwaja Sultan's presence in Aksu may lead to a revolt, it will be better to set up Rashid Sultan in his place, and send him to govern some district of Badakhshan. This would be greatly to your advantage. But I am fearful lest the Mirzas become angry with me. If they consent [to the arrangement] you will find it most advantageous; but it will be a difficult thing to mention to the Mirzas." (By the Mirzas, he meant my uncle and myself.) The Khan told me of this; I replied: "In what way is Aiman Khwaja Sultan preferable to your Highness' [other] servants, that this change should be necessary for the good of the State? I do not consent to it. His relationship to your Highness is [only] equal to ours. If my uncle's daughter is of his household and has children [by him], the daughter of my paternal uncle is in your haram, and these two amount to precisely the same [degree of relationship]. Rather there is the advantage [on our side] that I have been in your service for twenty-three years, and you have always singled me out for your fatherly care and brotherly love. How then shall I exchange the Khan's cause for that of the Sultan? I will forward any measure that may be for the benefit of your State, by all the means in my power." The Khan spoke also of this matter to my uncle, who said: "[Your Highness'] opinion is always enlightened; I am ready to do your bidding on every occasion. . .* Although I did not know that [the Sultan] could harm you, yet I trust your hitherto infallible judgment, and will do whatever is most fitting in the matter." These discussions being terminated, the Khan explained to us his proposals. He ordered me to take Rashid Sultan [to Aksu], and after sending Aiman Khwaja Sultan away from there, to place Rashid Sultan upon the throne. Aiman Khwaja Sultan was to come to [the Khan's] court, and to remain there until the country should be reduced to order. All must be done to advance the affairs of Rashid Sultan. To my uncle he said: "Let all be carried out as I have ordered." I said: "With all willingness I undertake the task." Two days later I started for Aksu. On reaching Uch I was received by Shah Baz Mirza, who was also mentioned in the lists at Kashghar. After leaving Uch, I was met [istikbdl] by all the men of Aiman Khwaja Sultan, who sent a message to me asking: "What has happened? How would it be for us, having set aside all considerations of relationship, to meet [in consultation]?" But I would not consent [to an interview] and said: "As there is nothing to be gained by an interview, it is not worth while to have one." I then sent a person to [the Sultan] with all the necessary provisions for a journey, and also some trusty men to accompany him. [After that I set myself] to encourage the soldiers and populace [of Aksu] and to settle their affairs in the most profitable manner; I passed the necessary orders to the old servants of Rashid Sultan, and arranged the government of the province by dividing it equally into villages and districts. Thus all the people were reassured. I stayed there six months. Rashid Sultan was satisfied with all that was done, and there grew up between us the strongest attachment. During my sojourn, we were never apart for a moment. There was not the slightest disagreement between us. All that he did was pleasing in my sight; and all that I performed met with his approval. Whatever I had suffered in being separated from my old friends, that is to say, Shah Muhammad Sultan and Baba Sultan, was atoned for in my friendship with Rashid Sultan. One day Rashid Sultan said to me: "Although formerly in Moghulistan, in accordance with the Moghul usage, and by the Khan's express command, there existed between us close friendship, and we used to give each other horses, nevertheless this fellowship was not confirmed by any vow. I am now desirous of renewing the old friendship and of ratifying it by solemn oaths." I too showed my willingness, and the conditions of our covenant were that, on my side, as long as the Khan should live, I would remain in his service; but if the Khan were to die, I would serve no one but him [Rashid Sultan] — and serve him in the Khan's place, as he had served the Khan. Rashid Sultan said: "After the Khan, I look upon you as my eldest brother. If, in public, you reverence me in the place of the Khan, I in private will honour you as you deserve, and will show you even greater kindness and favour than did the Khan. I will give such offices to your uncle and relations as you may judge best." And all this we confirmed with binding oaths. [Two couplets] . . . This matter being concluded, he bade me farewell, and I returned to the Khan, who was in Yangi-Hisar. He received me in a most flattering manner, and would not hear of my going back to my home in Yarkand; but instead, took me with him on a hunting expedition to Tuyun Bashi— one of the frontiers of Moghulistan. On reaching the hunting ground, we were joined by the Sultan, who came from Aksu. Soon after this the Khan had a return of his old chronic illness, which took the form of flatulence, or wind in the belly and stomach, fits of shivering, and partial paralysis. Often, after hunting, he got a chill on the stomach, and his malady returned. But on this occasion the symptoms were worse than they had ever been before. My uncle was immediately sent for from Kashghar; but by the time he arrived the doctors of the royal camp had succeeded in curing the disease, by means of effective remedies. Still, this time the Khan was much concerned about his illness. He sent for my uncle and Rashid Sultan, and said to them: "This illness has made me very anxious. I have frequently had such attacks before; for several years they have happened annually, but this year I have been seized twice, and the second time more severely than the first. My wish now is that there should be a covenant between you (meaning my uncle) and Rashid Sultan. In Mirza Haidar's case there is no need of renewal, for not only did I establish them on a friendly footing in Moghulistan, but they have lately again, in Aksu, concluded a satisfactory agreement." Then, addressing them both in the Turki language, the Khan continued: "Oh, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, if anything should happen to me, look upon Rashid Sultan as standing in my place. And you, Rashid, look upon the Mirza as in my place also." He said many kind things besides, all of which it would be tedious to repeat here. The Khan took up his winter quarters in Yangi-Hisar, while I went to Yarkand. Previously, when I had come from Aksu I had found the Khan busily engaged in reading with, and learning under [irddat], Hazrat Makhdumi Nura. CHAPTER LXXXII. THE KHAN BECOMES A DISCIPLE OF KHWAJA KHAVAND MAHMUD. AFTER the Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf incident, I tried constantly to induce the Khan to place himself under the guidance of Hazrat Makhdumi Nura. The Khan would reply: "I desire this with all my soul. Without seeking [what you suggest], I wished to resign the government in order that I might follow that most perfect guide, Khwaja Nura; but the more I examined myself, the less capable did I feel of making an open request to his Holiness. I then resolved to change my mode of living and to mend my ways, so as to render myself more fitting for his service. If I should acquire proficiency and capacity in the right path, then would Khwaja Nura show me favour, without any request on my part; but if I should fail, my petition would be fruitless. I trust that, by God's grace, I may attain my end without addressing an open request to his Holiness. If such a happy consummation should be reached I shall feel reassured." However much I insisted, the Khan always gave the same reply. A few months after my departure for Aksu, a letter arrived, directed in my name, containing certain [instructions] with regard to the affairs of Aksu; and on the margin there was some of the Khan's blessed handwriting. I have it intact before me at this moment.* ******* CHAPTER LXXXIII. GENEALOGY AND LIFE OF HAZRAT KHWAJA KHAVAND MAHMUD SHAHAB-UD-DIN. (HE is always spoken of in this book as Hazrat Makhdumi Nura.) He received the name of M ahmud from his father, and that of Shahab-ud-Din from his grandfather. Out of veneration they gave him the name of Khwaja Khavand Mahmud . . .* I have heard Hazrat Makhdumi Nura relate that when his father died he was twenty-seven years of age. He had heard his father say: "In Shahr-i-Sabz of Samarkand there is a garden, and in the garden a mulberry tree; and Khwaja Baha-ul-Hakk wa ud-Din Nakhshband used to sit leaning against that tree. Hazrat Ishan, on account of this blessing, bought the garden. In front of the tree is a tank. One night, on the edge of the tank, Hazrat Ishan related to Khwaja Ubaid- ul-Hadi and myself as follows: "During the lifetime of Hazrat Ishan* I suffered from a weakness of the stomach, which the doctors of Mavara-un-Nahr were unable to cure. I then went into Khorasan,* where the Shaikh ul Islam, Maulana Abdur Rahman Jami, brought me to his own house, and in his service I remained [for some little time]. I studied some of his tracts under him." I learnt that he had received his education at the hands of Bandagi Maulavi [Jami], and from the pamphlet which I have copied into this book,* it appears that Khwaja Nura read standard books under him. After the death of Jami, he went into Irak, where he enjoyed the society of Mir Hasan Yazdi and Mir Sadr-ud-Din. He next went and studied, for a period of six years, under Maulana Jalal-ud-Din Davani, and he also studied medicine under Maulana Imad- ud-Din, who was the most eminent physician, not merely in Irak, but in the whole world. . .* Having completed his medical studies in Shiraz, he passed into Rum, where also he devoted himself to study. Thence he journeyed into Egypt. Having performed the pilgrimage [to Mekka], he embarked at Jadda, and went to India by way of Gujrat. Thence he repaired to Kabul, where Babar Padishah was at that time; and I, as already mentioned, was there also. These travels had occupied Khwaja Nura twenty-three years. When the Emperor took Samarkand, the Khwaja went thither, and on the Emperor's returning to Kabul, the Khwaja remained in Samarkand until the year 931, when he returned to Kashghar, as was mentioned. In those days he related: "In Samarkand I saw, in a vision, Maulana Haji Kasim (one of Hazrat Ishan's servants) come with two horses, saying that Hazrat Ishan had ordered him to tell Khwaja Nura to take these two horses and go to Kashghar." Before the Khwaja reached Kashghar my uncle was attacked by paralysis, but on his arrival the Khwaja, by means of his remedies, completely restored him to health. He stayed two years in Kashghar, where his associates were enriched by his blessings. Mansur Khan sent some persons to him, saying that no Makh-dumzada had ever come to those corners [of the earth], Turfan and Chalish, which were the residence of the disciples of his [spiritual] fathers; these people and this country had never been blessed by a visit from the Khwaja. As it would be difficult for his friends in those quarters to go to him, all their blessings would be upon him if he would come and honour them. The Khwaja accepted this invitation of Mansur Khan, and set out for Turfan, where he remained nearly three years, and brought blessings to those who associated with him. On the Khan's return from the Badakhshan campaign, Khwaja Nura left Turfan and stayed in Kashghar to attend my uncle, who, as mentioned above, had become subject to fits of vomiting [istiskd]. Having again restored my uncle to perfect health, he proceeded to Yarkand. Here Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf, as has been related above, did not come out to greet him in the prescribed manner, from which circumstance a dispute arose, which terminated as already described. After this affair he went to Yangi-Hisar, in which place the Khan also spent the winter, in order to wait upon his Holiness . . .* The Khwaja told me that after the death of Abdur Rahman J ami, he found under his pillow some rough copies, one of which he gave, written out, to me; an?? I have copied it here. He gave me these passages in Yangi-Hisar in the year 937 [1530-31]...* At the end of the winter I went to Aksu, and there [found] the Khan and some of his adherents, high officials, nobles, and others. At their request the Khwaja wrote several pamphlets. One of these is the following, which I have copied out in full.* ******* The Pamplet has been omited by the Translator CHAPTER LXXXIV. JOURNEY OF HAZRAT MAKHDUMI INTO INDIA, 1 AND CERTAIN MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH. THAT spring, Hazrat Makhdumi Nura set out for India by way of Badakhshan. The Khan escorted him as far as the pass of Shah-naz, * [representing] seven or eight days' journey. I, being in Aksu at the time, was denied participation in this happiness. On my return from Aksu the Khan said to me: "On bidding farewell to Khwaja Nura, I begged him to recite the Fdtiha, and just as he was about to commence I asked him, as a favour, to first of all repeat it for Mirza Haidar and afterwards for me. He granted my request, and having first recited it for you, he then did so for me." [Two couplets] . . . Those who were present relate that the Khan, during the few stages he made with the Khwaja, was overcome with grief, and whenever the Khwaja spoke, he was so overpowered with emotion, that he could not restrain his tears, — a circumstance that greatly impressed those who were present. [Verses]... As this was the last time the Khan would see the Khwaja, he naturally felt severely the pangs of separation. In short, Khwaja Nura arrived in Hindustan. The frontier towns of Hindustan, namely, Kabul and Lahur, were then held by Kamran Mirza, who humbly begged the Khwaja to stay in Lahur, but the Khwaja replied: "From the first, it had been my intention to wait upon the Emperor [Babar]; therefore I must now go and condole with Humayun. Having performed this duty, should I return, I will accept your invitation." He then went to Agra, the capital of India, where he was received with great honour by the Emperor [Humayun]. At that period there had arisen in Hindustan a man named Shaikh Pul. Humayun was anxious to become his disciple, for he had a great passion for the occult sciences— for magic and conjuration. Shaikh Pul having assumed the garb of a Shaikh, came to the Emperor and taught him that incantations and sorcery were the surest means to the true attainment of an object. Since doctrines such as these suited his disposition, he became at once the Shaikh's disciple. Besides this person, there was Maulana Muhammad Parghari who, though a Mulla, was a very [irreligious] and unprincipled man, and who always worked hard to gain his ends, even when they were of an evil nature. The Shaikh asked the aid of Mulla Muhammad and, in common, by means of flattery, they wrought upon the Emperor for their own purposes, and gained his favour. Not long after this I went to visit the Emperor, as shall be presently related, but I could never gather that he had learned anything from his Pit, Shaikh Pul, except magic and incantations.* But God knows best. The influence of Shaikh Pul being thus confirmed, Maulana Muhammad, or rather the Emperor and all his following, neglected and slighted Khwaja Nura, who had an hereditary claim to their veneration. This naturally caused the Khwaja great inward vexation. It was mentioned above that when passing through Lahur, he had been invited by Kamran Mirza to take up his abode in that place, and he had promised to do so on his return. In pursuance of his promise, he now set out from Agra to Lahur. Humayun and his companions begged him [to stay], but he would not listen to their entreaties. He reached Lahur in the year 943 [1536-7]. I had arrived in Lahur just before, and I now had the honour of kissing his feet. In those days I used frequently to hear him say: "I have seen in a vision, a great sea which overwhelmed all who remained behind us in Agra and Hindustan; while we only escaped after a hundred risks:" and thus did it come about three years later— just as he had said— as shall be presently related."* After the devastation of Hindustan he escaped, in safety, to Mavara-un- Nahr, by way of Kashghar. CHAPTER LXXXV. MIRACLES OF KHWAJA NURA. I WAS present in the assembly when Maulana Muhammad Par-ghari arrived from Agra, with a letter from Humayun Padishah; he also was present when the Khwaja gave the answer before- mentioned. Maulana Muhammad began to weep and begged that his sins might be forgiven him; he beseeched [the Khwaja] with great earnestness to write a letter to Humayun. The Khwaja wrote: "Oh! Huma, do not throw thy noble shadow, in a land where the parrot is less common than the kite [zaghan]." Now, in this miracle there is a curious pun, for Huma Padishah did not throw his shadow in the country where the parrot is rarer than the kite. [Maulana Muhammad] returned stupefied...* While I was in Lahur, Tahmasp Shah, son of Shah Ismail, came from Irak, took Kandahar from the deputies of Kamran Mirza, and having given it over to some of his trusted officers, he returned. This caused Kamran Mirza intense grief, and he asked me to tell the Khwaja of his misfortune. The next day, when I went to wait on the Khwaja, he said to me: "I have seen his Holiness in a vision, and he asked me, 'Why are you sad?' I replied: 'On account of Kamran Mirza, for the Turkomans have taken Kandahar. What will come of it?' Then his Holiness advanced towards me and taking me by the hand said: 'Do not grieve; he will soon recover it.'" And thus, indeed, it came to pass, for Kamran Mirza marched against Kandahar, and the troops of Tahmasp Shah gave up the city to him in peace. This is an especially strange thing to have occurred, since the Turkoman rulers are very severe with their subordinates. Be this as it may, the matter was terminated quite simply. Khanzada Begum, the Emperor's sister, who has been frequently mentioned in this book, fell ill in Kabul. She wrote a letter to the Khwaja, and sent it by me, to ask him for a cure for her malady. Now as that letter was badly composed, I rewrote it correctly, and then took it to the Khwaja. He, on my arrival, said to me: "I wish to make you partner in a secret," whereupon I stood up humbly. He continued: "Give me the letter that the Begum herself wrote." Now, as a fact, I had written my letter in secret, and no one knew anything about my having done so. I witnessed many other wonders performed by him. * * * * *2 * The Sufi Letter Of Khwaja Nura has not been Translated by the Translator CHAPTER LXXXVI. THE END OF KHWAJA NURA'S BIOGRAPHY. THOUGH I am not suited to the task, the context demands that I should give Khwaja Nura's line of descent in discipleship. . .* He was the disciple of his grandfather Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din Ubaidullah, the disciple of Maulana Yakub Charkhi, the disciple of Khwaja Baha-ud-Din Nakshband, the disciple of Mir Kalal, the disciple of Khwaja Muhammad Baba-i-Samasi, the disciple of Khwaja Ali Ramatini, the disciple of Khwaja Mahmud Anjir Faghravi, the disciple of Khwaja Arif Rivgarvi, the disciple of Khwaja Abdul Khalik Ghajdavani. It were fitting that, in this place, I should speak of each of these holy men individually, but on consideration I do not think myself equal to the task. [Couplet]... I am fully aware that what I have already written is beyond my powers, but the requirements of the context have been the cause of my boldness, and I ask forgiveness for anything that be not pleasing to God or His Prophet, or the friends of God. [Verses] . . . After Khwaja Nura went to Hindustan, the Khan gave Amin Khwaja Sultan (who had been brought from Aksu to Badakhshan) leave to go to India also. Although this step was necessitated by the affairs of the State, yet it did not cut the Khan off from his kin. However, Amin Khwaja Sultan went to India, where he died a natural death. His eldest son, Masud Sultan, followed him into India. Khizir Khwaja Sultan, Mahdi Sultan, and Isan Daulat Sultan, after this dispersion towards India, settled themselves in different places, but there is no object in entering into further details. Whatever God wills that should be said of them, will appear. CHAPTER LXXXVII. CONCLUSION OF BABAR PADISHAH'S HISTORY. WE have brought the Emperor's history down to the date contained in the words "Fath-ba- daulat" [930 = 1524]. So much treasure fell into his hands, that all the people of the world benefited by it. In short, I went to India and was employed in the direction of the affairs of that country, as will be mentioned. The Emperor took possession of all the dominions of Sultan Iskandar Aoghan. Rana Singa, one of the Rajas of Hindustan, came against Babar Padishah with an army of several hundreds of thousands. The Emperor engaged him in battle, and defeated him;* and in his mandates took the title of Ghdzi. After this, he marched towards Chitur, where he won decisive victories over the infidels. Returning, he devoted himself to the settlement of the whole of Hindustan. In the course of the year 937 he fell a victim to a severe illness, which the efforts of the doctors were powerless to cure. [Two couplets] ... As his end approached, he entrusted all the Amirs and people of the world to Humayun Mirza (whom he had recalled from Badakh-shan) and his own soul to the Creator of the world. As soon as Humayun had mounted his father's throne, such persons as Muhammad Zaman Mirza (son of Badi-uz-Zaman Mirza, son of Mirza Sultan Husain), who had been in Babar Padishah's service, and was his son- in-law, together with others, began to raise the flag of revolt and sound the drums of sedition. But Humayun quieted them all by his kindness. He conquered what little of Hind had been left unsubdued by his father, and went into Guzrat and captured it; but on account of discord among his brothers and the Amirs, he had to abandon it. The rest of his story will be told later. CHAPTER LXXXVIII. INVASION OF TIBET BY THE KHAN. WHEN Khwaja Nura passed into Hindustan, and I withdrew from Aksu, Rashid Sultan also returned, as has been already mentioned. During the same winter Rashid Sultan went back, with his family, to Aksu. In the spring of that year, the Khan resolved to conduct a holy war against Tibet. Previous to this, [his] Amirs had frequently invaded and plundered that country, but on account of their ignorance and folly, Islam had made no progress, and there were still numberless infidels in Tibet, besides those whom the Amirs had subdued.* The Khan had always been animated by a desire to carry on holy wars in the path of God, and especially so now that he had just assumed the saintly ways of the Khwajas. He was always ready to devote himself to the cause of the faith, and felt that the holy war was one of the surest roads to salvation and union with God. Prompted by such pious feelings as these, at the end of the year 938* he set out to invade Tibet. Having reached this point in my narrative, it is necessary for me to give some account of the land of Tibet, for this country is so situated that only a few travellers have been able to visit it. On account of the difficulties of the route, which from every point of view is most dangerous — whether by reason of its hills and passes, or the coldness of the air, or the scarcity of water and fuel, or the shameless and lawless highwaymen, who know every inch of the roads and allow no travellers to pass— no one has ever brought back any information concerning this country. In such standard works as the Muajjam ul Bulddn, the Jam-i-Giti Numdi, and the Supplement to the Surah, Tibet is not described as other countries are; they merely mention that there is such a region, and some few facts regarding it are given. I am therefore emboldened to furnish some details about the kingdom of Tibet which are to be found in no book. CHAPTER LXXXIX. DESCRIPTION OF THE POSITION, MOUNTAINS, AND PLAINS OF TIBET, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE INHABITANTS. TIBET is a long [and narrow] country.* From Rikan Bain, which means "between the north and the west/' towards Bakani* which is "between the south and the east/' is eight months' journey. Its breadth is [nowhere] more than one month's journey, nor less than ten days. Its frontier on the side of Rikan Bain, adjoins Baluristan (as was stated above, in the description of Balur); that on the Bakani side, touches Huchu Salar, which is a dependency of [what is called] Kanjanfu* of Khitai. In the description of the mountains of Moghulistan and Kashghar, it was stated that the principal range in Moghulistan, from which all the other hills branch out, passes the north of Kashghar, runs towards the west, and continues to the south of Kashghar. It was also mentioned that the province of Farghana lies to the west of Kashghar, this range running between. [This part of the range] which lies between Kashghar and Farghana is called Alai. Badakhshan is on the west of Yarkand. These countries are also divided by [a part of] this same range, which here takes the name of Pamir. The width of the Pamir, in some places, is eight days' journey. Passing onwards, one comes to some of the Yarkand mountains which adjoin Balur, such as Raskam* and Tagh Dum Bash; proceeding yet further, one arrives in the land of Tibet. Badakhshan is in the direction of summer sunset (tabistdni) from Yarkand, as stated above, and Kashmir is in the direction of winter sunset (zamistani) from Yarkand.* That same range runs between Yarkand and Kashmir, and is here called Balti; this [district] belongs to the province of Tibet. There is, in these parts, a mountain* wider than the Alai or the Pamir. The width in Balti is twenty days' journey. The pass ascending from Yarkand is the pass of Sanju, and the pass descending on the side of Kashmir is the pass of Askardu.* [From the Sanju pass to the Askardu pass] is twenty days' journey. In the direction of winter sunset from Khotan, are some of the cities of Hind, such as Lahur, Sultanpur, and Bajwara,* and the afore-mentioned mountain range lies between. Between Khotan and the towns of Hind above-named, are situated Arduk, Guga, and Aspati,* which belong to Tibet; and it must be supposed that those mountains extend into Khitai. On the west and south of the range lies Hindustan; while Bhira,* Lahur and Bangala are all on the skirts of it. All the rivers of Hind flow down from these hills, and their sources are in the country of Tibet. On the north and east of Tibet lie Yarkand, Khotan, Charchan, Lob, Katak and Sarigh Uighur. The rest is a sandy waste [rigistan], whose frontier adjoins Kanju and Sakju* of Khitai. All the streams which flow down from the mountains of Tibet, in a westerly and southerly direction, become rivers of Hind, such as the Nilab, the river of Bhira, the Chinab, the river of Lahur, the river of Sultanpur and the river of Bajwara, which are all rivers of Sind. The Jun and the Gang and others flow through Bangala into the ocean;* all the streams which flow in an easterly and northerly direction from the mountains of Tibet, such as the river of Yarkand, the Ak Kash and the Kara Kash, the Kirya, the Charchan, and the rest, all empty themselves into the Kuk Naur,* which is a lake in the aforesaid sand waste. I have heard some Moghuls say that one may travel round [the lake] in three months. From one end of it, issues a large river, which is called the Kara Muran of Khitai. From these details it will be clear that Tibet is a very high-lying country, since its waters run in all directions. Any one wishing to enter Tibet, must first ascend lofty passes, which do not slope downward on the other side, for on the top the land is level; in a few cases only, the passes have slight declivities [on the far side]. On account [of the height] Tibet is excessively cold— so much so, that in most places nothing but turnips can be cultivated. The barley is generally of a kind that ripens in two months. In some parts of Tibet, the summer only lasts forty days, and even then the rivers are often frozen over after midnight. In all Tibet, in consequence of the severity of the cold, trees never reach any height; nor does the corn, for, being low on the ground, it is trodden down by the cattle. Now the inhabitants of Tibet are divided into two sections. One is called the Yulpa— that is to say, 'dwellers in villages,' and the other the Champa, meaning 'dwellers in the desert.'* But these last are always subject to one of the provinces of Tibet. The inhabitants of the desert [nomads] of Tibet have certain strange practices, which are to be met with among no other people. Firstly, they eat their meat and all other foods in an absolutely raw state, having no knowledge of cooking. Again, they feed their horses on flesh instead of grain.* They also use sheep exclusively, as beasts of burden. Their sheep carry, perhaps, twelve statute man. They harness them with pack-saddles, halters, and girths; they place the load upon the sheep, and except when necessary, never take it off, so that summer and winter it remains on the animal's back.* The Champa, or nomads, live in the following manner. In the winter they descend towards the western and southern slopes of the aforesaid mountains — that is to say, to Hindustan— taking with them wares of Khitai, salt, cloth of goats' hair [tana-kar], zedoary,* kutas [yaks], gold, and shawls,* which are Tibetan goods. They trade in Hindustan and in the mountains of Hindustan, and in the spring they return from that country, bringing many of its products, such as cloths, sweets, rice, and grain, loaded upon their sheep. After feeding their flocks, they advance slowly but continuously into Khitai, which they reach in the winter. Having laid in a stock, during spring, of such Tibetan products as are in demand in Khitai, they dispose of the Indian and Tibetan goods there in the winter, and return to Tibet in the [following] spring, carrying with them Khitai wares. The next winter they again go on to India. The burdens which they load on the sheep in Hindustan are removed in Khitai, and those put on in Khitai are taken off in Hindustan. Thus they spend their winters alternately in Hindustan and Khitai.* This is the mode of life of all the Champa. A Champa will sometimes carry as many as 10,000 sheep-loads, and every sheep-load may be reckoned at twelve man. What an enormous quantity is this! That amount is loaded in one year, either in Hindustan or in Khitai. On every occasion, wherever they go, they take all these loads with them, and are never caused fatigue or trouble by them. I have never heard of a similar practice among any other people. In fact, some do not even credit this story. These Champa are a numerous race, inasmuch as one of their tribes, called Dulpa,* numbers more than 50,000 families. And there are many more tribes like this one. From some of the chiefs I have asked their numbers, but they have been unable to inform me. God knows best; and the responsibility be upon [those who have failed to inform me]. The dwellers in villages are called Yulpa; they inhabit many districts— such as Balti, which is a province of Tibet; Balti, in turn, comprises several [smaller] districts, such as Purik, Khapula, Ashigar, Askardu, [Runk], and Ladaks, and each of these contains fortresses and villages. Wherever I went in Tibet, I either took the country by force or made peace, on the inhabitants paying tribute. Among these [places may be mentioned] Balti, Zanskar, Maryul,* Rudok, Guga, Lu, Buras, Zunka, Minkab [or Hinkab], Zir-Sud-Kankar, Nisan, Ham, Alalai-Lutak, Tuk, Labug [or Lanuk], Astakbark [or Askabrak],* which is the limit of my journey. From Askabrak to Bangala is twenty-four days' journey, and Ursang is on the east, and Bangala on the south, of Askabrak. Ursang is the Kibla and K'aba of all Khitai and Tibet, and has a vast idol-temple. As what I heard concerning this temple is incredible I have not written it. There are many false stories told of it. In short, it is the seat of learning and the city of the pious of Tibet and Khitai. CHAPTER XC. ACCOUNT OF THE CURIOSITIES OF TIBET. THE nature of those portions of Tibet that I have visited, and of its inhabitants, is such that in spite of my strong wish to describe it I find it impossible. I will, however, on account of their strangeness, mention a few of the particulars which I have either seen myself or heard spoken of. One of these is the gold-mines. In most of the Champa districts gold-mines are found. Among them are two strange mines; one is called by the Moghuls the Altunji [or Goldsmith] of Tibet, and it is worked by a branch of the above-mentioned tribe of Dulpa. On account of the extreme coldness of the atmosphere, they are not able to work more than forty days in the year. In the level ground are pits [or caves] large enough for a man to enter. There are numbers of these holes, and most of them terminate by running into one another. It is said that three hundred heads of families live permanently in those caves. They watch the Moghuls from afar, and when these come near, they all creep into their caves, where no one can find them. In the caves no oil burns except the oil made from sheep's milk [sar-jush] that has no fat in it.* Out of these caves they bring soil, which they wash, and (the responsibility be upon those who tell this story) it is said that in one sieve of soil from those mines, ten mithkdls of gold are sometimes found. One man digs the earth, carries it out and washes it by himself. Some days he sorts twenty sieves full. Although this may appear incredible, I have heard it confirmed all over Tibet, and for this reason I have written it down. Again, Guga has two hundred forts and villages. It is three days' journey in length, and in it gold is everywhere to be found. Wherever they dig up the earth and spread it on a cloth, they find gold. The smallest pieces are about the size of a lentil [adas] or a pea [mash], and they say that sometimes [lumps] are found as large as a sheep's liver. At the time when I was settling the tribute upon Guga, the head men related to me that a man was lately digging a piece of ground, when his spade stuck fast in something, so that he could not, with all his efforts, draw it out. Having removed the earth, he saw that it was a stone, in the middle of which was gold; in this his spade had become fixed. Leaving the spade where it was, he went and informed the governor. A body of men went to the spot and extracted it, and having broken the stone, found in it 1,500 Tibetan mithkdls of pure [mohri] gold (a Tibetan mithkdl is worth one-and-a-half ordinary mithkdls), and God has so created this soil that when the gold is taken from the ground it does not diminish [in bulk] however much they beat it out, bake it and stamp it; it is only fire that has any effect on it. This is all very wonderful, and is looked upon by assayers as very strange and curious. Nor is this peculiarity to be met with anywhere else in the world.* In the greater part of Tibet the merchandise of Khatai and India is to be found in about equal quantities. Another peculiarity of Tibet is the dam-giri, which the Moghuls call Yas* and which is common to the whole country, though less prevalent in the vicinity of forts and villages. The symptoms are a feeling of severe sickness [ndkhushi], and in every case one's breath so seizes him that he becomes exhausted, just as if he had run up a steep hill with a heavy burden on his back. On account of the oppression [it causes] it is difficult to sleep. Should, however, sleep overtake one, the eyes are hardly closed before one is awoke with a start caused by oppression on the lungs and chest. And this is always the case with everybody. When overcome by this malady the patient becomes senseless, begins to talk nonsense, and sometimes the power of speech is lost, while the palms of the hands and soles of the feet become swollen. Often when this last symptom occurs, the patient dies between dawn and breakfast time; at other times he lingers on for several days. If, in the interval, his fate has not been sealed, and he reach a village or a fort, it is probable that he may survive, otherwise he is sure to die. This malady only attacks strangers; the people of Tibet know nothing of it, nor do their doctors know why it attacks strangers. Nobody has ever been able to cure it. The colder the air, the more severe is the form of the malady. [Couplet] ... It is not peculiar to men, but attacks every animal that breathes, such as the horse, as will be presently instanced. One day, owing to the necessity of a foray, we had ridden faster than usual. On waking [next morning] I saw that there were very few horses in our camp, and [on inquiring] ascertained that more than 2000 had died in the night. Of my own stable there were twenty-four special [riding] horses, all of which were missing. Twenty- one of them had died during that night. Horses are very subject [sardyat] to dam-giri. I have never heard of this disease outside Tibet. No remedy is known for it.* CHAPTER XCI. TIBET AND THE CUSTOMS OF ITS PEOPLE. THEIR men of learning [Ulama] are, as a body, called Lamas. But they have different names, in proportion to the extent of their learning. Just as we say "Imam and Mujtahid," they say "Tunkana and Kahjavar."* I had much conversation with them with the help of an interpreter. But when it came to nice distinctions, the interpreter was at a loss both to understand and to explain, so that the conversation was incomplete. Of their tenets and rites, however, I was able to discover the following particulars. They say that the Most High God is from all eternity. At the beginning of creation, when He called the souls into being, He taught each one separately how to attain to the regions of the blessed (which was the path that leads to Paradise), and how to escape from hell. [This He taught them] without palate, or tongue, or any other [corporeal] medium. These souls He sent down at various times, as seemed fitting to Him, and mixed them with earth. And this is the origin of the power of vegetation of plants in the earth. When the soul has descended from the highest to the lowest degree, it is no longer pure, but unconsciousness and oblivion dominate it. In the process of time, it migrates to some vile body; and this migration, although it be into a base degree, is yet an advance upon the state of being mixed with earth. In every body [the soul] makes progress according to its conduct. If its conduct is perfect in that body, it enters into a better body; if, on the other hand, it errs, it enters a yet viler body; and if in this [last] body it still does evil, it again becomes mixed with the earth, and again remains inanimate [muattal] for some time. In this manner [the soul] migrates from one body to another, and progresses until it attains the human body. In the human body it first of all reaches the lowest degree, such as that of a peasant or a slave. It gradually rises in the scale of humanity, until it enters the body of a lama, in which state, if [the entity] conducts itself in a becoming manner, it attains a knowledge and insight into former states, and knows what it has done in each separate body, what has been the cause of its progress, and what the reason of its degradation. This knowledge and consciousness is the degree of saintliness. And in like manner, by means of much contemplation, people attain to the stage in which they recall what was taught them at the beginning of eternity; they remember everything that the Most High God communicated to them, without palate, tongue, or any other [physical] medium. This is the degree of prophecy. In it men learn what they have heard from God Almighty, and [on these revelations] are their religion and faith based. The soul which has attained to the degree of prophecy is no longer subject to death, but has eternal life. The being continues until his physical strength is quite broken, when his body perishes, and nothing remains but his spirituality. All who have spiritual force of this kind may see [the soul]; but otherwise it cannot be seen with the eye of the head, which is bodily vision. Such are the tenets of the religion of Shaka Muni. All Khitai is of this faith, and they call it the religion of "Shakia Muni"; while in Tibet it is called "Shaka Tu Ba,"* and "Shaka Muni." In histories it is written "Shaka Muni." In some histories, Shaka Muni is reckoned among the prophets of India, and some hold that he was a teacher [hakim]. Also, it is maintained that no one goes to Heaven by the mere acceptance of the faith and religion, but only in consequence of his works. If a Musulman performs good acts, he goes to Heaven; if he do evil, he goes to Hell. This also applies to [these] infidels. They hold the Prophet in high esteem, but they do not consider it the incumbent duty of the whole of mankind to be of his religion. They say: "Your religion is true, and so is ours. In every religion one must conduct oneself well. Shaka Muni has said: After me there will arise 124,000 prophets, the last of whom will be called Jana Kasapa,* an orphan, without father or mother. All the world will comprehend his religion. When he is sent, it will be necessary for the whole world to submit to him, and blessed will he be who hastens to adopt his faith. I bequeath my own religion in order that it may be handed down from generation to generation until the blessed time of his appear- ance. The semblance of this prophet will be in this wise" — and therewith he gave an image which the people were to remember, for in this form the prophet would appear. People should believe in him before all other men. At the present time, the chief idol (which they place in the entrance of all the Idol Temples) besides all their fables,* have reference to him. This idol is the figure of Jana Kasapa. And they attribute most of those qualities to Jana Kasapa, which apply to our Prophet. I observed to them: "What Shaka Muni said refers to our Prophet." They replied: "Shaka Muni said he would come after 124,000 prophets, and after him would come no other prophet. Now of those 124,000, but few have appeared as yet." I insisted earnestly that they had all appeared, but they would not admit it, and so remained in their error. At Zunka, which is the most famous [place] in Tibet, and one which produces zedoary [mdh farfin], I saw another [interesting object], viz., an inscription of the Padishah of Khitai. It was written in the Khitai character, but in one corner it was in Tibetan writing, while in another corner was a clear Persian translation in the Naskhi hand. It ran as follows: "His Highness the king sends greeting to all his people, saying: It is more than 3,000 years ago now, that Shaka Muni introduced idol-worship and spoke words which are not intelligible to all. .." This much I have retained; the rest related to some orders for the repairing of the temple. I have quoted this to show that Shaka Muni lived 3,000 years previous to the date of the inscription,* which, however, not being [dated] in the Hajra, I could not understand. But judging from the extent to which the inscription was worn, not more than a hundred years could have elapsed since it was written. But God knows best. I was in Zunka in the month of Rabi ul Awal, 940 [October 1533]. Another [curiosity] is the wild kutds. This is a very wild and ferocious beast. In whatever manner it attacks one it proves fatal: whether it strike with its horns, or kick, or overthrow its victim. If it has no opportunity of doing any of these things, it tosses its enemy with its tongue, twenty gaz into the air, and he is dead before reaching the ground. One male kutds is a load for twelve horses. One man cannot possibly raise a shoulder of the animal. In the days of my forays [kazdki] I killed a kutds, and divided it among seventy persons, when each had sufficient flesh for four days.* This animal is not to be met with outside the country of Tibet. The remaining particulars concerning Tibet will be given in the account of the campaign. CHAPTER XCII. THE KHAN MAKES A HOLY WAR ON TIBET. THE Holy War is the main support and fortifier of Islam— the most efficient ground-work for the foundations of the Faith . . .* After the Khan's repentance, he had always awaited an opportunity for personally conducting a holy war [ghazdt], nor could his hunger and thirst for this exploit be in any way satisfied by merely sending out a ghazdt expedition, every year; so at length, in Zulhijja of the year 938 [July 1532] he set out to attack the infidels of Tibet. As I mentioned above, Tibet is bounded on the north, where it is called Balti, by Balur and Badakhshan; in the direction of winter sunrise* of that place is Yarkand, and on the west is Kashmir. Having bidden Iskandar Sultan accompany me, and having deputed me to that country, the Khan himself started (by way of Khotan) for the Altunji* of Tibet, which is another name for the Dulpa. CHAPTER XCIII. ARRIVAL OF THE AUTHOR IN TIBET, AND SUBSEQUENT EVENTS. I SET out in Zulhijja of the aforesaid year, and in the beginning of Safar, reached Nubra, a dependent province of Tibet. I then sent a person all over that country to greet the people with a general invitation. [He was to say]: "This is a general invitation to the faith of Ahmad. Happy the man who comes to the Faith and obtains his portion." The greater number submitted; but not the chiefs of Nubra, who were refractory and rebellious, and retired to their castles and forts. A certain man named Bur Kapa, who was at the head of the chiefs of the infidels, strengthened himself within the castle of Mutadar,* which is the chief fort of that country. I laid siege to this fort, and was for some days employed in making ready the siege implements, such as catapults, shields [turd], etc. On the appointed day I approached the fort, and the talons of Islam, seizing the hands of infidelity, the enemy were thrown into disorder and routed. Having deserted the fort, they fled in confusion and dismay, while the Musulmans gave them chase, as far as was possible, so that not one of these bewildered people escaped. Bur Kapa was slain together with all his men; their heads formed a lofty minaret— and the vapour from the brains of the infidels of that country ascended to the heavens. Thenceforth no one dared offer resistance. Having thus reduced the whole province of Nubra, a garrison was placed in the fort and order established. Thence we passed into Maryul, and there encamped. In Maryul there are two rulers. One called Lata Jughdan, and the other Tashikun.* They both hastened to wait [on me] . At that period Libra began to change. In the whole of Tibet during Libra, the cold is so intense that, compared with it, the winter of other countries is as the hottest days of summer. I then held a consultation with the Amirs, who were with me, as to which district of Tibet would be best suited to establish our winter quarters in, and where we might find grain and provender for the cattle during the winter. As no such place was to be found in those parts, Kashmir was decided upon for the winter quarters. If we could conquer it, well and good; if not, we could winter there and leave in the spring. This matter having been settled, we left Maryul and the neighbouring districts, and taking the army of Tibet along with us, advanced towards Kashmir. At this juncture Abdal Kuli Yasavul, one of the Khan's trusty chamberlains, arrived with news that the Khan was making for this quarter [Maryul], that on the road he had been afflicted with dam-giri (which is the peculiarity of that infidel country), and [adding] that he wished to see me as soon as possible. That same hour I set out to [meet] him, leaving the army where it was. CHAPTER XCIV. ARRIVAL OF THE KHAN IN TIBET, FOLLOWING THE AUTHOR. HIS ENTRANCE INTO B ALU. JOURNEY OF THE AUTHOR TO KASHMIR. IT was mentioned above that the Khan had decided to advance against the Dulpa, by way of Khotan, and had sent me forward to Balti. At that time the Emperor of the firmament was in the sign of Leo; the Khan, having marched for one month, took up his summer quarters among the hill pastures of Khotan, until the end of the season of Virgo. Those who had had experience of that region then represented to the Khan: "It is now too late [in the season] to achieve anything: for very soon all the waters and rivers will be frozen over, so that no water will be obtainable: nor is there sufficient firewood to be found to melt the ice, for watering the cattle and horses. It will also be hardly possible to kill enough kutds to make a sufficient supply of soup. It is for these reasons that, on previous occasions, several armies have been dismounted [lost their horses] on this road." The Khan being convinced [of the impracticability of continuing by that route] said: "Were I to give up the holy war in Tibet, I should be disappointed of great recompense hereafter. If this route is too difficult, it will be best for me to follow in the steps of Mirza Haidar, and complete the holy war in that quarter." So saying, he turned back from Khotan and advanced along the road which I had taken.* On the way he was so severely attacked by dam-giri, that for some days he was quite insensible, and his life was reduced to a breath. The doctors applied suppositories [shiydf] and used aperients, and whenever these took effect he became conscious for the moment, but soon again fainted away. To the nobles and courtiers he said: "Although my health is not strong enough to admit of my conducting a holy war, I shall not be wanting in intention. When I am deprived, as I certainly shall be, of the companionship of the living, it will only be to join the band of the departed. Perhaps I may die on the road. As long as there is a breath of life in me I will not abandon the war. When all life has gone out of me, you can do as you please." During this time he frequently asked after me, and used to say, with emotion and regret: "At the present moment I have no other desire than this [seeing the author], and I pray God that my life may be preserved until I meet him once more." He also repeated verses suited to his frame of mind: among them the following couplet. [Verses] .... He constantly uttered such sentiments during his intervals of consciousness. It is strange that in spite of the severity of this malady, one never desires to stay in one place [for any length of time]. Indeed, so excessive is the cold, and so great the scarcity of water and corn, that supposing one to make a halt, it would only aggravate the disease. The cure is to do one's best to reach some place where dam-giri is less prevalent. Whenever the Khan reached such a place he recovered consciousness. On the day that the Khan returned to his senses, I joined his camp. Having embraced me affectionately, he said: "Of all my friends or children, it is you who have been in my thoughts [the most], and I thank God for having been allowed to see you again." [Verses] . . . From that hour he began to regain his usual health and strength, and by the time we reached Nubra he was entirely restored, so that he was able to enter that district on horseback. After this, all the Amirs assembled together in council and each gave his opinion on the best course to pursue. I suggested: "After careful investigation, I can discover no spot in these districts of Tibet, which can provide winter quarters for more than one thousand men. But with a thousand men, there will be no possibility of insubordination or revolt. There seems to be no place capable of supporting a large army in winter, except Kashmir. But on the road to Kashmir there are many passes, which the Khan's strength will not allow him to cross. If the Khan would issue the needful order, he might retain 1000 men in his own service and proceed to Balti with them; for in Balti there is no dam-giri, and no passes need be traversed [to reach it]. He might place me in command of the rest of the troops, when, having spent the winter in Kashmir, we could, on the return of spring, do whatever seemed wisest." Of all the propositions this one pleased the Khan most, and thus it was decided. At the outset of his expedition [the Khan] knew that Tibet was no place for a large army. Five thousand men had been fixed [as the number]; 3,000 belonged to the Khan's army and 2,000 to mine. Of those 3,000 men, the Khan [now] retained 1,000 for his personal service and advanced towards Balti, while I turned in the direction of Kashmir attended by 4,000 men, and also by several distinguished Amirs, such as Amir Daim Ali, who was mentioned in the lists at Kashghar, Baba Sarik Mirza, and others. CHAPTER XCV. THE KHAN'S EXPERIENCES IN BALTI. AT the end of Libra the Khan arrived in Balti. Bahram Chu, one of the head men of Balti, submitted and waited on the Khan. All the other Chu* began to practise sedition and revolt, the natural outcome of infidelity. In the first place, under the guidance of Bahram Chu, the Khan took the fort of Shigar* (which is the capital of all Balti) at the first assault. All the men of the place were mown down by the blood-stained swords of the assailants, while the women and children, together with much property, fell a prey to the victorious army. Furthermore, wherever in that hill-country a hand was stretched out, it never missed its object; [and even the strongly fortified ravines and castles were trampled under foot by the horses of the Khan's army.]* On account of the snow, no news from Kashmir could reach the Khan during that winter, and the infidel insurgents, to serve their own vile purposes, spread many false reports, thereby causing the Khan, and all the army, to become distressed and anxious. At length, towards the end of winter, an express messenger who had been sent from Kashmir arrived, bearing news of our successes, whereupon the apprehension and distress of the Khan [and his troops] were changed to joy and gladness; and they recited the verse: "Thanks be to God who has put sorrow away from us." At the beginning of spring they withdrew from Balti. [At this juncture] the Khan entrusted to Amir Kambar Kukildash, who was mentioned in the lists [muster roll] at Kashghar, the province of Nubra, which I had set in order and handed over to the Khan. But in consequence of the Amir's bad judgment and want of capacity, the country went to ruin and the inhabitants rose in revolt, each man betaking himself to some strong place. Utterly disregarding those weak men who had been placed over them, the people gave themselves up to robbery and every kind of crime. On this account [the Khan's officials] not deeming it safe to remain any longer in Nubra, came to Maryul.* Tashikun, for his neglect of duty, was deprived of his fortress and put to death.* It was here [in Maryul] that I found [the Khan's officers] encamped when I arrived from Kashmir, as shall be presently related. CHAPTER XCVI. THE AUTHOR'S ARRIVAL IN KASHMIR AND EVENTS CONNECTED THEREWITH. I LEFT Nubra with the Amirs and the new army, which the Khan had sent with me, and joined my own forces in the district of Maryul; after which I set off, by forced marches, in the direction of Kashmir. On the road, all the chief men of Tibet submitted and, joining us, greatly increased the numbers of our army. Some of the Balti Tibetans, who live in the valleys of Kashmir, acting as our guides, we reached that country at the beginning of the sign of Scorpio— Jamad II. 939— after crossing the pass of Kashmir, which is called Zuji. The chiefs of Kashmir had already heard of the approach of our army, and were occupying the narrow defile of Lar.* Having crossed the pass [of Zuji] I sent forward 400 men, chosen out of the whole army for their experience, under the command of Tuman Bahadar Kaluchi, who was one of those mentioned in the lists at Kashghar. When they reached the narrow defile, they found it occupied by the Kashmir army, a few of whom were stationed as outposts at its [upper] end. At dawn our soldiers made a charge on these pickets, who fled down the defile, followed by our men. When the main body perceived this, seeing no way of holding the road, they too turned and fled. Arriving [at this moment] I gave them chase; thus easily did our whole force pass such a difficult place. On the second day after [this affair] we alighted in Kashmir. Having reached this point, it seems fitting, in order to render the subject clear and intelligible, to give some account of the country of Kashmir and its rulers. CHAPTER XCVII. DESCRIPTION OF KASHMIR. KASHMIR is among the most famous countries of the world, and is celebrated both for its attractions and its wonders. In spite of its renown, no one knows anything about its present state, nor can any of its features or its history be learned from the books of former writers. At this present date of Moharram 950, [1543-4] now that I have subdued this beautiful country and seen all that is notable in it, whatever I shall write will be what I have witnessed. The second time that I entered Kashmir, and when I had not reduced the whole of the country, I drew an omen \fdl] from the Koran, with reference to its conquest and to my becoming established there. The verse that turned up was: "Eat of the daily bread from your Lord, and return your thanks to him in the shape of a fair city. The Lord is forgiving." The plain [julga] of Kashmir extends from the Bakani quarter, which means "between the south and the east," towards the Rikan Bain [or north-west]; it is a level expanse about a hundred kruh (equivalent to thirty farsdkhs) in length. Its width is, at some parts, about twenty kruh, and in a few places ten kruh* In this region all the land is divided into four kinds. The cultivation is: (1) by irrigation [obi], (2) on land not needing artificial irrigation, (3) gardens, and (4) level ground, where the river banks abound in violets and many-coloured flowers. On the [level] ground, on account of the excessive moisture, the crops do not thrive, and for this reason the soil is not laboured, which constitutes one of its charms.* The heat in summer is so agreeable, that there is at no time any need of a fan. A soft and refreshing breeze is constantly bio wing... * The climate in winter is also very temperate, notwithstanding the heavy snowfalls, so that no fur cloak [pustin] is necessary. In fact its coldness only serves to render the heat yet more agreeable. When the sun does not shine, the warmth of a fire is far from unpleasant. [Couplet] . . .* In short I have neither seen nor heard of any country equal to Kashmir, for charm of climate during all the four seasons. In the town there are many lofty buildings constructed of fresh cut pine. Most of these are at least five stories high and each story contains apartments, halls, galleries and towers. The beauty of their exterior defies description, and all who behold them for the first time, bite the finger of astonishment with the teeth of admiration. But the interiors are not equal to the exteriors. The passages in the markets, and the streets of the city, are all paved with hewn stone. But the bazaars are not laid out as they are in other towns. In the streets of the markets, only drapers and retail dealers are to be found. Tradesmen do all their business in the seclusion of their own houses. Grocers, druggists, beer-sellers \fukdi], and that class of provision vendors who usually frequent markets, do not do so here. The population of this city is equal to that of [other] large towns. As for the fruits— pears, mulberries, [sweet] cherries and sour cherries are met with, but the apples are particularly good. There are other fruits in plenty, sufficient to make one break one's resolutions. Among the wonders of Kashmir are the quantities of mulberry trees, [cultivated] for their leaves, [from which] silk is obtained. The people make a practice of eating the fruit, but rather regard it as wrong. In the season, fruit is so plentiful that it is rarely bought and sold. The holder of a garden and the man that has no garden are alike; for the gardens have no walls and it is not usual to hinder anyone from taking the fruit. CHAPTER XCVIII. FURTHER WONDERS. FIRST and foremost among the wonders of Kashmir stand her idol temples. In and around Kashmir, there are more than one hundred and fifty temples which are built of blocks of hewn stone, fitted so accurately one upon the other, that there is absolutely no cement used. These stones have been so carefully placed in position, without plaster or mortar, that a sheet of paper could not be passed between the joints. The blocks are from three to twenty gaz in length, one gaz in depth, and one to five gaz in breadth. The marvel is how these stones were transported and erected. The temples are nearly all built on the same plan. There is a square enclosure which in some places reaches the height of thirty gaz, while each side is about three hundred gaz long. Inside this enclosure there are pillars, and on the top of the pillars there are square capitals; on the top of these again, are placed supports,* and most of these separate parts are made out of one block of stone. On the pillars are fixed the supports of the arches, and each arch is three or four gaz in width. Under the arch are a hall and a doorway. On the outside and inside of the arch are pillars of forty or fifty gaz* in height, having supports and capitals of one block of stone. On the top of this are placed four pillars of one or two pieces of stone. . - - -'■■• : - : -^'.-~ ' ie«S~fegss The inside and the outside of the halls have the appearance of two porticos, and these are covered with one or two stones. The capitals, the ornamentation in relief, the cornices, the "dog tooth" work, the inside covering and the outside, are all crowded with pictures and paintings, which I am incapable of describing. Some represent laughing and weeping figures, which astound the beholder. In the middle is a lofty throne of hewn stone, and over that, a dome made entirely of stone, which I cannot describe. In the rest of the world there is not to be seen, or heard of, one building like this. How wonderful that there should [here] be a hundred and fifty of them! Again, to the east of Kashmir there is a district called Barnag [Virnag]. Here there is a hill on the top of which is a ditch [basti] like a tank, and at the bottom of the tank is a hole. It remains dry throughout the year, except during the season of Taurus, when water issues from it.* Two or three times a day it gushes out [with such force] that the tank is filled, and enough water flows down the side of the hill to drive one or even two mills. After this it subsides, so that no water remains except in the hole. When the season of Taurus is passed, it again becomes dry for a whole year. Though endeavours have been made to stop it up with lime and mortar, yet when the season has come, all this has been washed away, and it has never been found possible to stop its flow. Further, in Nagam, a notable town of Kashmir,* there is a tree which is so high that if an arrow be shot at the top, it will probably not reach it. If anyone takes hold of one of the twigs and shakes it, the whole of this enormous tree is put in motion. Again, Div Sar,* which is one of the most important districts of Kashmir, contains a spring twenty gaz square. On the sides of it are pleasant shady trees and soft herbage. One boils some rice, puts it in a bottle, closes up the mouth [of the bottle] tightly, and having written a name on it, throws it into the spring and then sits down [to wait] . Sometimes the bottle remains there five years; on other occasions it comes up again the same day: the time is uncertain. If, when it reappears, the rice is found to be warm, the circumstance is regarded as a good omen. Sometimes the rice has undergone a change, or earth and sand may have got inside it. The more [substances] that find their way into it, the more unfavourable is the omen considered. Moreover, there is in Kashmir a lake called Ulur, the circumference of which is seven farsdkhs. In the middle of this lake Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin, one of the Sultans of Kashmir, erected a palace. First of all he emptied a quantity of stones into the lake, [at this spot] and on these constructed a foundation [or floor] of closely-fitting stones, measuring two hundred square gaz in extent, and ten gaz in height. Hereupon he built a charming palace and planted pleasant groves of trees, so that there can be but few more agreeable places in the world. Finally, this same Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin built himself a palace in the town, which in the dialect of Kashmir is called Rajdan. It has twelve stories, some of which contain fifty rooms, halls, and corridors. The whole of this lofty structure is built of wood.* [Among] the vast kiosks of the world are: — in Tabriz, the Hasht Bihisht Kiosk of Sultan Yakub; in Herat the Bagh-i-Khan, the Bagh-i-Safid, and the Bagh-i-Shahr; and in Samarkand the Kuk Sarai, the Ak Sarai, the Bagh- i-Dilkushai, and the Bagh-i-Buldi. Though [the Rajdan] is more lofty and contains more rooms than all these, yet it has not their elegance and style. It is, nevertheless, a more wonderful structure. AT \ m^m In the Zafar-Ndma, Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi has stated a few facts with regard to Kashmir, but he is not quite consistent with reality. He had never been there himself, but derived his information from travellers, who had not a proper regard for accuracy; hence his statements are not always exact. CHAPTER XCIX. EXTRACT FROM THE "ZAFAR-NAMA/ THOUGH Kashmir is one of the most famous spots in the world, yet on account of its secluded position, it is seldom visited by any but those who make it the express object of a journey. I here give such details as I have been able to verify; having derived them from trustworthy sources and also from the natives. I have taken its position, size, and extent from geographical works.* Kashmir lies near the middle of the fourth climate, for the beginning of the fourth climate is where the latitude is 33° 54', and the latitude of Kashmir is 34° from the equator. Its longitude from the Jazair-i-Sada* is 105°. This country runs longitudinally, and is enclosed by mountains on every side; the southern range [lies] in the direction of Dahli [Delhi]; the northern [looks] towards Badakhshan and Khorasan; the west towards the county inhabited by the Ughani [Afghans] tribes; its eastern side terminates in the outlying districts of Tibet. The extent of its level plains from the eastern limits to the western, is about AOfarsdkhs, and from south to north 20 farsdkhs. In the heart of the level plain lying within this mountainous district, are 1000 inhabited villages, abounding in wholesome streams and vegetation. It is popularly believed that in the whole of the province— plains and mountains together — are comprised 100,000 villages. The land is thickly inhabited, and the soil is cultivated. The climate is very salubrious, while the beauty of the women of the country is proverbial. [Verses.] . . . In the mountains and plains are to be found many kinds of fruit-trees, and the fruits are especially good and wholesome. But, since the temperature inclines to be cold and the snow falls in great abundance, those fruits which require much warmth, such as dates, oranges and lemons, do not ripen there; these are imported from the neighbouring warm regions. In the middle of the valley there is a town called Srinagar, which stretches eastward and westward for afarsdkh in cither direction. This is the residence of the governor of the country. Like at Baghdad, there flows through the middle of it a great river, which is even larger than the Tigris. The wonderful thing is that this mighty river comes from one spring, which rises within the limits of the country, and is called the spring of Vir [Virnag]. The people of the place have constructed across this river about thirty bridges of boats bound together by chains, through which they can open a way. Seven of these bridges are in the town of Srinagar, which is the capital of the province and the seat of the governors. After the river has passed the limits of Kashmir, it takes in one place the name of Dandana, in another that of Jumla;* it flows through the upper portion of Multan and joins the river Siyab. The united streams empty themselves into the Sind near the [town of] Ucha, and the whole river thenceforth takes the name of Sind, which discharges itself into the sea of Oman at the extremity of the land of Tatta. This country [Kashmir] is protected naturally by its mountains on every side, so that the inhabitants, without the trouble of fortifying themselves, are safe from the attacks of enemies. Nor have they anything to fear from the revolutions worked by time, or by the rain or the wind. There are three principal highways into Kashmir. The one leading to Khorasan is such a difficult route, that it is impossible for beasts of burden with loads to be driven along it; so the inhabitants, who are accustomed to such work, carry the loads upon their own shoulders for several days, until they reach a spot where it is possible to load a horse. The road to India offers the same difficulty. The route which leads to Tibet is easier than these two, but during several days one finds nothing but poisonous herbs, which make the transit inconvenient for travellers on horseback, since the horses perish. CHAPTER C. THE CONVERSION OF KASHMIR TO ISLAM, AND A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE MUSULMAN SULTANS OF KASHMIR. THE conversion of Kashmir is a comparatively recent event. The people were all Hindus and professed the faith of Brahma. A certain Sultan Shams-ud-Din came thither disguised as a kalandar. At that time there was a governor in every district of Kashmir. There was also a queen, into whose service Sultan Shams-ud-Din entered. After a short time the queen desired to marry Sultan Shams-ud-Din; and not long after this event, his power became absolute throughout Kashmir. He was succeeded by his son Ala-ud-Din, who was in turn succeeded by his son Kutb-ud-Din, during whose reign Amir Kabir Ali the Second, called Sayyid Ali Hamadani,* appeared there. Kutb-ud-Din died in less than forty days,* and was succeeded by his son Sultan Iskandar, who established the Musulman faith and destroyed all the idol- temples. His son Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin succeeded him, and reigned for fifty years.* He devoted himself to embellishing Kashmir with buildings, and in order to humour all the nations of the world, he paid attention neither to Infidelity nor Islam. It was in his reign that Kashmir* became a city, which it has remained to this day. In Kashmir one meets with all those arts and crafts which are, in most cities, uncommon, such as stone-polishing, stone-cutting, bottle-making, window-cutting [tabddn-turdsh], gold-beating, etc. In the whole of Mavara-un-Nahr, except in Samarkand and Bokhara, these are nowhere to be met with, while in Kashmir they are even abundant. This is all due to Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin. After him, the power of the Sultans of Kashmir began to decline, and the Amirs became so strong that the Sultans ruled in name only; insomuch that outward respect was no longer paid them. Those helpless Sultans, therefore, in order to secure their own safety, had to flee the country and endure much adversity. To Sultan Nazak, who is to-day my companion, I have shown far more respect than the former administrators of the kingdom ever showed [their contemporary Sultans]. Since [the reign of] Zain-ul-Abidin a few of his offspring have borne the title of 'king/ but of authority they have had none. CHAPTER CI. ACCOUNT OF THE RELIGIOUS SECTS OF KASHMIR. THE people were [formerly] all Hanifi, but in the reign of Fath Shah, the father of this Sultan Nadir,* a man of the name of Shams came from Talish in Irak,* who gave himself out as a Nurbakhshi. He introduced a corrupt form of religion, giving it the name of Nurbakhshi' and practised many heresies. He wrote a book for these cowardly people called Fikh-i-Ahwat, which does not conform to the teachings of any of the sects, whether Sunni or Shia. [These sectaries] revile the companions of the Prophet and Aisha, as do the Shias, but contrary to the teaching of these latter, they look upon Amir Sayyid Muhammad Nur Bakhshi as the Lord of the Age and the promised Mahdi. They do not believe in the saints and holy persons in whom the Shias believe, but regard all these as [appertaining to] Sunnis. [Shams] introduced many impious practices and infidel beliefs, and gave his heretical sect the name of 'Nurbakhshi.' I have seen many of the Nurbakhshi elders in Badakhshan and elsewhere. I discovered that outwardly they follow the precepts of the Prophet and hold with the Sunnis. One of the sons of this Amir Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhshi showed me his tract. In it was written: "Sultans, Amirs and fools [or the ignorant] maintain that worldly power cannot be combined with purity and piety. But this is absolutely false, for the great prophets and apostles, in spite of their missions, have exercised sovereignty, and have likewise striven diligently after those other matters [i.e., purity and piety], as for example Joseph, Moses, David, Solomon and our Prophet." Now this is opposed to the belief of the Nurbakhshi of Kashmir, and is in accordance with that of the Sunnis. That book, the Fikh-i-Ahwat, which is celebrated in Kashmir, I sent, complete, to the Ulama of Hindustan, who repudiated it and wrote on the back of it a decree \fatwd] of remonstrance as follows: "In the name of God the Merciful. Oh! God, show unto us the truth in its reality, and the false, wherein it is void; also show us things as they are. After perusing this book and weighing its contents, it seemed clear [to us] that the author of it was of a false sect, who had gone against the Book and the Surma, and did not belong to any denomination of the people of Truth. His pretension is that God hath commanded him to do away with all differences among the people; (Firstly) in the developments and ordinances of the Holy Law, and to make them as they were in his time, with neither increase nor diminution; and (Secondly) in the fundamental principles among all the peoples of the earth. [In this] he is certainly lying, and inclined to heresy and schism. It is the duty of such as have the power, to obliterate such a book, and a religious necessity for them to stamp out and extirpate this sect; to prohibit persons from following it and acting according to its dogmas. If they persist in their belief and abandon not their false creed, it is necessary for the security of Musulmans, from their evil example, to repulse them with chastisement and [even] death. If they repent and abandon the sect, they must be commanded to follow the teaching of Abu Hanifa." At the present time in Kashmir, the Sufis have legitimatised so many heresies, that they know nothing of what is lawful or unlawful. They consider that piety and purity consist in night- watching and abstinence in food; yet they take and eat whatever they find, without ever considering what is forbidden or what is lawful. They give way to their lusts and desires in a manner not consistent with the law. They are for ever interpreting dreams, displaying miracles, and obtaining from the unseen, information regarding either the future or the past. They prostrate themselves before one another and, together with such disgraceful acts, observe the forty [days of retirement] . They blame and detest science and men of learning; consider the Holy Law second in importance to the True 'Way/ and that in consequence the people of the 'Way' have nothing to do with the Holy Law. In short, nowhere else is such a band of heretics to be found. May the Most High God defend all the people of Islam from such misfortunes and calamities as this, and turn them all into the true path of righteousness. Thanks be to God that, at the present time, no one in Kashmir dares openly profess this faith; but all deny it, and give themselves out as good Sunnis. They are aware of my severity towards them, and know that if any one of the sect appears, he will not escape the punishment of death. I hope and trust that through the intervention of God and by my own efforts, the land will gradually be entirely delivered of this misfortune, and that all will become, as they now profess to be, Musuimans from the bottom of their hearts. Amen! Oh Lord of the two worlds! There was also a sect of infidels who were Sun-worshippers, called Shammasi. Their creed is as follows: "The phenomenon of luminosity of the sun is due to the purity of our faith: and our being is derived from the sun's luminosity. If we defile the purity of our creed the sun would no longer have any existence, and if the sun withdraw its bounty from us, we should no longer have any being. We are dependent on it for our existence, and it on us. Without us it has no existence, without it we have none. As long as the sun is visible, our actions are visible to it, and nothing but uprightness is lawful. When night falls, it does not see us or know us." Since the sun is not aware of what passes in the night, they cannot be called to account for what they do in the night season. This sect used to be called Shammasi. . . When this Mir Shams appeared in Kashmir and corrupted its people, he bore the title of Shams-ud-Din [Sun of the Faith]. All titles descend from heaven, and the real one must have been Shammas-ud-Din. It has been misunderstood by the Kashmiris, or else they called him Shams-ud-Din by way of reproach. For this reason they called him Mir Shams. CHAPTER CII. RETURN TO THE MAIN NARRATIVE. BEFORE entering upon the description of Kashmir, I had brought the thread of my story down to the point where, after passing the defile of Lar without difficulty, we entered the city. The army of Kashmir was dispersed, and the townspeople, forsaking their city and homes, fled towards the hills and glens, leaving their property in their dwellings. I took up my quarters in the Rajdan, which has been mentioned, and entrenched my men within its walls. During many days no trace of any one was visible. For twenty-four days we remained there, by which time the horses and cattle had quite recovered their strength. The army of Kashmir was stationed in the middle of some swamps [led] at about two farsdkhs to the south of the city, where they could be seen. Wise men were of opinion that we ought not to remain within the city, but thought that we should march out and watch for an opportunity to give them battle. For, though the enemy were far stronger than we, both in arms and numbers, we might yet defeat them by strategy. [Couplet] ... So, sallying forth from the city, we passed, in line, in sight of the enemy, and went and encamped at a place called Baklata* on the east side of Kashmir. In a word, from that date of Jamad II. till Shaban— that is to say, from the end of autumn till the spring— we avoided the army of Kashmir, who on this account became elated, and grew so bold that, at first, every time we marched on, they halted for some days, finding some strong position from which to oppose us. In the first place they would fortify the position secretly, by every means in their power, and then, advancing in the night, would take up a defensive station in the place [where they halted]. At length they became so [confident] that they would follow after us on the same day that we made a move, without taking any precautions. Finally, in a village called Bagh Navin,* after they had advanced fearlessly and had hastened over some level ground, having drawn up my men, I turned and faced them. It would be tedious to enter here into details, but, to be brief, in the twinkling of an eye, the wind of victory began to blow and the enemy were scattered and discomfited . . .* The chief Malik of Kashmir, Malik Ali, together with several other eminent Maliks who were generals and commanders, perished.* Those who escaped the sword, fled to the tops of the mountains. Many were wounded, while such as remained unhurt had their hearts broken in two from fear. That night they resolved on flight, lest on the morrow it should be impossible. Their generals were alarmed and stupefied. By the ordering of Providence, the following noteworthy incident occurred to me: I discovered the devilry and base nature of Mirza Ali Taghai, who for devilish designs is more famous than Satan himself. [Couplet] ... In short, Mirza Ali Taghai came to me and offered his advice, saying: "If our army had fled, it would have been utterly broken. When the [enemy] reach the hills, it is clear that they will there take up a strong position, and it will not be prudent for us to advance into the hills to attack them. It is foolish to risk a disgrace. The way to destroy the enemy at this juncture, is for us to descend with all speed to the lowlands of Kashmir, and attack their families; it will then be impossible that they should remain where they are; they will perforce come down to defend their families. Those that have their households with them in the hills will not want to descend, while those whose families are on the lowlands, will make for the hill-tops. A certain number will remain where they are. Being once separated in this manner, they will find no possibility of reuniting, and no further fighting will be necessary." I allowed myself to be deceived by these devilish promptings and lying suggestions, and decided that on the following morning we should descend with all haste. [Couplet] ... At dawn [next day] we started on the downward road. Mir Daim Ali came to me and said with much severity: "What bitterness have we swallowed that matters should have come to this pass? Now that we have scattered the enemy and have driven him into these hills, you would leave him? Where are you going?" I then hesitated and halted, when Mirza Ali Taghai, who had marched forward, came back and asked why I had stopped. Mir Daim Ali then repeated to him what he had said to me. Mirza Ali Taghai, turning towards me his double-faced countenance, said: "It is childish to alter one's decisions; I maintain my opinion still" [Couplet] . . . But I, setting aside the wise counsel of the provident Mir Daim Ali, followed the evil advice of that worthless wretch In short, we set out and came to the district of Nagam. Mirza Ali Taghai went in advance. At the second stage we learnt that lower down there was no road, or if there were one, it was not suitable for the passage of an army. Chased from one place, and stopping in another, we finally halted at a spot called Jarura. The army of Kashmir, overjoyed with this march of ours, began again to collect their scattered forces from all sides, and descending from the hills, stationed themselves in a strong position, round which they threw a stockade [sheikh]. [Couplet] ... This happened on the 4th of Shaban, 939. (An ingenious person found the date in Ruz-i-chahdrum az mah-i-Shabdn). When Shaban was over and the season of Taurus had come to an end, the snows of mid-winter (that is, the season of Capricorn) were melted from the passes by the heat of the summer sun. Mirza Ali Taghai, continuing his intrigues, began to point out, and enlarge upon, the enormous difficulties which the conquest of Kashmir would involve. He thus turned the hearts of the whole army from a desire to conquer Kashmir. The only exception was Mir Daim Ali, upon whom these base reasonings had no effect. All the leaders of the army of the Moghuls . ..* who had been scattered about, and were now re-united, came to Mir Daim Ali, and with one mind and one accord said, amid much noise and commotion: "Tell a certain person" (by which they meant me) "that we are Moghuls, and we have been continually occupied with the affairs of Moghulistan. The natural solace and joy of the Moghul Ulus is the desert, in which there is no cultivation [dbdddni]. The screeching of the owl in the wilderness is sweeter, to our ear, than the song of the nightingale in the grove. We have never made a cultivated land our home. Our companions have been the ravenous beasts of the mountains, and our associates the wild boars of the desert. Our favourite haunts and our most agreeable dwellings have been the caves in the mountain tops; our clothing the skins of dogs and wild animals, our food the flesh of birds and wild beasts. How can men of our race associate with this besotted band of infidels of Kashmir, which is the garden of Aram— nay more, a specimen of Paradise? It has been said: The idolaters shall not enter Paradise. Moreover, from Kashmir to Kashghar is a long journey, and not only is the distance great, but the difficulties of the road are well nigh insurmountable. There are [to be considered] our families, our baggage, and our flocks and herds. Without flocks we must despair of our lives: separated from our herds we shall have to give up existence, and resign ourselves to death. Therefore, it is better that having ruined the army of Kashmir, we should return to the Khan. If the Khan kills us, our bodies will at least be buried by our own people. If he does not kill us, we will certainly never again draw our bridles towards any other place than Moghulistan." [Couplet] ... Mir Daim Ali came to me and reported what had been said. I was astounded at the men's behaviour. [Verse] ... It is related that a certain sweeper [kannds] was passing a perfumer's shop, and when the scent got into his head, he fainted away. A doctor, who happened to be present, cried: "Apply some filth to his nose;" and the man immediately came to his senses. [Two couplets] . . . Finally, I said to Mir Daim Ali: "[If I make an attempt to complete the conquest of Kashmir], these cowardly men will be eager to do something to shatter the foundations of sovereignty." Mir Daim Ali replied: "On our departure, the Khan told us that Mirza Ali Taghai, in all affairs of the State, considered in the first place, his own advantage, and generally neglected the rest. By this rule he abides, so that in considering his own personal gain, he entirely ignores the necessities of the State . . .* "Let us put the Khan's proposal into practice, so that henceforth no one will dare to show signs of insolence or insubordination; perfect concord will ensue, and thus the kingdom of Kashmir, which has never yet been subdued by a Moghul Khakan, will fall into your hands. You will earn a great name for all time, and the gratitude of the race of Moghul Khans. For this country has never been conquered by any one [of them]." To this I replied: "It is now ten years since the affairs of the Khan's army have been placed under my direction, and suitable Amirs have always been associated with me. I thank God that hitherto all has gone well with me, and that nothing has ever occurred to cause the finger of reproach or blame to be pointed at me. If this [execution] should take place, all the blame will be laid at my door, and all these Amirs, whose minds are full of devilish promptings, will be convinced that he [Mirza Ali Taghai] was sent with the army in order that I might carry out the orders of the king of death. He would doubtless make every effort to save his own life, and every one will imagine that in accompanying me, his own life is in danger. Moreover, it would not be acting like a good Musulman." After much reflection, I saw that there were only two courses open to me to pursue. On the one hand, to kill Mirza Ali Taghai and subdue Kashmir; on the other, to spare him and retire from the country. I finally decided upon the latter course, and sent messages of truce to the Maliks of Kashmir. Thus did I disregard the dictates of wisdom, and my action has caused me much suffering. I have seen what I have seen. As has been said: 'He that hath his enemy before him, if he do not kill him, he is his own enemy.' [Couplet] . . . CHAPTER CIII. RETREAT FROM KASHMIR AND SUBSEQUENT EVENTS. THE government of Kashmir was, at that time, conducted in the name of Muhammad Shah. Among the Maliks of Kashmir, after Ali Mir, who was killed [in an engagement with us], there were Abdal Makri, Kajichak, Lahur Makri and Yakchak. When terms of peace were proposed, they were very thankful, but they did not credit [our good faith], wondering how people who had once conquered such a beautiful country, could be so senseless as to give it up. In a word the Khutba was read and coins were struck in the exalted name of the Khan. The revenue of Kashmir, which was due to the Moghuls, we took. One of Muhammad Shah's daughters was wedded to Iskandar Sultan. And everyone, according to his rank, formed a connection [muldkdt] with one of the Sultans or Maliks of Kashmir. I, for example, became connected with Muhammad Shah, and in accordance with the Moghul practice we called each other "friend." Similar [relations] were established between Mir Daim Ali and Abdul Makri; Mirza Ali Taghai and Lahur Makri; Baba Sarik Mirza and Kajichak; my uncle's son Mahmud Mirza (who will be mentioned below) and Yakchak. Numerous presents and offerings were interchanged.* At the end of Shawal we set out again by way of Lar, as we had come. On reaching the frontiers of Tibet many of the inhabitants hastened out to receive us, bringing presents and flocks. But Karsa,* which is a district of Tibet, contains a valley, which is as narrow as a miser's heart, and in it is a very deep ravine, forming a lofty rampart wall, which seemed beyond the realms of possibility to pass. So narrow indeed was the road, that on the brightest day the darkness of night prevailed there. Trusting to this valley, which they considered no human being could take, they were refractory and refused to pay the tribute [demanded of them]. We encamped there at the noontide prayer-hour. During the night all were engaged in making preparations for an assault. At dawn next day* all the warriors raised a shout, and made ready to fight. In short, fierce fighting ensued. More than once the Musulman forces were driven back by blows, or by rocks which were rolled [down the sides of the ravine], but each time they again made fast the skirt of valour in the girdle of endeavour, and kept a firm footing on the hill-side of holy war! Finally the infidels were routed and most of them perished;* those who escaped the edge of the sword fled like chaff before the wind. All their women, children and families fell a portion to the victorious army. The rest of the infidels were filled with the utmost alarm. To save their own lives and those of their children, they came and delivered up whatever they possessed. All the property of the province of Purik, which is one of the most important in Tibet, was collected together and distributed among the Amirs and soldiers of our army. Having selected a few curiosities and rarities for the Khan, we set out for Maryul. CHAPTER CIV. RETURN OF THE KHAN FROM MARYUL TO HIS CAPITAL, YARKAND; AND THE AUTHOR'S MISSION TO URSANG. ON my return from the war, I was most affectionately welcomed by the Khan, who embraced me and showed his abundant regard for me in every way.* After these demonstrations, the Khan questioned me concerning the particulars of the campaign. I told him what I have herein written down. When I arrived at the end of my recital, the Khan said: "Hitherto no one of the conquering Khakans, from the time of Chingiz Khan to the present day, has laid the hand of dominion upon the collar of Kashmir. But now, by your laudable and strenuous efforts, the pulpits of Kashmir have been decorated with the titles of the Moghul Khakans. The Sultans of Kashmir, who in former times owed allegiance to none, and the governors who were dependent on them alone, are now subject to the Moghul Khans. For this mighty achievement, not only I, but all the Moghul Khakans owe you a debt of gratitude, as do also my nobles, and especially my own children, for whom such a glorious name has been won." By order of the Khan, I left the army and entered his [personal] service. On the next day, the rest of the Amirs and Iskandar Sultan had the honour of waiting on the Khan. I laid before the Khan, as offerings, some valuables from Kashmir and some coins both silver and gold, which had been struck in his name, together with other treasures which I had brought back from the various countries. All of these he graciously deigned to accept, and, according to the custom, distributed them [among his men]. These formalities being terminated, he summoned a council of all the great Amirs and nobles. Each one spoke as his feelings prompted him. Having listened to these speeches, the Khan pondered for a while and then said to me: "You well know that it has always been my ardent desire and earnest intention to conduct the holy wars in person. I am resolved on the destruction of the idol-temple of Ursang, which is the point of adoration of the whole of Khitai. Now, this has never been achieved by any Musulman king; not one of them, indeed, has ever been near the place. My health will not withstand such an undertaking.* I have come to the end of my strength, and since I have this feeling of weakness, which is apparent from my exterior, I desire you to commend me to the protection of God, and full of earnestness and religious fervour, to hasten to destroy that temple. I will meanwhile return to my loved home, leaving the whole of the administration in your hands. Let me and your uncle, who have both grown old, retire to the corner of devotion, which is a haven of repose, while you take upon yourself the affairs of the State. We will help you with our prayers for your welfare; you will benefit us by your good actions." After this lengthy speech, he issued a mandate of the following purport, viz.: "Mirza Haidar had been elected. He may take with him whomsoever he chooses. Those who accompany him are subject to his commands and not to mine."* When this mandate had been promulgated, I gave the great Amirs leave to return home. I then chose to accompany me, my brother Abdullah Mirza and my uncle's son Mahmud Mirza. I set in command of the army Janaka Mirza and Bahrika Mirza, who were both mentioned in the lists [muster roll] at Kashghar. From the rest of the soldiers I selected 2000 men. I then turned my attention to this matter [the invasion of Ursang], and before the [preparations] were completed, six days of Zulhijja were past. This was the extent of my attendance [on the Khan]. On the day of leave-taking, the Khan sent for me privately, and bestowed on me, as gifts, all the royal clothing he had at hand, besides some horses. In addition he gave me a belt and a sheath containing several knives, both of which he had devised himself. He gave these to me with his own hands, saying: "These I have acquired myself, I entrust them to you as a keepsake. If you return in safety, and find me still among the living, you can return them to me. They are a deposit. But if anything should occur which should separate us for ever, you can keep them as a remembrance of me." I thanked him greatly for his kindness; but the reins of self-control fell from my hands, and my extreme grief and sorrow caused the humidity, which lay in the recesses of my heart, to pour forth by way of my eyes: I was much affected. The Khan, in his kindness of heart, began to comfort me, and after he had in a measure succeeded in quieting my mind, I said to him: "What heart would be strong enough to be consoled after hearing such words as yours? Allow me to accompany you as far as your capital, Yarkand. When I have seen you seated on your happy throne, I will then return to my own duties; in the meanwhile the rest of the army can pasture their cattle in one of the grazing grounds of Tibet." But the Khan replied: "It is not wise to despise difficult undertakings. You have misunderstood what I said to you. [My meaning was that there is no living person who does not doubt whether he will remain in the world, or whether he will not taste of the wine of death]; nor is this dependent on an illness. I am not exempt from the hand of fate. Even though I reach Yarkand in safety, I am not secure from death. Since our separation is likely to be of long duration, and since no man can hear what is said, I have taken this opportunity of speaking to you. What I have said to you I have said, and I do not think that your accompanying me and then returning, is compatible with what I have arranged.* In every circumstance one must look to God. Everything must be entrusted to Him. I consign you to God, and I hope that we may meet again in Yarkand. Be strong of heart and energetic! The great name you have won by the conquest of Kashmir will be magnified by this expedition." Having uttered these words he allowed me to depart, and himself set out on the return journey. CHAPTER CV. THE DEATH OF THE KHAN AND AN EPITOME OF HIS LIFE. * IN short the Khan, having finally arranged the above-mentioned affairs, set out from Maryul in Tibet, for Yarkand. I attended him on his first stage, and then, with evil forebodings, took a touching and melancholy leave of him. [Two couplets] . . . Four days later I received a letter in the Khan's own handwriting, stating that he had crossed the pass of Sakri,* and that the feelings of weakness which he apprehended, had not come over him. He had reached Nubra in safety and was camped there, intending to proceed towards Yarkand after the festival of the Sacrifice. [Turkish quatrain.] The last letter sent me from the Khan's [camp] was to the following effect — Having celebrated the Festival of the Sacrifice, they set forth on their homeward road with all speed. When they had crossed the ice passes [muzajat]* a grave change for the worse took place in the Khan's condition, from the effects of that hell-tainted air. From that place to a region where there was no dam-giri, was eight days' journey. (I have already explained the symptoms of this malady, in my account of Tibet.) All the Amirs were agreed that both hurry and delay were to be feared. Still, they considered that a place where there was no dam-giri should be reached as quickly as possible, hoping that the Khan's natural strength would enable him to combat the violence of the malady, until such a spot should be attained. If they delayed any longer in a neighbourhood where dam-giri prevailed, his strength might not hold out. [Couplet] But the ill-advised nobles, foremost among whom was Mirza Ali Taghai, mounted the Khan, in his weak condition, upon his horse, and then started with all speed, supporting him on every side. As it is dangerous [with this malady] to remain in an upright position, it would have been proper to construct a litter. But these Amirs excused themselves for not making one, on the ground that it could not be carried over the passes. [Verse] . . . They made eight days' journey in four, and at eventide prayers they arrived within three farsdkhs of a stage where dam-giri is less prevalent. There, suddenly, the Khan's strength gave way before the violence of his malady, and his nature became utterly exhausted by that hell-tainted climate.* Thus did the pure soul of that noble-minded and just ruler hasten to the regions of the blessed. [Three couplets] . . . This awful and heartrending event happened on the 16th of Zulhijja in the year 939 [9 July, 1533]. After this calamity many terrible and strange things came about, of which I shall speak presently. The life of the Khan, his noble character and worthy qualities have already been fully described in these pages: but although an account of the whole of his life is contained in this history, the context has rendered it necessary to give the facts in a somewhat disjointed and scattered manner. I will therefore add here a brief recapitulation. His genealogy is as follows: Abul Fath Sultan Said Khan Ghazi, was son of Sultan Ahmad Khan, son of Yunus Khan, son of Shir Ali Khan,* son of Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluk Timur Khan. The descent of Tughluk Timur Khan from Japhet, the son of Noah, is traced in both the Mujma ut Tavdrikh and in the Prolegomena to the Zafar-Ndma, and God willing, the details shall be given in the first part [of this history]; I will therefore avoid repeating it [in this place]. He was born in Moghulistan in the year 892 [1487]. He received his name from his distinguished grandfather, Yunus Khan. Up to the age of fourteen he remained in Moghulistan, under the care and guidance of his father. But when Sultan Ahmad Khan went to Tashkand to meet his brother Sultan Mahmud Khan, he took the [young] Khan with him. On the occasion when the battle took place between Shahi Beg Khan and the two brothers, at Akhsi, in which the Khans were defeated, the [young] Khan being wounded, fell into the hands of Shaikh Bayazid, who was Governor of Akhsi. As was shown above, there was but an insincere alliance between Shaikh Bayazid and Shahi Beg Khan. [Shaikh Bayazid] detained the Khan in prison one year, but the following year Shahi Beg Khan came and put Shaikh Bayazid, and his brother Tambal, to death, and conquered the province of Farghana. He next released the Khan from his confinement in Akhsi, and took him with him on the expedition which resulted in the capture of Hisar and Kunduz. On his return from that expedition, [Shahi Beg] set out to attack the Khwarizin. The Khan, who was then sixteen years of age, having, together with seventeen other persons, escaped from Samarkand, went and joined his uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan, in Moghulistan. Finally, fleeing after one of the contests in Moghulistan, he repaired to Andijan, where the governor, who was subject to Shahi Beg Khan, threw him into prison, with the intention of putting him to death; but escaping thence, he took refuge with his cousin, Babar Padishah, in Kabul. When the Emperor marched again upon Hisar, with the purpose of subduing Mavara- un-Nahr, he sent the Khan to Andijan. On reaching this place, it was given up to him by my uncle, who entered his service. When the Uzbeg a second time became masters of Mavara-un- Nahr, the Khan abandoned Andijan and went to Kashghar, which he took by force of arms, and there he reigned absolute during twenty years. At the end [of his reign] he undertook a holy war against Tibet, where, in the year 939, he died of dam-giri at the age of forty-seven. He was a Hanifi by descent. In his youth he was addicted to forbidden pleasures, and little inclined towards laudable and becoming pursuits. On attaining the age of thirty-seven, he renounced all unlawful enjoyments and betook himself to a religious life, under the guidance of Hazrat Makhdumi Khwaja Shahab-ul-Millat wa ud-Din, better known as Khwaja Khavand Mahmud. He devoted all his attention and thought to this noble course, fasting by day and watching by night.* In all his private gatherings little else was discussed but religious matters, and by these conferences he was much influenced. Justice had a strong hold over his mind, and in all his affairs he conformed with the Holy Law, never tiring of its observances, but rather delighting in them. He referred most questions to the spiritual courts [ddr ush-shar] for settlement. He had the greatest reverence for the Ulama. For this he was much blamed by the Sultans of the day; but he answered them saying: "It is fitting to honour and exalt those of my own rank: these people, considering their station in life, cannot claim equality with the humblest of my servants, but I reverence them on account of their knowledge. Whether they are great or whether they are humble [in station, makes no difference], I regard only their learning. No reproach can be levelled at me for this. Those who honour the man for his learning, and not the learning [for its own sake] commit an act of folly."* He treated Sufis and pious men as brothers, and they never overstepped the bounds of propriety with him [though there was no ceremony between him and them] . Thoughts of sovereignty and royal dignity never entered his head, he was equally polite to all; and although he upheld the dignity of the royal state, he observed an attitude of affability beyond all conception. I was twenty-four years in his service, and do not remember ever having heard him use abusive or obscene language to an inferior. If any of the slaves in his attendance committed an offence worthy of punishment or reproof, he would frown, but keep his temper and say very little. If he did speak and wished to use abusive language, he never went beyond calling any one "unclean" or "carrion," and if he spoke in Turki he said much the same. CHAPTER CVI. EVENTS IN KASHGHAR AFTER THE KHAN'S DEATH. * IN short, after the Khan had resigned his life into the hands of the angel of death, Mirza Ali Taghai (that Shaikh of Satans) and Khwaja Shah Muhammad Divan (mother of Satans, in whose eyes for years past, the ophthalmia of envy had filled the place of light) having conspired together, sent Yadgar Muhammad, son-inlaw of Mirza Ali, to Rashid Sultan in Aksu, with a letter issued in the Khan's name and made up of impertinences and falsehoods. They declared it to be the Khan's last testament, and that he, before dying, had said: "I did not wish to make the holy war in Tibet. It was Sayyid Muhammad Mirza and Mirza Haidar who forced me to take the step. I shall never be satisfied with my son Abdur Rashid, if he does not put these men to death. Their death will be in retaliation for mine. Moreover, as long as they exist, the sovereignty will not be his." Having devised such infamous lies as these— the outcome of that devilry which for so many years had held possession of their brains— they sent [the letter] off. At the same time, they sent another messenger to my uncle, relating the manner of the Khan's death, asking what was to be done, and adding that any instructions should be carried out in full. These lies were confirmed by the most solemn oaths. When this message reached my uncle, he was filled with emotion and alarm. He performed the proper ceremonies of mourning, and set out from Kashghar for Yarkand. As it was the season of Asad and the heat was excessive, the Khan's remains were brought in and buried, as quickly as possible, in a chamber of the palace [Divdn-khdna ]. In the meanwhile, my uncle arrived from Kashghar. Having paid a visit of condolence to the ladies of [the late Khan's] haram, he performed similar duties with respect to the rest of the household. All the Amirs who were on the spot, came and begged my uncle for a compact or treaty. First of all, in the presence of this body of grandees, Ulama and Amirs, he promised that their interests should be attended to even better than they had been in the lifetime of the late Khan. They, on their part, professed their allegiance to him by means of the strongest and most solemn oaths. "We too," [they said] "will, even more than in times past, show our loyalty and singleness of purpose." In particular, Mirza Ali Taghai was profuse in his protestations of devotion and sincerity. Having satisfied their minds on these points, they turned their attention to the raising up of Abdur Rashid Sultan as the new Khan, and plans were suggested for his installation. These having been settled in the most satisfactory manner, they only awaited the arrival of Rashid Sultan. It was the last day of Zul-hijja when news of his arrival was received. My uncle sent forward the grandees to meet him, and made every preparation for a royal and dignified reception. "But," he said, "it is not proper that he should make his entry on the last day of the month and of the year, and on a Wednesday. To-night he had better remain in the suburbs, and to-morrow, Thursday, the first of Moharram, and the beginning of the year 940, he should enter the town." This plan was decided upon and the Amirs went forward. But Mirza Ali Taghai went privately, and said to [Rashid Sultan]: — "As the Khan's honour is in my keeping, I feel it my duty to tell him of a scheme now being laid, which was proposed to myself and the Amirs by Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. I would lay it before you now, in order that timely measures may be taken to check it. The promise he exacted from us was, that as soon as Rashid Sultan arrived, we should lay him by his father's side, and that we should set upon the throne of the Khanate, Iskandar Sultan, who is in Tibet." Such lies as these he not only invented, but impressed in such a way [on Rashid Sultan] that [the latter] saw no good reason for doubting him. On the morning of Thursday, the first of Moharram 940, Rashid Sultan set out towards his father's tomb. My uncle, clothed in mourning, [two couplets] . . . was seated by the [late] Khan's grave. As Rashid Sultan rode up to the door of the house, my uncle came forward, his vest rent open, his beard torn, his black turban thrown upon the ground, and on his shoulders black felt [two couplets], . . . uttering moans and laments. Rashid Sultan [immediately] ordered his men to seize him, which they did from either side, and let fall upon his Musulman neck, a non-Musulman sword —severing his head from his body. Ali Sayyid, likewise, who has been mentioned in several places, attained the degree of martyr. Having murdered these two unfortunates, he dismounted and advanced to the head of his father's tomb. Thence, he went and paid a visit of condolence to the ladies of the haram. Mean- while, he sent Mirza Ali Taghai to Kashghar to put to death my uncle's children, Husain Mansur, son of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, and Sultan Muhammad Mirza, son of Mirza Aba Bakr, and also the son of Sayyid Mahmud; none of these three had attained the age of twenty. He spared no act of insult or violence [towards those who were left alive— namely, the wives and families of my uncle]. Thus were my uncle's faithful and devoted services to Rashid Sultan, rewarded with murder and violence, and those solemn oaths and binding compacts which they had mutually sworn to, consumed like blood-money* [Couplet]... It is a practice among [some] nations to do honour to their dead, by sacrificing the choicest of their flocks and the best of their cattle. Rashid Sultan, on his father's demise, put to death my uncle, his children and Ali Sayyid: that is to say, he sacrificed them. [Two couplets] . . . After he had killed my uncle, and had ill-treated [his family], he went on to offer such insults and indignities to the haram of his noble father, as modesty prevents me from describing. Maulana Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, in the Zafar-Ndma, describes the misdeeds of Sultan Khalil Mirza, one of the grandsons of Amir Timur, who succeeded his grandfather on the throne of Samarkand. This passage I have copied exactly into this place. Certainly, with the exception of Sultan Khalil Mirza, no one but Rashid Sultan has practised such tyranny and wrong. These matters being somewhat delicate to relate, I have copied out the passage in order to give some idea of this lamentable affair. The evident intention of Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, in mentioning these hideous deeds, was that his readers and men of note might be warned to avoid criminal acts, and practise works of righteousness* Rashid Sultan did not stop here, but also subjected to every kind of harsh treatment and insult, his aunts, who were members of my haram, and the mother of the children of Shah Muhammad Sultan, who have been mentioned above on various occasions, and will be spoken of again in their proper place. The mother of the children of Shah Muhammad Sultan is Khadija Sultan, a full sister to the late Khan. Though she was suffering from hectic fever and dropsy, and confined to her bed, he banished her and her children into Badakhshan, but ere she could arrive, she died on the road, after undergoing a thousand trials and hardships. Her children, Ismail Sultan, Ishak Sultan, Yakub Sultan, and Muhtarima Khanim— some in infancy, some still at the breast, desolate and friendless exiles— were sent to Kabul, where they were received with fatherly kindness by Timur Sultan, who has been mentioned as being in Hind, in the service of Kamran Mirza. He undertook the entire charge of his sister's sons. Ismail Sultan perished in the wars in Hindustan. Yakub Sultan died a natural death. Muhtarima Khanim was, by my agency, married to Kamran Mirza, as will be related; Ishak Sultan, also through my influence, is still with Kamran. CHAPTER CVII. ACCOUNT OF MUHAMMADI BARLAS WHO WAS 1 AMIR-UL-UMARA TO RASHID KHAN -OR RATHER HIS REASONING SOUL. HE was son of Ali Mirak, son of Darvish Husain Barlas. During the Khan's sojourn in the province of Farghana, on the occasion of the release of Rashid Sultan from the captivity of the Uzbeg, and when he rejoined his father, the latter appointed Ghuri Barlas, Muhammadi's uncle, to be [Rashid's] Ata Beg. But about the same time, Ghuri Barlas died a natural death. The office of Ata Beg was then, quite properly, conferred upon Ali Mirak Barlas. A few years after the reduction of Kashghar, Ali Mirak Barlas went on a holy war to Tibet, and the office of Ata Beg to Rashid Sultan, descended by inheritance, to Muhammadi. Soon after this, Rashid Sultan was brought into Moghulistan. The Amirship over all, was given to Mirza Ali Taghai, while the affairs of the Kirghiz were placed under the control of Muhammad Kirghiz. Muhammadi was likewise in the service of Rashid Sultan, as has been explained. Ali Mirak Barlas was my uncle's maternal uncle, by reason of which connection, my uncle and I used every effort to further his interests. But Mirza Ali Taghai was not friendly towards him. Without showing it, he was afraid that my uncle's intentions were evil and his devotion insincere. On [Muhammadi's] account, Mirza Ali Taghai's dislike for my uncle increased, while Muhammadi, on every occasion, sought to defend my uncle. At length, Shah Muhammad Sultan was killed by [Muhammadi] . It has been mentioned above, how the Khanims and the heirs of the dead man, were bent on retaliating by the death of Muhammadi, and how my uncle and I rescued him from that calamity. This produced bitterness against me on the part of my maternal aunts, their children and my other relations. All this [hostility] was encountered for the sake of Muhammadi. The atrocities which took place after the death of the Khan, the murders, the violence, all [seemed to be the working of Mirza Ali Taghai]. Though Mirza Ali Taghai used all his influence, yet without the sanction of [Muhammadi], Rashid Sultan would never have committed such scandalous acts. In fact [Muhammadi's] influence for evil was greater [than Mirza Ali Taghai's], and his control over Rashid Sultan's mind was so great, that the latter did whatever he told him, however "infidel" the action might be. All these lying tales and unrighteous deeds were for the sake of [Muhammadi]. The ladies of the Khan's haram— Rashid Sultan's [step-] mothers — were pressed to marry Muhammadi, and those who did not yield, he went so far, in his resentment, as to plunder and expel. But he did not see fit that the mates of the humci should become the co-mates of the crows. His own sister Badi-ul-Jamal Khanim had been engaged to Baush Sultan, son of Adik Sultan, the Uzbeg Kazak. When he [Rashid Sultan], in alliance with the Uzbeg Shaiban, routed the Uzbeg Kazak, Baush Sultan, because of his position as son-inlaw, and relying on this [for safety], came forward to meet Rashid Sultan, who threatened to put him to death if he did not at once divorce Badi-ul-Jamal Khanim. Having taken her from this chief, who was worthy of the alliance, he gave her to Muhammadi, whose ancestors had never attained to a dignity nearly so great. This act was a complete breach of propriety: for a peasant was treated as of equal rank with a prince. But Rashid Sultan disregarded everything, and brought disgrace upon his own house. He could not distinguish a man endowed with reason, from a brute beast. Still the most infamous thing of all, was taking her from a worthy man and giving her to an unworthy one. Such a deed is quite unheard of. [Muhammadi's] influence over Rashid Sultan was without limit, but the reason for it was never apparent. It did not lie in the merit of past services, nor in his intelligence and sagacity as an Amir; nor yet in eloquence in council, nor in affable manners or good breeding, nor in vivacious humour at feasts, nor in courage in battle, nor in grace or charm of bearing. [Verses] . . . All that he said and did, was tainted with falsehood and evil. In short, all the unworthy deeds of Rashid Sultan are to be traced to him. We have nothing further to blame Rashid Sultan for, than that he allowed himself, on every occasion, to be guided by Muhammadi. There has lately come a report that Muhammadi has bidden this life farewell. If it is true, it is not unlikely that Rashid Sultan will grasp the reins of rectitude, and renouncing his evil ways, will repent him fully. Amen. Oh Lord of the two worlds! CHAPTER CVIII. MARCH OF THE AUTHOR TOWARDS URSANG. THE SLAYING OF HIS BROTHER ABDULLAH MIRZA. DETAILS OF THE EXPEDITION. WHEN the Khan set out for Yarkand, I took leave of him, and in the first ten days* of Zulhijja of the year 939, after keeping the feast of the Sacrifice in Maryul, I set out to destroy the idol- temple of Ursang. After marching for twenty days in that part of Tibet, we found no signs of infidels, except a few fortresses. These were so strongly situated and fortified, that they could only have been taken with great difficulty, and the gain was not worth the pain. Leaving behind Iskandar Sultan, my brother Abdullah Mirza and my cousin Mahmud Mirza, together with the heavy baggage and the tired beasts of burden, I took the strongest and freshest of the horses with me, and started in all haste. On the first of Safar we reached a place called Barmang. Here we found some of the Champa people of Tibet, whom we plundered; nearly 300,000 sheep fell to the lot of our victorious army, besides prisoners, horses and goods, in proportion. For the completion of our desires, and the satisfaction of our necessities, we halted in a suitable pasture land, to rest and refresh our horses; by this means we afforded Iskandar Sultan, Abdullah Mirza and Mahmud Mirza, time to overtake and rejoin us. But while I had hastened forward, they had followed leisurely, and on the first of Moharram 940, they had approached one of the abovementioned fortresses, which was called Kardun. The despicable men [in the fortress] being reduced to extremities, applied for aid to one of the Rai of Hindustan, who sent 3,000 Hindu Katara-dar infantry* [men armed with short swords]. [Couplet . ..]. Iskandar Sultan and my brothers advanced with 200 men, to give them battle, but they pushed forward so rapidly that only a few of the 200 kept up with them. My brother, Abdullah Mirza, was a daring youth, and had already distinguished himself in the Khan's service in Balti, where having gained the juldu, he was respected by all the army. Elated and animated by this distinction, and without reflection, he neglected to await the main body, but advancing with only three men, threw himself into the middle of the 3,000. He was dismounted, but at this juncture my cousin Mahmud Mirza came up with four men. Seeing his brother [cousin?] in this plight, he too made a daring charge, and saved his brother from imminent danger; whereupon the latter again returned to the charge, only to be a second time dismounted. At this moment five of the bravest warriors arrived on the scene, and seeing the two brothers so hard pressed, they charged the enemy; but by this time my brother, Abdullah, had been cut in pieces— so completely that each separate part of his cuirass and coat was in the possession of some infidel. [Four couplets] ... I repeated the verse, "Verily unto God do we return." .' I I halted for some days in that pasture-ground, until the beasts were rested and refreshed. I then sent back all the booty that had fallen into our hands, and having chosen out 900 men from the army, set forth with them for Ursang. From Maryul of Tibet to that place is two months' journey. After one month's journey, one comes to a spot where a lake is situated; it is forty farsdkhs in circumference, and on its shores there is a castle, which is called Luk-u-Labuk. We halted there for the night; the next morning we found all our horses had died, except a few that were half dead— groaning and writhing [with pain]. Thus of my own twenty-seven horses, only one was, on that morning, in a sound condition, two others were dying, and the remaining twenty-four were dead. The cause [of their death] was the dam-giri, which has been described above. When we left that place, [only] a fifth part of the army were mounted, all the rest proceeded on foot. On the second day we plundered the province of Ham [or Hari]. The people of that place assert that it is twenty-four days' journey into Bangala. Many captives were taken by us. Those of our army who were mounted on serviceable horses, only numbered ninety men. With these ninety, I advanced and plundered a place called Askabrak. About 100,000 sheep, 20,000 kutds and a proportionate number of prisoners and horses, fell into our hands. There remained eight days' journey from Askabrak to Ursang. However, the horses of our party being entirely broken down, we were obliged to turn back. Six days later, we reunited and set out on our return. This took place on the 8th of Rabi II. On the last day of Jamad II. we overtook the party that had been sent back with the booty and plunder, at a place called Tamlik, which is twenty days' journey from Maryul. The Guga people came and represented to us that Guga was the chief district of Tibet; they were willing to pay any capitation tax which I might impose, in accordance with the extent and wealth of the country; I therefore proceeded to Guga, where I arrived in two marches from Tamlik. I was received by the people in the most respectful, obedient, and hospitable way. After staying there three days, and fixing the levy at 3,000 Tibetan mithkdls (one of which is equal to one and a half statute mithkdl) I returned, and on the road heard of the dispersion [virdn] of my army, which I will speak of immediately. CHAPTER CIX. SUFFERINGS IN TIBET, AND THE DEATH OF THE AUTHOR'S COUSIN, MAHMUD MIRZA. AS soon as Rashid Sultan had made an end of murdering and insulting my uncle and others of his near relations, he sent a messenger into Tibet bearing divers mandates. One of these was for his brother Iskandar Sultan, and ran thus: "We have conferred upon you the country of Tibet. [We desire] Mirza Haidar and Mahmud Mirza also to remain there." Another was addressed to the whole army as follows: "The wives and families of all those who are in Tibet will be sold. Immediately upon the arrival of this, you are ordered to disperse and set out for Yarkand." When these unwelcome orders arrived, I had gone to Guga, as has been said. No sooner did the soldiers learn the purport of the message than, seizing their opportunity, they set out for Yarkand; but Iskandar Sultan and my cousin Mahmud, with a handful of men, having got away [from the rest], remained behind. Two days later, I reached the stage where the men had disbanded [virdn shuda]. Iskandar Sultan and my cousin Mahmud pointed out that we had better remain there that night, as many of the soldiers had fled unwillingly, and were probably only watching for an occasion to rejoin us. There yet remained with me more than a hundred men; these were all brave soldiers or commanders of battalions, whose service was hereditary, who had often distinguished themselves in battle, and had won juldus; each one also had been born to the title of Amir. Some of them were my [foster]-brothers, and were called [by me] Kukilddsh; from these I had no reason to expect opposition. But on the morrow I discovered that all my trusted men had dis- appeared, like the stars at dawn. After the sun had lit up the earth's dark surface, Jan Ahmad Ataka, who has been already mentioned as my foster-brother, came to me with a certain Shah Muhammad, a Kukilddsh, and one of the most distinguished of that band. With them they brought five followers. Thus was the fear of loneliness dispelled. After a while, Iskandar Sultan and my cousin Mahmud came back, and having collected about fifty men we proceeded towards Maryul. It was the beginning of the season of Capricorn, and the commencement of winter-time. [Couplet]... The cold was so intense that were I to describe it, I should be accused of word-painting. Out of those fifty men, more than forty had either hands or feet, or nose or ears, taken off by the cold [frost-bitten] . Sustaining such fatigues and sufferings as these, at the end of twenty-five days we reached Maryul. The Chui of Maryul, named Tashikun and Lata Jughdan, who have been mentioned in a few places already, hastened out to wait upon us. Since we had [on a former occasion] treated them with violence, both plundering and killing [their people], I was inwardly in great fear of them. But contrary to my apprehensions, they showed their willingness to assist us in every way, and even proffered excuses, saying: "For four hundred years, from father to son, we have been the subjects and you the king; we the slave, you the master; if in the days of your glory and greatness we were alarmed and trangressed, we met with our due retribution at your hands. At that time the Chui of Tibet submitted to and obeyed you, solely from fear. But now we offer our services, out of attachment to you, and in all sincerity." [Verses.] They gave us the castle of Shaya, which is the capital of Maryul.* In Shaya we took the opportunity to recover [from our fatigues], and here, some of the army who had stayed behind, now rejoined us. Among them was Maulana Darvish Muhammad Kara Tagh, one of the attendants of Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf, who has been mentioned above. This Maulana Darvish Muhammad was a pious and devoted Musulman. He knew the Tibetan language remarkably well, and enjoyed the entire confidence of all the Chui of Tibet. He was thus able to settle all our affairs with them in a satisfactory way. From Kashmir there came a certain man named Haji, who attached himself to my service; he will be mentioned frequently hereinafter; our party now numbered more than sixty persons. But the disbanded army, as it advanced, began to suffer from the change in the season; so much so, that most of the men were unable to proceed, while those who attempted to go on, lost all their effects. Nearly one hundred and fifty men died from exposure to the cold. The rest arrived in a half-dead state at Yarkand. Another party, turning back, reached Maryul in a helpless condition. Thus a body numbering five hundred men was again assembled, together with about 10,000 sheep. [For a time] we enjoyed a complete rest. Before reaching Maryul, I sent forward Jan Ahmad Ataka and Shah Muhammad Kukildash, to Rashid Sultan in Yarkand, with many gifts from the spoil we had taken in our last expedition. I also wrote him a few lines, reminding him of our ancient bonds of friendship, and sent him as proof thereof, some old tokens we had interchanged. A dark coloured Arab pustin, and a steel bdluka, both of which Rashid Sultan had given me, I now sent back to him, just as they were [ba- jins]. [Verses] ... Towards the close of that winter Rashid Sultan sent Bidakan, son of my foster-brother Jan Ahmad Ataka, accompanied by Hasan Divana, to bear to me messages of apology and expressions of repentance. His past behaviour [he admitted] had been due to his ignorance, and was a cause for shame in this world and the next. He now frankly begged the forgiveness of his dear friend. He had sent Maulana Kudash with two hundred men, for my service. All those of my following who had gone over to him, might now return to me; no one should hinder them. He also sent me some horses and other gifts. I was not a little encouraged by these messages, and most of Tibet submitted. In the meanwhile Maulana Kudash arrived, bringing with him some of my chief retainers. Being reinforced by this band, we marched for Balti, which touches the confines of Kashmir. All Balti paid the appointed tax in kind, without hesitation or delay. Suru is a department of Balti, and its chief defence and stronghold. Maulana Kudash asked permission from me to go and impose a levy upon Suru, but I would not consent to this, knowing that those infidels would not be willing to let any one visit their districts and valleys.* [Indeed the people of Suru] begged that [no one might come]. "Whatever amount is due," [they said], "that we will ourselves bring to the camp where you now are; there is no need for you to come [to us] ." However, when the fowler of destiny places the grain of earthly desire in the net of fate, not even a bird of wisdom can escape from that net. [Couplet] . . . But Kudash, not accepting my refusal, was so importunate in his demands that I at last sanctioned his going, and he set forth. The people of Suru put him to death in a narrow pass, together with twenty-four worthy men who were with him; they were subjected to a hundred ignominies, and were unable to strike a blow. Although our force numbered some seven hundred men, yet, on account of our poverty and want of arms, we were unable to avenge him. [Three couplets] . . . Leaving Balti, we set out towards a province in Tibet called Zangskar. The crops had, as yet, attained no height; harvest time was not yet come, when we arrived. While we were waiting for the harvest, that we might divide the crops, one of the Chui of Balti, named Tangi Sakab, who had in the past rendered us useful services, came and told us that the time had come to go and attack the murderers of Kudash, that is to say, the people of Suru. "You can go and pillage their country," [he said], "carry off their women and take vengeance on their men." Some of those who had lost their strength, were at once despatched to Maryul, in order that the strong men among us might proceed with all speed. I sent my cousin to escort the party [going to Maryul], as one day's march of that journey was very dangerous. He was to see them [safely] through this part of the road. At night he encamped there. As the place was dangerous, he kept his horse by him all through the night. During his sleep, the horse, while grazing, kicked him so hard on the forehead as to fracture his skull [making a wound] the size of the hoof. On the next day he came to me and showed me his wound. According to the practice of Moghul surgeons, I broke the bone [again], and seizing the edge of it, applied remedies. I then sent to tell Tangi Sakab what I had done. He sent back answer: "Since your coming would involve no little difficulty, [you had better] send me a small contingent to take Suru. We will send you a fifth part of all that falls into our hands. This also would be an acceptable service." Between Zangskar, where I was dwelling, and Sut,* the home of Tangi Sakab, is five days' journey. I sent [to Tangi Sakab], seventy men under the command of Maulana Darvish Muhammad Kara Tagh, who enjoyed the entire confidence of the Chui of Tibet, and Nur Ali Divana, one of the most promising young soldiers, and who had turned back to rejoin me. Nearly two months were passed in exchange of messages before a decision was arrived at. Mahmud Mirza's wound had opened afresh, and it became quite impossible for him to remain in Zangskar, on account of the severity of the weather. So I was obliged to send him back to Maryul, while I remained in Zangskar, in order that, as soon as he had reached Maryul in safety, I might myself proceed to Suru, where I hoped to find some means of existence. When Mahmud reached the spot where he had received the kick from his horse, he halted for the night, and on the morrow, as he was about to mount, he exposed his head to apply the dressing. The cold got into the wound and, fainting away, he became insensible. At noontide prayers a person came and informed me of his condition. I at once set out in all haste to see him. I arrived at midnight and found him unconscious. On the following day he came to himself and entirely recovered consciousness. The next day also, he was conscious, but on the third day he began to talk incoherently, and two nights later he died. Meanwhile a messenger arrived from the party which I had despatched against Suru, saying that Nur Ali Divana, in company with his companions and Maulana Kara Tagh, had gone to attack Baghan, who was a Chui of the provinces of Tibet. Maulana Darvish Muhammad having enticed him into a place [apart], they exchanged blows, and at length Baghan, being mortally wounded, they made a present of that infidel to the Musulmans, and taking leave, proceeded to Yarkand.* That infidel killed the Maulana by transfixing him with a stick. Thus the Suru expedition came to nothing. Having conveyed Mahmud's body to Maryul, I sent it on thence to Kashghar [to be buried in the tomb] of his forefathers. These events happened in the beginning of the season of Scorpio. It was at the commencement of the cold season of Tibet, that we went to Maryul. That winter, until spring came round, we passed in such a manner that, were I to describe our sufferings, I should be suspected of exaggeration On the return of spring, seventy persons were sent with the horses, to a place called Utluk— a ravine [mughdra] famous in all Tibet for the richness of its crops. I spent the interim in hunting the wild ass and the wild kutds, and then returned. On my departure, I had left Iskandar Sultan in Maryul with a body of men. When we had once again reassembled, the horses had grown fat and strong, but our men, unable to support the pressure of misfortune and trial, all at once dispersed and went off to Yarkand; only fifty of them stayed behind, the rest all fled. At this juncture Jan Ahmad Ataka, whom, two years previously (on my return from the Ursang expedition) I had sent to Rashid Sultan (as was mentioned), came back from Yarkand, bringing the orders that we were to stay no longer in Tibet. Hitherto my reason for lingering in Tibet had been, that if of my own choice I moved to some other place, I should be accused of breaking my engagement. He [Rashid Sultan], however, while outwardly pretending to be upright, had broken this engagement, which he had sworn to with the most solemn oaths, and now, disregarding every [honourable] consideration, ordered me to take flight. [Verses] . . . No sooner had Jan Ahmad Ataka delivered his message, than I set out for Badakhshan. CHAPTER CX. THE AUTHOR CROSSES FROM TIBET TO BADAKHSHAN. I MENTIONED above that out of my force of 700 men, only fifty remained with me. The rest all got away to Yarkand, as best they could. It has also been already observed, that the difficulties of travelling in Tibet are due to the scarcity of provender and the terrible severity of the cold, while the roughness of the paths is almost beyond conception. We were without a proper supply of clothing and food, and more particularly of horse-shoes, which are above all things indispensable on those roads; our horses were few, and were in a broken condition. To remain in Tibet, therefore, became impossible; while to leave it was difficult. However, if to stay and to go were both attended by obstacles, there was at least hope in the latter course; to it we might look for a termination of our troubles, but we could foresee none if we determined to stay. [Verse]... [The routes] to Kashmir, Kashghar, Turfan, and Hindustan were all equally impossible. The road to Badakh-shan was the only one that offered any hope of safety. No one of us had ever travelled from Tibet to Badakhshan, excepting by way of Kashghar. But among those who had deserted and fled to Yarkand, was a certain man named Jahan Shah. He once related that he had heard from the people of the mountain districts of Yarkand, that from a place called Tagh Nak, there was a bye-path leading to the Pamirs of Badakhshan. I had inquired the particulars of him. By that unknown road we now advanced. "Can one travel by a road one has never seen and knows not?" Of the fifty persons who had remained with me many, from want of strength, stayed behind in Tibet. I moved off finally, with twenty-seven men. [We suffered much] from want of supplies for the journey— from the weakness of the beasts of burden, from the difficulties of the road and from the cold. For although it was now the season of Virgo, the cold was so severe, that at a place we came to called Kara Kuram, as the sun sank, the river (which is a large one) froze over so completely, that wherever one might break the ice, not a drop of water was forthcoming. * We continued our efforts [to obtain water] until bedtime prayers. The horses that had travelled all day over dam-giri ground, arriving at a stage where there was neither water nor grass, refused to eat the little barley that was left (and which we now gave them) because they had not drunk. Jan Ahmad Ataka said: "I remember once noticing a spring at about half afarsdkh's distance from here." He indicated a spot in the middle of the ice, where we had to cut a hole; this time there was water, and we gave the horses to drink. There was one mare [hajr] among them, the strongest of all the beasts, whose teeth, from want of water, became so tightly locked together, that in spite of every exertion she could not drink, and therefore died.* The baggage which she had carried was thus left behind. This will give some idea of the intensity of the cold. [Verse.] ... When, after much hardship, we reached the spot where the untried road to Badakhshan branched off, Iskandar Sultan came to ask my permission to make his way to Rashid Sultan, saying: "Perhaps his brotherly affection will induce him to take pity on me, and cause him to heal the wounds which have hitherto cut him off from his relations." I replied: "Your brother is certainly not a man of his word, as his actions testify. Good faith is the first duty of a Musulman; but he is so entirely under the evil influence of Muhammadi, that you need never expect mercy at his hands." [Quatrain] . . . With such words did I attempt to dissuade him, but he, being worn out with the sufferings of the journey and the misfortunes in Tibet, shut his eyes to the path of reason, and was so persistent in his demands, that at last I gave him leave to go, sending four men to accompany him. My party of twenty-seven, by the loss of these five, was thus reduced to twenty-two, and with these I went forward upon this [strange] road. A few of our horses had become useless from want of shoes. On the same day that we parted from Iskandar Sultan, towards midday prayer-time, we killed a wild kutds. With its skin we made coverings for the feet of our disabled horses: of its flesh we carried away as much as we were able, and even then there remained what would have been sufficient for a day or two. This was a favour bestowed upon us by the Giver of daily bread. We carried away as much as our beasts could bear, which amounted to about five days' provisions for the party. I suppose about a quarter of the kutds was lost: that is to say about that quantity remained behind. The crows and ravens, by their screams, gave a general invitation to the beasts of prey of the neighbourhood, and they celebrated a feast in company.* We proceeded in this manner, guessing [our way]. On the next day we killed another kutds, of a very large breed. [Couplet.] . . . From the information I had gathered from Jahah Shah, I reckoned that it would be another six days, before we should come to a cultivated region; but on the third day after our separation from Iskandar Sultan, at about breakfast-time, we met with some men with their families, some of whom came out to receive us with great cordiality, and asked us whence we had come and whither we were going. They told us that this valley was called Ras Kam, and that from here to [the] Pamir was five days' journey. When we arrived at this place [Ras Kam], all of us took a rest, after the trials of so many years. The people took over all our broken horses and gave us strong ones in their stead. They also supplied us, in the most hospitable manner, with such meat and drink as they had to give. When they saw me, they all began to weep and cried, in their own language: "Thanks be [to God] that there still remains a prince of the dynasty that has ruled over us for four hundred years: we are your faithful and devoted servants." They then attached themselves, with their wives and families, to me. I was powerless to hinder them. At every place we came to, I was joined by all the men, women and children of the district. For the space of seven days they lavished every attention and honour upon us, brought us to the Pamir, and induced us to proceed to Badakhshan. (Sulaiman Shah Mirza, the son of Mirza Khan, the son of my maternal aunt, has been mentioned in several places above. When I came to his [abode] he hastened out to receive me, showing me honour, by every means at his disposal.)* We then offered up a thousand thanks to God Almighty, who had delivered us from such great dangers, and had brought us into safety; [verse] . . . and from a land of Infidels to one of true Believers. [Three couplets.] ... When we reached Wakhan, which is the frontier [sar-hadd] of Badakhshan, there came to me one of Rashid Sultan's followers, who was there on some business. I gave him some Turki verses, which I had composed, to deliver over to his master. . .* If I were to detail the acts of violence and unkindness of Rashid Sultan, a separate chapter would be necessary. God willing an account of his life will be given in the First Part; repetition would not be pleasing. To be brief, at this time my wife, who was Rashid Sultan's paternal aunt, was banished [ikhraj] in a kindly way, with Iskandar Sultan to accompany her. Another act of kindness was that she was not robbed, or deprived of anything; all that she had at hand was sent with her. She reached Badakhshan, however, in a pitiable and destitute condition. About ten persons were allowed, by Rashid's favour, to accompany her, and these took with them all their cattle.* That winter I passed in Badakhshan in perfect comfort, and the spring I spent in the plains and hills of that country; in the summer I went to Kabul. Soon after my arrival, there came together, in Kabul, some of my connections who had been banished [by Rashid Sultan]: namely, the Khan's wife, Zainab Sultan Khanim, who was his cousin, with her children Ibrahim Sultan (the Khan's favourite child), Muhassan Sultan and Mahmud Yusuf . [Afterwards] I passed on into Hindustan. When I reached Lahur I found Kamran Mirza, son of Babar Padishah, there. He came out to meet me with every mark of respect, and bestowed honours on me. From the depths of distress and hardship, I found myself raised to honour and dignity. [Verses.] . . . The princely patronage and attention [of Kamran Mirza] acted as an antidote to the numerous sufferings and griefs, which had made the sweetness of life bitter on the palate of my soul. [Verses.] . . . At this period, one of the sons of Shah Ismail marched upon Kandahar, and captured it. It came about thus: Sam Mirza, one of Shah Ismail's sons, fleeing with a body of men from his brother Shah Tahmasp, reached the territory of Sistan. Thence he turned towards Kandahar, where was Mir Khwaja Kilan. This Mir Khwaja Kilan was the son of Maulana Muhammad Sadr, one of the pillars of religion and state to Mirza Amar Shaikh, son of Mirza Sultan Abu Said. His [Maulana Sadr's] children, after the death of Mirza Amar Shaikh, entered, by hereditary succession, the service of Babar Padishah, for whom they achieved great things. In that family their reputation stands high, for six brothers were killed in battle on separate occasions, and this one, Mir Khwaja Kilan, alone survived. He was a brave and learned man, and by his sound judgment was able to regulate most of the Emperor's affairs of State. It was owing to his exertions that, under the divine decree, the Emperor achieved the conquest of Hindustan.* In short, he defended the fort of Kandahar in such a way, that Sam Mirza, after besieging it vigorously and persistently for eight months, was unable to take it. At the end of eight months, Kamran Mirza arrived from Hindustan and engaged [Sam Mirza] in battle, at the very gates of the fort of Kandahar. Through the gallantry and energy of Mir Khwaja Kilan, victory declared for Kamran Mirza after a hard fought combat, and Sam Mirza, humbled and discomfited, fell back on Irak,* while Kamran Mirza returned to Lahur. It was at that time that I arrived at Lahur. That winter passed over, and in the following spring, Shah Tahmasp marched against Kandahar to avenge his brother. It was this Shah Tahmasp who, whenever he made war upon Khorasan, met with such determined opposition from the Uzbeg under Ubaid Ullah Khan, and such overpowering resistance from their numerous forces, that he was always compelled to retreat. [Couplet] . . . Mir Khwaja Kilan was not able to put the fort in a state to withstand a siege, on account of the numbers and the strength of Shah Tahmasp's army, and also because, having the year before sustained a siege of eight months, his ammunition and other necessaries were exhausted. Moreover, he entertained no hope of Kamran Mirza coming to his relief. Under these conditions, he abandoned Kandahar and retired to Ucha and Tatta, whence he passed on to Lahur. When this news reached the ears of Kamran Mirza, he resolved to march [at once] for Kandahar. Leaving the whole of Hindu-stan and its dependencies in my charge, and giving me entire authority over all his officials and nobles — setting me, in fact, over the whole of the affairs of his kingdom— he proceeded to Kandahar. On reaching this place, the emissaries of Shah Tahmasp gave the fort up to him peacefully, and returned to Irak. This journey [of Kamran Mirza] lasted rather more than a year, during which period I did all that was possible to discharge my duties, in the administration of the State. I attended carefully to collecting taxes, suppressing revolt, protecting the frontiers and establishing Islam, so that when Kamran Mirza returned, in the full glow of victory, to his capital Lahur, he raised my salary from fifteen to fifty laks, and distinguished me among my peers, by his favours. One lak of Hindustan is worth twenty thousand shdhrukhis. A current shdhrukhi is worth one mithkdl of silver.* CHAPTER CXI. HUMAYUN PADISHAH, SON OF BABAR PADISHAH, AND HIS DOWNFALL. HUMAYUN PADISHAH was the eldest, greatest, and most renowned of Babar's sons. I have seen few persons possessed of so much natural talent and excellence as he, but in consequence of frequent intercourse with the sensual and profligate men who served him, such as Maulana Muhammad Parghari in particular, and others like him, he had contracted some bad habits; among these was his addiction to opium. All the evil that has been set down to the Emperor, and has become the common talk of the people, is attributable to this vice. Nevertheless he was endowed with excellent qualities, being brave in battle, gay in feast and very generous. [Couplet.] ... In short, he was a dignified, stately and regal sovereign, who observed much state and pomp. When, for example, I entered his service at Agra, as shall be mentioned, it was after his defeats, and when people said that compared with what it had been, there was nothing left of his pomp and magnificence. Yet when his army was arrayed for the Ganges campaign (in which the whole direction devolved upon me) there were still 17,000 menials [shagird pisha] in his retinue, from which circumstance an estimate may be formed of the rest of his establishment. To be brief; when Kamran Mirza went the first time to Kandahar, the Emperor invaded Gujrat and conquered it. But on account of the insubordination and discord that prevailed among the Amirs, he was obliged to abandon the country, and return empty handed. To repair this disappointment— being still at the height of his power— he turned to attack Bangala, which he also conquered, and where he made a protracted stay. Hindal Mirza, his youngest brother, was in Agra. [Hearing that] Shir Khan was coming from Barkunda and Ruhtas, against Agra, [Hindal] put to death Shaikh Pul who has been mentioned as the Emperor's spiritual guide, and caused the Khutba to be read in his own name. He began openly to sound the drums of sovereignty. As the proverb says: "Whenever sedition arises, prosperity gets up [to go]."* When this news reached Bangala, the Emperor at once set out for Agra, leaving Bangala in charge of Jahangir Kuli, son of Ibrahim Begjik, the Moghul, supported by 5000 men. But when Hindal read the Khutba in his own name, none of the Emperor's Amirs who were in the surrounding cities, would acknowledge him. With his lack of good sense — and this was the cause of his misfortunes— he left Shir Khan behind, and turned to conquering the Emperor's dominions. As has been said: "Do the work of your friends, that your enemy may do his own work." In the first place he marched against Dehli, the capital of the whole of Hindustan. But the governors of Dehli, who were Amirs of the Emperor, would not give up the town, and a fierce encounter ensued between the two parties, each filling its enemy with fear, and its friends with courage. While Hindal Mirza was thus engaged, Humayun came from Bangala to Jusa and Paik. Shir Khan, seizing his opportunity, cut off his progress.* The Emperor had lost all his horses in Bangala, and the strength of his army was wasted; the rainy season too, had come on. He remained for three months encamped opposite to Shir Khan. Repeated messengers came [from the Emperor] saying that Shir Khan was at the bottom of all the confusion in Hindustan, that he was now face to face with him, and that his brothers should come quickly, as it was necessary to make an end of Shir Khan. [The letters arrived, but] the brothers were engaged in hostilities, so the enemy remained at his ease. When news of these events reached Kamran Mirza, he at once led his army against Dehli. [On his approach] Hindal Mirza fled, and the Emperor's Amirs came out to meet him. His arrival filled the breasts of the people with fresh courage, so that the veterans exerted themselves in affording assistance to the Emperor in Jusa. But some perverse advisers offered different counsel, saying: "To go to Jusa would release the Emperor, destroy the enemy and ensnare us." Kamran Mirza, in his ignorance and childlike folly, mistook this bad advice for wisdom, and delayed in setting forth. But men of experience said: "Since he is putting off his departure, we had better return, lest the equipment of the army be spoiled. Let every one go back to his own home and make fitting preparations for an active campaign. If Shir Khan defeat the Emperor, we shall be equipped and ready [to meet him]. If, on the other hand, the Emperor destroys Shir Khan, well and good." But this did not quite satisfy [the discontented]. They argued: "If the Emperor destroy Shir Khan, he will be enraged against us. We must contrive some means to procure the forgiveness of the offended Emperor." In short they returned to Agra. After they had been there a little more than a month, the Emperor arrived, defeated and crestfallen. In the middle of the rains [pashkdl] the brothers came together. This occurred in Safar of the year 946.* CHAPTER CXII. THE BATTLE OF THE GANGES. 2 * WHEN all the brothers were assembled, they conferred together upon the state of affairs. The discussion was protracted, but no profitable decision was arrived at; in fact, nothing was proposed that was worthy of the occasion, for as it is said: "When fortune's adverse, minds are perverse." Kamran Mirza was very anxious to return, but Humayun, conceding all other representations, disregarded his request on this point. Seven months were wasted in weary indecision, until the opportunity was lost, and Shir Khan was on the Ganges, ready for war. [Verses] ... In the midst of this discussion and argument, Kamran Mirza became very ill. The climate of Hindustan had brought on some serious disorders.* When he had thus suffered for two or three months, he lost the use of his hands and feet. [Verses] ... As no medicine or treatment relieved him, he became more desirous of departing to Lahur. At length his maladies so increased, that he made up his mind to return thither. This departure of Kamran Mirza was the turning-point in the rise of Shir Khan, and in the downfall of the Chaghatai power. The Emperor strongly urged him to leave some of his officers and forces as auxiliaries, but Kamran Mirza, on the contrary, did all he could to induce those who were at Agra to go away with him, and strenuously rejected the proposal to leave his own army behind. Mir Khwaja Kilan, who was his prime minister (and a slight allusion to whose character has been made above), exerted himself to the same purpose. Kamran Mirza sent him on in advance, and then followed in person. While this was passing, Shir Khan advanced to the banks of the Ganges and crossed his army over. Kutb Khan, his son, marched towards Atava [Etawa] and Kalpi. These territories were the fiefs [ikta] of Husain Sultan, who was one of the Uzbeg Sultans,* and Yadgar Nasir Mirza, son of Sultan Nasir Mirza, the brother of the Emperor Babar, whose story has been told above. Part of Kalpi had been given to Kamran Mirza and he had sent to that district Iskandar Sultan, as his representative. These three persons advanced against Kutb Khan, who was slain in the battle, and they gained a complete victory. The Emperor now marched from Agra towards the Ganges against Shir Khan. Kamran Mirza, having placed the entire management of his own affairs in my hands, strongly urged me to return to Lahur. He represented as follows: "You left Kashghar on account of the unworthy treatment of your own people, whom you had served faithfully all your life: the result is evident. When you came to me, I treated you, in consideration of our relationship, like a brother —nay, even better: I entrusted the conduct of all my affairs to you and gave you full authority to appoint and displace, and generally to administer [my dominion]. If in these matters I have been guilty of any shortcoming, you must point it out to me, that I may make reparation. But do not, on the other hand, at such a crisis as this, when the enemy has the upper hand in my kingdom and disease in my body, withdraw the hand of brotherly compassion from acts of kindness; rather save me from these two imminent dangers, and accompany me to Lahur." Now the Emperor and myself had become friends, after the Moghul fashion, and he had given me the name of dust [friend]. In council he never addressed me by any other name, and on the firmans it was written in this manner. No one of my brothers or the Sultans of the time, who had been in the Emperor's service, had ever been honoured in such a way as was I, Muhammad Haidar Kurkan, who being the approved friend of such a prince as the Emperor, was called not merely 'brother' but was chosen as dust. Although I was already in the service of Kamran Mirza [the Emperor] acted upon my advice in all his affairs. He said: "What Kamran Mirza asks of you, with regard to escorting him [to Lahur], in consequence of the aggravated symptoms of his malady, which prevent his full comprehension of things as they are, is not an affair of yours. His going does not depend upon your accompanying him, nor are you in any way bound to go to Lahur. If he gives his illness as a reason, you are not a physician, nor have you any remedies. If he urges you on the ground of kinship, your relationship descends from the [late] Emperor, and therefore your connection with me and with Kamran Mirza is exactly equal. Consider, for the sake of justice, the truth of what I am saying to you! On the issue of this battle between myself and Shir Khan, depends the fate of all India and all the house of Babar Padishah. If, with such a conflict about to take place, you betake yourself to Lahur on account of Kamran Mirza's sickness, two things will ensue. Firstly, having escaped from the yawning abyss, you will save your own head, and by means of Kamran Mirza's feigned illness, will regain safety. All the rest will die, but you will be safe! Secondly, you being the cousin of Babar Padishah, your relationship [to his sons] is equal, and it is fitting that you should show your sympathy with the whole of the Emperor's race. In such a flight as you meditate, you will bear nobody's sorrow.* Escaping in safety to Lahur, you will thence proceed to whatever place you consider secure. If you think this conformable with the conduct of a 'friend' and a 'brother,' you may act accordingly: but know, for a certainty, that you will encounter the opposition of the people. Instead of their saying: 'In spite of Kamran Mirza's illness, he did not escort him to Lahur, but with sound judgment, took part in the Ganges campaign with the army:' they will say that you left me alone to undertake a combat, on the result of which hung the fate of the house to whom your loyalty is owing. [They will add] that giving as an excuse the illness of Kamran Mirza, you found for yourself a place of security. Besides, it is a fact that if we lose the day here, Lahur too will quickly fall." These arguments quite convinced me, and being unable to obtain Kamran Mirza's permission, I remained behind without it* Kamran Mirza himself, shamefully leaving only Iskandar Sultan with about one thousand men as auxiliaries, went off to Lahur, taking with him all the men from Agra whom he could carry with him, thus giving strength to the enemy and preparing defeat for his friends. The Imperial army reached the banks of the Ganges in the best way that it could. There it encamped and lay for about a month, the Emperor being on one side of the river, and Shir Khan on the other, facing each other. The armies may have amounted to more than 200,000 men. Muhammad Sultan Mirza, a descendant of Ulugh Mirza and Shah Mirza (who were of the house of Timur) and grandson (by a daughter) of Sultan Husain Mirza (of Khorasan), had come to India to wait upon the Emperor Babar, and had been received with every mark of kindness and royal favour. After Babar's death, he had several times revolted against Humayun; but being unsuccessful, he had sought forgiveness, and had been pardoned. Now having colluded with Shir Khan, he deserted. A new way was thus opened. Everybody began to desert, and the most surprising part of it was, that many of those who deserted did not go over to Shir Khan, and so could expect no favour from him. An excited feeling ran through the army and the cry was, "Let us go and rest in our homes." A number of Kamran's auxiliary forces also abandoned him and fled to Lahur. Among the equipments which were in the train of the Emperor were 700 carriages (gardun), each drawn by four pairs of bullocks, and carrying a swivel (zarb-zan), which discharged a ball (kalola) of 500 mithkdls weight. I, myself, saw several times that from the top of an eminence they unfailingly (bi-khatd) struck horsemen who slightly and unsuspectingly exposed themselves. And there were twenty-one carriages, each drawn by eight pairs of bullocks. Stone balls were of no use in these, but the shots were of molten brass weighing 5000 mithkdls, and the cost of each was 200 mithkdls of silver. They would strike anything that was visible at the distance of a parasang. As the army had taken to desert, it was judged better to risk a battle, than to see it go to ruin without fighting. If the result were unfavourable, we could not, at least, be accused of having abandoned an empire like Hindustan, without striking a blow. Another consideration was, that if we passed the river, desertion would no longer be possible. We therefore crossed over. Both armies entrenched themselves. Everyday skirmishes occurred between the adventurous, swaggering spirits of both sides. These proceedings were put an end to by the monsoon rains, which came on and flooded the ground, rendering it unfit for a camp. To move was indispensable. Opinions were expressed that another such a deluge would sink the whole army in the abyss of despair, and it was proposed to move to some rising ground which the inundation could not reach, and which lay in front of the enemy. I went to reconnoitre, and found a place suitable for the purpose. I said that we would, on the morrow, try the enemy on the touchstone of experience; for he ought not to attack while we were on the march, but if he should do so, it would be wrong to attempt a pitched battle while moving. The morrow would be the 10th of Moharram, and we must keep our forces well under control, until we should see if the enemy came out of his trenches and advanced against us. Then, at last, a regular pitched battle would be fought between us. The proper plan would be for us to place the mortars and swivels in front: and the gunners, nearly 5000 in number, must be stationed with the guns. If he should come out to attack us, there would be no time or place more suitable than the present, for battle. If he should not come out of his entrenchments, we must remain drawn up till about midday, and then return to our position. Next day we must act in just the same way. Then the baggage must move to the new position, and we must follow and occupy the place. This scheme of mine met with general approbation. On the 10th Moharram, 947, we mounted to carry the plan into effect, and made our dispositions. As had been determined, the carriages and mortars and small guns were placed in the centre. The command of the guns was given to Muhammad Khan Rumi, to the sons of Ustad Ali Kuli, to Ustad Ahmad Rumi and Husain Khalifa. They placed the carriages and mortars in their proper positions, and stretched chains between them. In other divisions there were Amirs of no repute— men who were Amirs [nobles] only in name. They had got possession of the country, but they had not a tincture of prudence or knowledge, or energy or emulation, or dignity of mind or generosity— qualities from which nobility draws its name. The Emperor had posted the author of this work upon his left, so that his right flank should be on the Emperor's left. In the same position he had placed a force of chosen troops. On my left all my retainers were stationed. I had 400 chosen men, inured to warfare and familiar with battle, fifty of whom were mounted on horses accoutred with armour. Between me and the river (jui-bar) there was a force of twenty-seven Amirs, all of whom carried the tugh [banner]. In this position also, were the other components of the left wing, and they must be judged of by the others. On the day of battle, when Shir Khan, having formed his divisions, marched out, of all these twenty-seven banners not one was to be seen, for the great nobles had hidden them, in the apprehension that the enemy might advance upon them. The soldiership and bravery of the Amirs may be conceived from this exhibition of courage. Shir Khan came out in five divisions of 1000 men each, and in advance of him were 3000 men. I estimated the whole as being less than 15,000, but I calculated the Chaghatai force at about 40,000, all mounted on tipchdk horses, and clad in iron armour. They surged like the waves of the sea, but the courage of the Amirs and officers of the army was such as I have described. When Shir Khan's army came out of its entrenchments, two divisions (ja.uk) which seemed to be equal to four divisions, drew up in that place, and three divisions advanced against their opponents. On our side I was leading the centre, to take up the position which I had selected; but when we reached the ground, we were unable to occupy it, for every Amir and Vazir in the Chaghatai army, whether he be rich or poor, has his camp-followers [ghnlam]. An Amir of note, with his 100 retainers and followers, has 500 servants and ghidams, who on the day of battle render no assistance to their masters and have no control over themselves. So in whatever place there was a conflict, the ghulams were entirely ungovernable. When they lost their masters, they were seized with panic and blindly rushed about in terror. In short, it was impossible to hold our ground. They so pressed us in the rear, that they drove the centre upon the chains stretched between the chariots, and they and the soldiers dashed each other upon them. Those who were behind, so pressed upon those who were in front, that they broke through the chains. The men who were posted by the chains were driven beyond them, and the few who remained behind were broken, so that all formation was destroyed* Such was the state of the centre. On the right Shir Khan advanced in battle array; but before an arrow was discharged, the camp followers fled like chaff before the wind, and breaking the line, they all pressed towards the centre. The ghulams whom the commanders had sent to the front, rushed to the lines of chariots, and the whole array was broken: the Mir was separated from his men, and the men from the Mir. While the centre was thus thrown into disorder, all the fugitives from the right bore down upon it. So before the enemy had discharged an arrow, the whole army was scattered and defeated. I had estimated the Chaghatai army as numbering 40,000 men, excluding the camp-followers [ghulam] and workmen [shdgird pisha]. They fled before 10,000 men, and Shir Khan gained a victory, while the Chaghatai were defeated on this battle-field, where not a man, either friend or foe, was wounded. Not a gun was fired and the chariots [gar dun] were useless. When the Chaghatai took to flight, the distance between their position and the Ganges might be nearly afarsdkh. All the Amirs and braves [bdhadurdn] fled for safety to the river, without a man of them having received a wound. The enemy pursued them, and the Chaghatai, having no time to throw off their armour and coats, plunged into the water. The breadth of the river might be about five bowshots. Many illustrious Amirs were drowned, and each one remained or went on, at his will. When we came out of the river, His Majesty, who at midday had a retinue of 17,000 in attendance upon his court, was mounted upon a horse which had been given to him by Tardi Beg, and had nothing on his head or feet. "Permanence is from God and dominion is from God." Out of 1000 retainers eight persons came out of the river; the rest had perished in the water. The total loss may be estimated from this fact. When we reached Agra, we made no tarry, but, broken and dispirited, in a state heart-rending to relate, we went on to Lahur. CHAPTER CXIII. FLIGHT OF THE CHAGHATAI FROM HINDUSTAN TO LAHUR. ON the 1st of Rabi I. 947, all the Sultans, Amirs and people assembled together. So great was the crowd of people that there was but little space for moving about, while it was difficult to find a lodging. High and low, each had his own ends to serve, and each made suggestions; every man of noble birth had his scheme, and all those of low parentage their ideas. Among them were Muhammad Sultan Mirza and Ulugh Mirza, who had deserted on the banks of the Gang, on the eve of the battle. Not finding any place in which they could remain, they came in a most pitiable condition to Lahur. They kept apart [from the others] and were still boasting hostility. [These two] made themselves the heads, or rather the donkeys'-heads, of a rabble of ruffians and senseless Hindus. Hindal Mirza and Yadgar Nasir Mirza likewise entered into baseless and idle plans, [saying]: We will go to Bakar and take it from Shah Husain Arghun, and with his forces will subdue Gujrat. Kamran Mirza was engrossed with devising some plan for dispersing all this assemblage, while he should repair, alone, to Kabul. Humayun Padishah for a time thought of reunion, but seeing difficulties in the way, he abandoned all hope of this, and was at a loss what to do next. [Reunion], however, was his object. At this time repeated meetings were held, out of mere hypocrisy. Union was discussed, but they had only disunion at heart; they called in the magnates and leading men, to be witnesses that no one opposed or deviated from the resolutions agreed to. Thus were summoned Khwaja Khand Mahmud,* his younger brother Khwaja Abdul Hakk and Mir Abul- baka, who were all noted for their learning and esteemed for their piety, together with many other great men, whose names it would take too long to mention individually. The Sultans, Amirs and many others were present. At first they assented to reunion and drew up a written engagement, upon the margin of which the magnates signed their names as witnesses. They then embarked upon the discussion. First of all the Emperor, pointing to me, said: "You must tell us what you consider the most suitable line of action to pursue at this moment." I represented: "When Sultan Husain Mirza of Khorasan departed this life, his seventeen sons, in consequence of their disunion, abandoned Khorasan to Shahi Beg Khan, so that to the present day they are objects of reproach to the people, and rejected of all mankind. To add to this disgrace they have all been extinguished; insomuch that within the space of one year, excepting Badi-uz-Zaman who went to Rum, not one remains alive. The late Emperor, Babar, conquered this far-stretching land of Hindustan with much exertion and toil, and on leaving this world, transmitted [the empire] to you. Would you suffer a country like Hindustan to be seized by such a man as Shir Khan? Consider what a difference there is between Hindustan with all its revenues, and Khorasan; and how inferior is Shir Khan to Shahi Beg Khan! Also remember the degree of censure you will incur from mankind! Now is the moment for you to consider your condition, and having removed your head from the collar of envy, to place it in the pocket of meditation, that you may acquire the esteem of the people. Formerly, when matters could have been arranged with ease, you put obstacles in the way, by your want of constancy and of purpose. At present it is impossible to achieve anything, without encountering untold difficulties. "I will now lay before you what seems to me your wisest course. It involves great hardships, but it is you who have made hard what was once easy. And moreover, if you do not bear patiently your present troubles, they will become yet more onerous. My advice is as follows: Shir Khan will still take four months to reach Lahur. During these four months, the mountain slopes of Hindustan should be given to the Sultans, and each one, in proportion to his share, should be made to pledge his allegiance. "Let every man attend to the particular business to which he has been appointed. Let me, for instance, be appointed to the task of subduing Kashmir, and I engage that within two months I will accomplish it. As soon as you hear of my arrival in Kashmir, let every one send his family and baggage thither, while he betakes himself to the mountains, and forms a strong position on the slopes — from the hills of Sarind to those [occupied by] Sarang.* The mortars [dig] and swivels [zarb-zan] of Shir Khan are the mainstay of his fighting power. It is impossible to bring gun-carriages into the hills, and he will not hazard a battle without them. His army, from stress of numbers, will perish for want of grain, and must perforce retreat." Kamran Mirza, frowning at these words, said: "Although what you recommend is plausible enough, it involves difficulties too great." I replied: "When I began, I represented, in excuse for myself, that the business was a difficult one. All easy methods are now out of question. Nothing but difficulties remain. If any one can suggest an easier solution, let him speak." Kamran Mirza said: "We have now with us nearly 200,000 householders [khdnavdr mardum]. Should the advice just offered be acted upon, and the attempt fail, it is probable that all this multitude will be destroyed. It is, therefore, better that the Emperor and the Mirzas should go unencumbered, either to the hills or to Kashmir, leaving their families to be conducted to Kabul by me. Having safely disposed of the families, I will return to join the army." All were bewildered by this suggestion and asked themselves, "What has now become of our oath of union? What are these sentiments? Who would think of sending his family to Kabul and himself remaining without baggage? Between Lahur and Kabul there are rivers, highway robbers, and mountains. The Mirza's scheme is quite impracticable." Although much discussion followed, Kamran Mirza did not carry a single point. Thus [ostensible] desires for union were shown to be hypocrisy, and the meeting broke up. But time passed, and meanwhile Shir Khan had reached the banks of the river of Sultanpur.* Every man chose a place of retreat for himself. The Emperor consulted with me in this exigency, and I again respectfully represented that I still held by the Kashmir plan. "At any rate," I continued, "if you allow me to go in advance, the rest can follow after, and I guarantee that I will conquer Kashmir." The Emperor then gave me leave to depart, furnishing me with what help he was able; so that with four hundred freed men and slaves, I set out for Kashmir. CHAPTER CXIV. ORIGIN OF THE AUTHOR'S EXPEDITION TO KASHMIR. IT has been observed above, that the Sultans of Kashmir had fallen under the power of their worthless Amirs, every one of whom acted in whatever way he saw fit. At the time when Kamran Mirza went to Kandahar to fight the son of Shah Ismail, as was mentioned, the chiefs [maliks] of Kashmir were engaged in mutual hostilities. Kachi Chak, Abdal Makri and Zangi Chak had been turned out of Kashmir and, having taken up their abode at the foot of the mountains of Hind, they appealed to me for help* Haji, who was mentioned in the relation of events in Tibet, acted as intermediary. Frequently, and with insistence, had I tried to convince Kamran Mirza on the subject of Kashmir. At the time of [Kamran Mirza's] march on Dehli, an army was mustered in Agra, and a certain Baba Chuchak was placed at the head of it. Haji came from Agra to Lahur with Baba Chuchak, to join in the expedition against Kashmir. But Baba Chuchak, being weak-minded and incapable, could not manage this business, and delayed in setting out till the news of the defeat on the Gang arrived. The soldiers stood fast, and Baba Chuchak was released from [the duty of] conducting the Kashmir expedition. At the time when the general assemblage took place in Lahur, Haji carried many messages to and fro, between myself on the one hand, and Abdal Makri on the other, in furtherance of my plan. All terminated in a most desirable way, and I was thus able to impress it strongly on the Emperor. I showed him the letter which had been sent me, and he became convinced that Kashmir would be conquered as soon as I should appear there. CHAPTER CXV. THE AUTHOR CONQUERS KASHMIR. ADVENTURES OF THE CHAGHATAI AFTER THEIR DEPARTURE FROM HINDUSTAN. I HAD arranged with the Emperor that I should, in the first place, proceed with a small number of men to Nau Shahr,* and that as soon as the Maliks of Kashmir should have joined me, Iskandar Tupchi should overtake me there. When I should have reached the pass, Mir Khwaja Kilan, in praise of whom I have spoken above, was to enter Nau Shahr. On my descending into Kashmir Mir Khwaja Kilan was to advance to the foot of the pass of Kashmir, while the Emperor would pitch his camp at Nau Shahr. Matters having been thus arranged, Kamran Mirza and the rest were allowed to go wherever they pleased. All being settled, I set out, and in Nau Shahr was joined by all the Maliks of Kashmir. Iskandar Tupchi was one day's journey from Nau Shahr. Mir Khwaja Kilan was in Sialkut. On the same day that I despatched a messenger to Iskandar Tupchi, news reached me that all our people had evacuated Lahur. I started in all haste: when I arrived at the foot of the pass [leading to] Kashmir, Kachi Chak ascended by one road, and we by another, and without further contention or discussion we [all] arrived at [Kashmir]. Now when Iskandar Tupchi and Mir Khwaja Kilan heard of the evacuation of Lahur, the former sought a refuge with Sarang, who was one of the Sultans of the slopes of the hills [kuh pay a] of Hind, while the latter, leaving Sialkut, went and joined the fugitives [from Lahur] . In spite of the Emperor's endeavours to reach Kashmir, he could induce no one to accompany him. Some foolish imbeciles, namely, Hindal Mirza, Yadgar Nasir Mirza and others beside, carried him off to Tatta and Bakar, to attack [basar] Mirza Shah Husain the son of Shah Beg Arghun (son of Zulnun Arghun). This Mirza Shah Husain is the same personage who was spoken of above. When Babar Padishah wrested Kandahar from Shah Beg, the latter retired to Ucha and Tatta and subdued the whole of the surrounding country. He was succeeded on his death by his son Mirza Shah Husain, who busied himself for some time in strengthening his forts and settling his country; for he was, in truth, a methodical and prudent man.* Against him it was that this blundering band marched. But being able to achieve nothing, Hindal Mirza went to Kandahar, whose governor came out to receive him. He began to boast of empire, [whereupon] Kamran Mirza marched against him, from Kabul. After some unfortunate occurrences, and being reduced to extremities, he begged Kamran Mirza to spare his life, promising that he would enter his service. Not long after this, Yadgar Nasir Mirza and Kasim Husain Sultan also fled from the Emperor and joined Kamran Mirza. The Emperor, after endless hardships and incalculable misfortunes, passed on to Irak, but up to the present time it is not known what has become of him. As for Kamran Mirza, he is at Kabul and in despair from the bufferings of fortune. My trust is in the most glorious and merciful God, that He will again raise to the throne of sovereignty Humayun Padishah, than whom there have been few greater Sultans. He has endured such suffering and misery as have fallen to the lot of few Emperors. May he make the people prosperous and contented under his benevolent shadow. It is thus written in the "Surma": that when the affairs of a great ruler go to ruin, he is himself the cause. If, as is rarely the case, the ruler be spared these calamities, his escape must be certainly attributable to his good sense. It is related, in the earlier portion of this book, that his [Huma-yun's] father, Babar Padishah, on several occasions mounted the throne of Samarkand, but as often suffered ruinous defeats. In those defeats his own head was kept safe, and finally God raised him to such power, that all the world felt his influence, while his name remains among the [immortal] Sultans. May God, having delivered Humayun Padishah from these perils and dangers, grant him similar well- being and wisdom! CHAPTER CXVI. PARTING OF THE AUTHOR FROM HUMAYUN PADISHAH. HIS MARCH AGAINST, AND CONQUEST OF KASHMIR. CONTEMPORANEOUS EVENTS, AND CONCLUSION OF THE "TARIKH-I-RASHIDI." AFTER a settlement of some kind had been arrived at among the Mirzas, I obtained, by the grace of Providence, the permission of Humayun to depart, and for the reasons above stated, started from Lahur in the direction of Kashmir. I have explained that on the 22nd of Rajab, I crossed the pass of Kashmir. This date I discovered in the words "Julus-i-ddr-ul-mulk-i-Kashmir," [ascending the throne of Kashmir]. It was the season of Sagittarius. I had scarce ascended the throne of triumph, when the snow began to fall and the face of the earth became white, while the eyes of the enemy turned dark. By the divine favour, that winter passed in quiet. Now Kachi Chak had been forced, thrice previously, to disconnect himself from the government of Kashmir. His own wife and children had not seen him, for he had left them in the care of Malik Abdal and Zangi Chak, and had gone off, thinking that, as on former occasions, his resignation and resumption of power would not be settled within a year. [Verse] . . . All the [chief] men of Kashmir, believing this too, went with him, ignoring that God gives to whomsoever He will, and takes away from whomsoever He will. [Two couplets] . . . Kachi Chak, vainly imagining that Shir Khan, by force of arms, could change the decree of the Most High God, appealed to him for aid. In the beginning of spring . ..* having obtained auxiliaries from Shir Khan, he again moved forward with a large force. Just at this juncture, and when this news was confirmed, Malik Abdal [Makri] who was the mainstay of the whole scheme, was attacked by paralysis, and migrated to the Eternal abode, so that the brunt of the affair fell on Zangi Chak. In a word, after various difficulties had been surmounted, which it would be tedious to relate in detail, we left our families in the fort of Andarkul* and went out to meet and oppose [the enemy], with a vacillating band. [Two couplets] . . . During three months we attacked their strongholds and met them in the field; till at length, Kachi Chak, having formed a junction with the auxiliaries of Shir Khan, marched boldly out of the hill district [Bdlddast] which he had fortified, and took up a position on a spot that was a halting stage. At this place the army of Kashmir, who from their outward appearance looked as if they must disperse in flight, held their ground. [On our side] [only] the Moghul army kept its position. No one expected a battle that day; most had gone off in different directions to attend to their own affairs; so that only about 250 men were present, together with a few Kashmiris who had joined the Moghuls, making in all about 300. These advanced and attacked a force comprising 5000 cavalry, two elephants, and a body of infantry more numerous than the cavalry. Falling upon their rear, [our army] began by plundering their baggage and stores. The battle was so desperate, that should I enter into the particulars, the reader would imagine I was exaggerating. Therefore, avoiding details, I will content myself with a summary account. To resume, at noonday prayers on Monday, the 8 Rabi II. 948/ we routed an army of 5000 cavalry, and several thousand foot, with a body of only 300 men. [Verses] . . . The preacher [Khatib] of Kashmir, Maulana Yusuf, found the date in Fath-i-Mukarrar [The repeated victory], for I had already once entered Kashmir and gained a victory there, as has been related. [Here follows a prayer, ending with an apology to the reader for the faults and shortcomings of the "Epitome."] APPENDIX A. EXTRACT from a paper entitled: The Square Silver Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir, by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, M.R.A.S., &c, in the Journ. Asiat. Socy. Bengal, Vol. LIV. Pt. I., No. 2, 1885, pp. 92 to 139 (see pp. 116-21). In Notes 2, p. 433 — 1, p. 441 — 1, p. 482, and in Sec. I of the Introduction, reference has been made to Mr. C. J. Rodgers' translations from Firishta's History contained in the able and interesting paper cited above. As Mirza Haidar closes his narrative somewhat abruptly, at the time of his conquest of Kashmir, I believe that a summary of the affairs of the country during his regency, will be found useful to the reader, and therefore transcribe here, that portion of Mr. Rodgers' published paper which deals with the period in question. It comprises the last ten years of Mirza Haidar's life, and is also, no doubt, the best account that exists of a little known phase of Indian history. Ndzuk Shah. 2nd Time. — After his father, Nazuk sat on the throne of the kingdom. (His father we are told was Ibrahim Shah. There is confusion again here.) He had not, however, reigned more than five or six months when Mirza Haidar Turk, having obtained a firm footing in Kashmir ruled it. In his time the Khutba was read and coins were struck in the name of Ndsir- ud-Din Muhammad Humdyun Bddshdh. (The coins of Humayun struck in Kashmir are exceedingly rare. They are exactly of the same type as those of the preceding kings. There are some small differences in the inscriptions in the arrangements of the letters. One coin has a ha in the field to the right, which I consider to be the first letter of Haidar's name. The dates of the coins fall within the period during which Mirza Haidar ruled Kashmir nominally in his master's name. But all these ten years poor Humayun was a fugitive in Sind and Persia and Affghanistan and he never derived any benefit from the fact that prayers were used in Kashmir with his name in them, and coins current with his name on them.) In the year 948 A.H.* when Humayun, flying before Sher Shah Suri, reached Lahore, Malik Abdal Makari, Zangi Chakk and other petitioners wrote about Humayun's taking Kashmir and sent the letter by the hands of Mirza Haidar. The emperor dismissed the Mirza in the direction of Kashmir and gave it out as his intention to follow shortly himself. When the Mirza arrived at Bhir he was met by Abdal Makari and Zangi Chakk. The Mirza had with him only three or four thousand horsemen, but when he arrived at Rajaori, Malik Gaji Chakk who was the ruler of Kashmir, arrived at Khabal Kartal (it is called Karmal by Erskine) and entrenched himself with from three to four thousand horsemen and 50,000 infantry. Mirza Haidar therefore changed his route and went by Pabhaj (the Panuj of Erskine) which Gaji Chakk in his pride had forgotten to defend. The Mirza crossed the mountains and descending into the plain of Kashmir took possession at once of Srinagar. Abdal Makari and Zangi Chakk finding themselves strong, busied themselves with the affairs of the kingdom, and they gave several pergunnahs to the Mirza. But just at this time Abdal Makari, died after recommending his sons to the care of the Mirza. After the arrival of Mirza Haidar in Kashmir, Malik Gaji Chakk went to Sher Shah Afghan for assistance. He obtained five thousand horsemen, over whom were Husain Sharvani and Adil Khan; and two elephants. Mirza Haidar met him between Danahdyar and Kawah, and the zephyr of victory blowing in favour of the Mirza, the Malik and his Affghan allies fled from the field and took possession of Bahramgalla. In the year 950 A.H. Mirza Haidar settled himself in the fort of Indarkot. Zangi Chakk being suspected by him fled to Gaji Chakk and in 951 A.H. the two set out, in the direction of Srinagar, determined to root out Mirza Haidar. Bahram Chakk, son of Zangi Chakk arrived first at Srinagar, but he was easily put to flight by two of the Mirza's generals, and his disorganised troops falling back on the main army Zangi Chakk and Gaji Chakk also fled and returned to Bahramgalla. After this the Mirza employed his army in invading Tibet. He took Lansur and many other large forts. In 952 A.H. Gaji Chakk and his son Muhammad Chakk died of fever and ague. This year the Mirza spent in ease. In 953 A.H. Zangi Chakk fighting with Mirza Haidar was killed. His head with the head of his son Gazi Khan were presented to Haidar. In 954 A.H. ambassadors came to the Mirza from Kashgar and he went with many nobles as far as Lar to meet them. In Lar the head of Khwaja Ujh son of Masaud Chakk was brought to him. This man had for the space of seven years been fighting in Kamraj, but at last he had desired peace. Mirza Mirak, swearing that all should be right, asked him to attend on him to make a treaty. But when Ujh came into the assembly he was stabbed by Mirak and he fled to the jungle pursued by Mirak who took his head off and sent it to Mirza Haidar. Ide Zina was far from pleased at seeing it, and, standing up in anger said, that after an oath and covenant had been made the slaughter of one man was not necessary. Haidar replied that he was not privy to the circumstances of the death. After this Mirza Haidar turned his attention to Kishtwar. Bandagan Kukah, Muhammad Makari and Yahi Zina led the van. The Mirza took up his abode at Jhapur near Kishtwar. The van, doing three days' journey in one descended on Dahlot, where the river winds, and they were not able to ford it, for the enemy too opposed them. The next day the army of Haidar made a diversion to the right in hopes of reaching Kishtwar, but when they reached the town of Dhar, gusts of cold air laden with dust came down upon them, the day became dark and the people of the town made an attack on them. Bandagan Kukah with five other men was slain. The rest of the army with a thousand exertions at last joined themselves with Haidar. The Mirza was not successful: he was obliged to retrace his steps ingloriously. In 955 he turned his attention to Tibet. Taking Rajaori he gave it to Muhammad Nazir and Nasir Ali. Pakli* he gave to Mulla Abdullah and Little Tibet* he gave to Mullah Qasim. Conquering Great Tibet,* he appointed Mulla Hasan its governor. In 956 he took the fort of Danel. At this time Adam Ghakkar came before the Mirza and asked him to pardon Daulat Chakk. He agreed to do so and Adam called Daulat into the tent. The Mirza, on his coming in, showed him no honour. For this reason Daulat became very angry, and taking away the elephant he had brought as a present, he went away. The courtiers wished to pursue him but the Mirza forbade them. After some time Haidar returned to Kashmir. Daulat Chakk and Gazi Khan and Jai Chakk went to Haidar Khan who had fled from Islam Shah to Rajaori. When Islam Shah who was pursuing the Niyazis arrived at the town of Madawar from Naoshahra, Haibat Khan Niyazi sent Sayyid Khan to him. Sayyid Khan making propositions of peace gave up the mother and son of Haibat Khan Niyazi to Islam Shah who turning back went to the town of Ban near Sialkot and agreed to the conditions. The three Kashmiris above- mentioned then took Haibat Khan to Baramula and wished to take him to Kashmir, and carry away Haidar. As Haibat did not see his way to doing this he sent a Brahman to Haidar with conditions of peace. When he had received a promise from Haidar he went to live at Hir (Nir in MS. No. 6571 opening 190 in British Museum) in Jammu and the Kashmiris went to Islam Shah. Ghazi Khan Chakk, however, went to Mirza Haidar. (It is evident that at this time the Kashmiris were tired of Haidar. They wished Islam Shah to be king. We do not read that Islam ever went so far as Kashmir. The nobles, however, must have struck coins in his name, using the formula struck in Kashmir on the reverse. I have seen two coins of Islam Shah of this time. It was a common practice to strike coins anticipating events which did not come to pass. The date on this coin is 957 A.H. It may have been struck by Haidar as a compliment to Islam Shah.) In the year 957 A.H. Mirza Haidar being at peace with his neighbours sent presents of saffron to Islam Shah by the hands of Khwajah Shams Mughal. In the following year Islam Shah sent the ambassadors back with presents of silk cloth and goods accompanied by Yasin (Basin in above MS.) as envoy. Mirza Haidar sent back Yasin laden with shawls and saffron to Islam Shah. Mirza Qarra Bahadur was appointed governor of Bhirpul (or Bharmal) and along with him were sent from amongst the Kashmiris Idi Zina and Nazuk Shah, Husain Makari and Khwajah Haji. The whole of these with Mirza Qarra came back to Indarkot and went thence to Baramula and became rebellious. The reason of this rebellion was that the Mughals (the forces of Mirza Haidar) were not acceptable to them. When the Mughals informed the Mirza of this he told them they were no less ready than the Kashmiris to rebel. Husain Makari sent his brother Ali Makari to Mirza Haidar to make excuse for the Kashmiris and to call again the army. Haidar was not aware of the condition of things, and told them that the Kashmiris were powerless and that there was no use in calling the army. On the 27th of Ramzan a great fire burst out in Indarkot. Mirza Qarra and his following sent word that their houses were destroyed, and asked for orders saying that if convenient they would rebuild their houses and next year go to Bhirpul. Mirza Haidar was displeased at this conduct. Nevertheless whether he would or not the army went towards Bhirpul. At night time, however, Idi Zina and the rest of the Kashmiris left the Mughals and came to the pass of Bhirpul and took with them Husain Makari, Ali Makari and others in order that they might not be slain by the Mughals. When it was morning the men of Bhirpul fought with the Mughals who were fastened in the mountains. Sayyid Mirza fled and went into the fort of Bhirpul. About 80 Mughals, men of note were slain in this affair. Muhammad Nazir and Mirza Qarra Bahadur were captured. The rest of the army came to Bahramgalla. When Mirza Haidar heard of this he was sorely vexed and ordered all the silver vessels to be broken and the coin now current in Kashmir was struck from them. Jahangir Makari at this time got into favour and the estates of Husain Makari were bestowed upon him. Tradespeople had horses and outfits given to them and were made soldiers. After this news came that Mulla Abdullah, hearing of the exodus of the Kashmiris, was coming to Kashmir. When he got near to Baramula the Kashmiris crowded on him and slew him. Khwajah Qasim was slain in Little Tibet. Muhammad Nazir was imprisoned in Rajaori. The Kashmiris leaving Bahram-galla came to Hambarapur. Mirza Haidar was thus forced to fight them and he came to Indarkot. He had with him only a thousand men. With him were Mughal nobles who had 700 men more. The whole took up a position in Shahab-ud- Dinpur. Daulat Chakk and Ghazi Khan Chakk went to Hambarapur to help Idi Zina and coming from that place assembled in Khanpur. Mirza Haidar took up his position in the plain of Khalidgarh near Srinagar. Fath Chakk, whose father had been slain by the Mughals, Khwajah Bahram brought, with 3,000 men to Indarkot to revenge his father's death. They burned all the palaces of Mirza Haidar in the Safa gardens. When Mirza Haidar heard of this he said, "I have not brought this from Kashgar that I might by the grace of God, again build it." Jai Ali in revenge burnt the palaces of Zain-ul-Abidin in Suryapur, but this did not please Mirza Haidar and the army burnt the palaces of Idi Zina and Nauroz Chakk in Srinagar. Mirza Haidar himself took up a position in Khanpur in which place was a willow tree under which 22 horsemen could stand. If one branch of this tree were shaken the whole tree was moved. At last the Kashmiris came from Khanpur and took up a position at Adnipur and not more than a distance of two kos remained between the two armies. Mirza Haidar determined to make a night attack on the enemy. He first of all made his own younger brother Mirza Abdur Rahman his heir- apparent and inaugurated him, then getting his men into order he prepared for the night attack. It so happened that the night was very cloudy and when he got to the tent of Khwajah Haji who was the soul of the rebellion and the agent of the Mirza, the darkness hid everything. Shah Nazar a cuirassier of Mirza Haidar said, "When I shot an arrow the voice of the Mirza fell on my ear, saying, 'you are at fault.' I then knew that the arrow had accidentally struck the Mirza." It is also said that a butcher shot him in the thigh with an arrow. In another tradition it is stated that Kamal Kuka killed him with a sword. But except an arrow-wound in his heart no other thing was visible. In reality this is the sum of the traditions. When morning dawned it became noised abroad amongst the Kashmiris that a Mughal was lying slain in their camp. When Khwajah Haji came to view the corpse, he said it was that of Haidar. He held up the head from the earth but nothing but the last breath remained. He moved his eyes and gave up the ghost. After this the Mughals fled to Indarkot and the Kashmiris buried the corpse of Haidar and then pursued the Mughals. They took refuge in Indarkot and for three days defended themselves. On the fourth day Muhammad Rumi loaded the cannon with copper coins and fired them on the enemy. Every one who was struck with them died. At last, however, Khanmai, the widow of Mirza Haidar, and her sister Khanji spoke to the Mughals and said, 'Inasmuch as Mirza Haidar has departed from our midst, it would be better to make peace with the Kashmiris." The Mughals agreed to this and sent Amir Khan, builder, to the Kashmiris to ask for peace. The Kashmiris were pleased at this and wrote a letter with oath and covenant that they would not persecute the Mughals any more. The government of Haidar Turk lasted for ten years. Ndzuk Shah. 3rd Time.— When the doors of the fort were opened, the Kashmiris went into the treasury of Mirza Haidar and plundered it, taking away the beautiful and delicate garments it contained. The family of the Mirza was taken to Srinagar and placed in the hands of Manuja. The Kashmiri chiefs then divided Kashmir between themselves. Daulat Chakk got the pargannah of Deosar, Ghazi Khan the pargannah of Wahi; Yusuf Chakk and Bahram Chakk obtained Kamraj. Khwajah Haji the wakil of the Mirza took a lakh of shawls and the whole of the nobles of Kashmir, but especially Idi Zina, took the government of the province into their hands. Nazuk Shah as a kind of shadow of a king was upheld in name. In truth Idi Zina was king. APPENDIX B. THE KARA W ANAS. SOME inquiries regarding the Karawanas, which were very kindly made for me in Khorasan by Mr. Maula Bakhsh, K.B., Attache at the Meshed Consulate General, have resulted, it would seem, in tracing some of the posterity of the Karawanas. Mr. Maula Bakhsh writes from near Asterabad: — "Only the other day, while passing through the Mana district of Bujnurd, I heard of a village called Samandarra or Karnas. This excited my curiosity and, on inquiry, I found that the village derived its name from its Karnas inhabitants, about thirty families of whom (the total population of the village) are settled there. In the Gurgan country again, which extends from Dahana-i-Gurgan on the east, to the Gunbad-i-Kabus (or Kaus) on the west, on both banks of the Gurgan river, and is occupied by the Goklan Turkomans, I found about fifty families of Karnas, and was told that there were some families in Khiva also. "These people speak Turki now, and are considered part of the Goklan Turkomans. They, however, say they are Chingiz-Khani Moghuls, and are no doubt the descendants of the same Karnas, or Karavanas, who took such a prominent part in the Moghul victories in Persia. "The word Karnas, I was told by a learned Goklan Mullah, means Tir-anddz , or Shikari (i.e., Archer or Hunter) and was applied to this tribe of Moghuls on account of their professional skill in shooting, which apparently secured them an important place in the army. In Turki the word Karnas means Sh ikam -paras t— literally 'belly worshippers/ which implies avarice. This term is in use at present, and I was told, by a Kazi of Bujnurd, that it is sometimes used by way of reproach. . . The Karnas people in Mana and Gurgan say it is the name of their tribe, and they can give no other explanation." Although the modern name has become curiously abbreviated, there appears to be little reason to doubt that these Karnas, or "shooters," represent, at any rate, the "artillerists" of Wassaf (see pp. 76, 77, Introduction). APPENDIX C. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS. ENGLAND. 1327. Edward II. deposed and murdered. 1338. Edward III. invaded France. 1346. Battle of Crecy. 1356. Batde of Poictiers. 1371. Stuart dynasty established in Scotland. 1377. Accession of Richard II. 1399. Deposition of Richard II. 1403. Battle of Shrewsbury. 1413. Accession of Henry V. 1415. Battle of Agincourt. 1422. Henry VI. proclaimed king of France. 1461. Edward IV. becomes king. 1485. Battle of Bosworth Field. Tudor dynasty founded. 1509. Death of Henry VII. 1512. Henry VIII. invades France. 1520. Field of the Cloth of Gold. 1534. Papal authority abolished. 1547. Accession of Edward VI. 1553. Accession of Mary. 1558. Accession of Elizabeth. CONTINENTAL EUROPE. 1328. Valois dynasty founded in France. 1358. Turks first cross the Hellespont. 1378. The Papacy restored in Rome. 1385. Independence of Portugal. 1396. Crusade in Hungary against the Turks. 1403. Sultan Bayazid defeated by Timur. 1428. Joan of Arc delivers Orleans. 1436. Supposed date of invention of printing. 1453. Constantinople taken by the Turks. 1462. Ivan III. becomes Prince of Muscovy. 1467. Bombs and mortars invented in Italy. 1478. Khans of Crimea submit to Turks. 1482. Ivan III. becomes first Tsar of Muscovy. 1483. Cape of Good Hope discovered. (Portugal). 1492. Discovery of America. (Spain). 1501. Naples subdued by France. 1516. Charles V. ascends the throne of Spain. 1517. Egypt conquered by Turks. 1523. Gustavus Wasa becomes king of Sweden. 1529. Vienna besieged by the Turks. 1533. Ivan IV. (the Terrible) succeeds as Tsar. 1545. Council of Trent assembles. 1552. Treaty of Passau. 1584. Death of Ivan the Terrible. INDIA. 1325. Death of Mahom. Tughluk, founder of Tughluk dynasty of Delhi. 1398. Timur invades India. 1450. Lodi dynasty of Afghans. 1498. Arrival of Vasco de Gama at Malabar. 1509. Albuquerque becomes viceroy of Portuguese India (d. 1519). 1526. Baber founds Moghul (Chag-hatai) Empire. 1530. Humayun succeeds. 1538. Turkish attack on Portuguese at Diu. 1540. Humayun defeated by Shir Khan at Kanauj. 1540. Rule of Afghan Sur dynasty begins. 1555. Return of Humayun to India. 1556. Accession of Akbar. CHINA. 1333. Accession of Ching-tsung (or Tohan Timur), last Emperor of Mongol dynasty. 1368. Ming dynasty established. Emperor Hung Wu. Capital at Nanking. 1403. Yung Loh, 2nd Ming Emperor, changes capital to Peking. 1536. Macao granted to the Portuguese. 1580. (abt.) Jesuit missions first established. 1644. Ming dynasty ends. PERSIA. 1380 Invaded by Timur. 1399. Invaded by Timur. 1468. Conquered by Turkomans. 1501. Sufavi dynasty founded by Shah Ismail. 1519. Ismail conquers Georgia. 1525. Accession of Shah Tahmasp. 1576. Ismail II. succeeds. APPENDIX TO THE RE-ISSUE. IN Section IV. of the Introduction I have endeavoured to show that the so-called Moghuls in the fifteenth century, and even in the first half of the sixteenth, were in fact Mongols, and preserved, as far as the mass of the people was concerned, their racial characteristics. It had often been represented that they had become Turks both in type and language since about the days of Timur, but Mirza Haidar's evidence on the point was entirely opposed to this view, and it convinced me that the Moghuls of his day could not be classed as Turks. I endeavoured also to support the conclusion that the Mongol type could not be eradicated within a period of less than two centuries (see page 81) by such testimony as was forthcoming from other sources, and on general grounds of probability ;* but I was not aware at that time (1894) of the existence of certain Mongol settlements in Khorasan and Herat where living testimony to the correctness of my arguments might be seen even at the present day. It is, however, a fact that communities of Mongol race and type are living now— some 500 instead of barely 200 years beyond the time when they have been said to have been absorbed— who have nevertheless been Musul-mans for the whole of the longer period, and have inhabited a country where the surrounding population has been entirely Musulman, albeit of various nations. It was only on returning to Khorasan, in the spring of 1895, that I became acquainted with these relics of the days of Chingis Khan, and had an opportunity of visiting some of them. The places where these settlements are to be found are: (1) Sangbast, about 20 miles south- east of Meshed; (2) Nasar-i-Kurlas, some 20 to 24 miles north of Turbat-i-Haidari, and about 10 miles east of the pass of Godar-i-Bedar on the main road leading thence to Meshed; (3) some other spots within the Turbat-i-Haidari district; (4) some odd settlements in the Kain district; (5) at Kuhsan, near the frontier of Herat and Khorasan; and (6) round about the city of Herat. The few particulars I have refer only to those at Sangbast and Nasar-i-Kurlas, and they may be given separately in the form of brief extracts from my notebook: "The whole of the walled enclosure of modern Sangbast would contain perhaps about 200 people, mostly in a state of great poverty and occupying wretched hovels among the ruins. They are nearly all either Moghuls or Hazaras. Though the two races live together, it appears that they seldom intermarry, and usually neither of them intermarry with other inhabitants of Khorasan. Still, this has not been an invariable rule of late years, from what they themselves say and from the type of countenance of some of those who claim to be Moghuls. The bulk of those I saw had unmistakable Mongolian features — so much so, that it was difficult to distinguish them from the Hazaras. They spoke Mongol freely among themselves (though to what degree corrupted I know not) and their mullah professed to write it, but when he wrote some sentences, at my request, they were in Persian characters. He did not know the Mongol written character, but produced his Mongol words in Persian letters. A few words and phrases that I happened to remember the Mongol for, I repeated to him in Persian, and he translated them correctly, without a moment's hesitation. "The mullah had no trace of the Mongol in his face. His story was that the few families at Sangbast came, within the present generation (some forty years ago), from Herat, where a fairly large number of Mongols, or Moghuls, are still to be found. There are also a few other small communities settled in this part of Khorasan, but all seemed to have come from Herat in very recent times. The first man I spoke to called himself and his people here Chingizi (pronounced Changizi) or Chingiz-Khani. The mullah, however, said it was a very common thing among the Moghuls to call themselves Chingizi* but in reality this community was composed of Mangut— they were descendants of the Mangut, who were a tribe of Moghuls. He continued that there were many other Moghul tribes, besides the Mangut, of whom he recited the following: — Hukki. Guzlak. Burghut. Kulas (sic, perhaps Kurlas?). Jaotu. Ike Arwan. Jaghatai. Taghari. Laghzi. Zi Sharka (or Zai Sharka, said to mean Fighters). Beiri. Nabjin. Uzbeg. Jawak. Sadar Tukuz (Turki? "Nine heads"). Mar da. No Laki (in Persian, 9 laks - 900,000) . The two last can hardly be the names of Mongol tribes in any case; and it is evident, moreover, from some of the other names in his list, that the mullah is not clear as to who are Moghuls and who are not. Neither Uzbegs nor Manguts were Moghuls, for instance; and if his people here are really Manguts, how do they come to speak Mongol? The mullah added that the Hazara or Barbari were also a branch of the Moghuls, but he knew nothing of their origin, or how they came to be settled in Afghanistan. "The Karawanas are known by name to the Moghuls. All those present recognised it immediately I mentioned it, but pronounced it Karaonds, exactly as written by Marco Polo. They could give no explanation of the name or of who the Karaonas were, though the mullah believed them to have been a section of the Moghuls. They seemed to know of none now-a-days in existence." "At Nasar-i-Kurlas the Moghuls also give themselves the name of 'Chingizi.' They maintain that 400 years ago they came from 'Turkistan' to the number of 12,000. Of these, 5000 settled about Herat and Kuhsan, 5000 in Kain, and 2000 in the Turbat-i-Haidari district.* At that time all were nomads— tent-dwellers. During the reign of Nadir Shah (say the middle of the 18th century) the Turbat-i-Haidari communities became settled in houses at the spot now known as Nasar-i-Kurlas. "Kurlds, they say, is the tribal name; but their head man holds a firman dated 1119 Hijra, from Shah Husain Safani, in which the following four tribes are mentioned: — Tukalli. Kurlas. Chahardui. Yakubi. though in the body of the document certain Yakubi are mentioned 'in addition' to the rest. This firman endorses one issued by Shah Tahmasp dated 1071 Hijra* The firman of Husain remits taxes from the above tribesmen, who are described as II— or nomad tribesmen. "The name Nasar or Nasr means the 'cold side' or Yeldk, the opposite to which is (commonly in Khorasan) called Aftab Ruh, or, vulgarly, Pitau, which is only a corruption of Aftab.* Thus Aftdb Ruh would mean 'Facing the Sun,' and Nasar 'Back to the Sun,' or 'Looking North.' "The Kurlas Moghuls say that the Moghuls at Kuhsan call themselves Chaghatai, but that they are really Kurlas Moghuls. "The Kurlas at Nasar put their own number at about 150 families, and in neighbouring villages at some fifty families more; but these figures are probably in excess of the reality. They seem to retain comparatively little of the Mongol language. "In the Kain region the number is said now to be 2000 to 3000 families, some of whom, however, appear to be settled in Sistan. They are still known as Kurlds and Moghul." In connection with these Moghul communities in Khorasan, and with the remarks on the Hazara at p. 80 (Introduction), of the Tdrikh-i-Rashidi, it may perhaps be worth while to mention the view of the origin of his people which was held by a chief of the Hazara of Turbat-i-Jam, who died in 1894. The pith of a statement which he made to my munshi (Mirza Abdulla) was that the present Hazara belonged to one of the chief sections, or largest tribes, of the Moghuls. They rebelled against Chingiz Khan, who ordered them to be removed from Moghulistan to the Kohistan of Kabul. This order was being carried out, but Chingiz died just as the Hazara had crossed the Oxus. One of Chingiz's sons [descendant may be meant] moved part of them to the Kohistan of Kabul; but some effected their escape and settled in Badghis. With regard to the modern use of the names Hazara and Barbari, it may not be out of place to explain here that in Afghanistan the former is used exclusively, as far as I am aware. It is applied to all Hazaras, and the word Barbari is never heard. In Persia the two names refer to one and the same race, but the distinction is between (1) those members of it who have remained in the Hazarajat of Afghanistan, and are Shiah by religion; and (2) those who have migrated into Persia, and are usually Sunni. The former (contradictory though it may seem) are known as Barbari and the latter as Hazara. No Hazara or Barbari, it may be added, should properly be classed among the Chahar Aimak (or Four Tribes) as is so often done. These consist, according to all local authorities, of the Jamshidi, the Timuri, the Taimuni, and the Firuz-Kuhi, who are all distinct from the Hazara nation, as well in descent as in type and other respects. REMOVED FROM CHAPTER CAN SERVE AS FOOTNOTES FOR IT. Nor can any be brought down below say 1200, which is probably the date of that of Payech. . . The style during these six centuries is so uniform that it may be taken as one, for the purposes of general history." If we assume Mirza Haidar's description to refer to this, the largest of the temples, it may be interesting to compare Mr. Fergusson's account with it. He says: "The temple itself is a very small building, being only 60 feet in length, by 38 feet in width. The width of the facade, however, is eked out by two wings, or adjuncts, which make it 60 feet." He then cites General Cunningham, who estimated its height to be also 60 feet when complete, thus making each dimension 60 feet. Mr. Fergusson doubted if the temple ever had a roof. No fragments of a roof have been found in modern times on the floor of the temple, and judging from the tenuity of the walls, and the large voids they include, he doubted if they could have supported a stone roof. If, indeed, there was a roof he believed it must have been of wood. The courtyard that surrounds and encloses the temple, was regarded by Mr. Fergusson as a more remarkable object than the temple itself. Its internal dimensions he gives as 220 feet by 142 feet. On each face is a central cell which, if complete, would have reached to 30 feet in height, at the summit of its roof, while the pillars on each side of the cells are 9 feet high. No inscription has been found on the Martand ruin, and its date has been fixed from historical records only. Mr. T. G. Vigne who published, in 1842, a narrative of his travels in Kashmir, had measurements made of the Martand temple, and records that the greatest length— that of the side walls— was about 270 feet, while that of the front was 168 feet. The height of the pillars, including foot and capital, he made barely 10 feet, and the huge blocks of limestone of which the temple was built, 6 to 9 feet in length, "of proportionate solidity, and cemented with an excellent mortar." His measurements of the side walls and front, evidently refer to the outer en- closure, and not to the temple itself. They are somewhat in excess of those given by Mr. Fergusson, but this discrepancy may be accounted for by Mr. Vigne having perhaps measured the outside of the walls, while Mr. Fergusson particularly mentions that his figures relate to the interior of the enclosure. But however this may be, the Brobdingnagian proportions of Mirza Haidar's account have to be considerably pared down in every instance, as is usually the case with statements made in figures by Asiatics. The chief interest that his description possesses is, that it is one of the oldest notices of the Kashmir ruins that have come down to us— perhaps the oldest from the pen of any Musulman, or foreign, writer. As regards the question of the roof, if our author's account were otherwise exact, his particular mention of the existence of a dome would be important; but judging from the inaccuracy of his other statements, this one can scarcely deserve much consideration. (See Fergusson's Hist, of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 1876, pp. 279 seqq.; Vigne's Travels in Kashmir, i., pp. 385-6; also Moorcroft, ii., pp. 239 seqq.; and an interesting paper by Mr. W. Simpson, in the Journal of the Inst, of Brit. Architects for May, 1862.)